ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ሎሚ’ኳ መንቀልን ሸቶን  ናይዚ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ስለ ዝተነጸረ፡ ኣብ እንታይነቱን ከመይነቱን ዝቐርብ ብዙሕ ሕቶ የለን። ቅድሚ 29 ዓመታት ኣብ እዋን ናጽነት ኤርትራን ውድቀት ደርግን ግና፡ መብዛሕትኡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ “ናይ ሽዑ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ፡ ናይ  ሎሚ ህግዲፍ መሰዋእትን ሕድርን ደቀይ ክሒዱ ክጠልመኒ እዩ”፡ ዝብል ስግኣት ስለ ዘይነበሮ፡ ነቶም ካብ መጀመርታኡ ካብ ተመኩሮ ብዘዋህለልዎ ኣፍልጦ፡ ተወዲቦም ዝቃወምዎ ዝነበሩ ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት፡ “ሎሚኸ ቃልሲ ተወዲኡ እንከሎ፡ እንታይ ደልዮም እዮም ደገደገ ዝብሉ ዘለዉ፡ ብመንግስቲ ዝተዋህቦም ምሕረት ተጠቒሞም፡ በብውልቆም  ተማእዚዞም ዓዶም ክኣትዉዶ ይጽውዑ ኣየለዉን?” ዝብል ሕቶ ይቐርቦም ነይሩ እዩ። ቀንዲ ዕማም ናይቶም ካብ  ሸዑ ጀሚሮም ኣንጻር ህግዲፍ ዝተሰለፉ ወገናት ግና “እተጽግበኒ ቅጫስ ኣብ መቑለኣ እንከላ እፈልጣ” ከም ዝበሃል፡ እቲ ዝተታሕዘ ኣገባብ ምምሕዳር፡ ንናጻን ሓዳስን ሃገረ-ኤርትራ ዘይምጥንን ንፍረ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘየውሕስን ምዃኑ ስለ ዝተረድኡ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሶም ቀጺሎም።

ኣብ ጽባሕ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ቀንዲ ዕላማ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት፡ መንቀልን ሸቶን  ቃልሶም እንታይ ምንባሩ ምብራህ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብቲ መስርሕ መንቀሊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ኣብ ምንጻር ዝሕግዙ ምዕባለታት ብክልተ ሸነኻት ክገሃዱ ክኢሎም። እቲ ሓደ ሸነኽ፡ እቲ ዘይሕለል ጽዕጹዕ ጐስጓስ ብዛዕባ ጸረ ህዝቢ ባህርያትን ኣተሓሳስባን ጉጅለ ኢሳያስ ናይ ምርዳእ ጻዕሪ ናይቶም ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ዝቃለሱ ዝነበሩን ዘለዉን ኤርትራውያን ውዱባት ኣካላት ኮይኑ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ  ምምሕዳር ኢስያስ ኣፈወርቂ፡ ሓቢእዎ ዝኸይድ ዝነበረ ጸረ ህዝቢ ባርያቱ በብእዋኑ እንዳተቓልዐን እናተጋህደን ክመጽእ ክኢሉ። ብትእዛዝ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ማይ ሓባር መሰሎም ዝሓተቱ  ናይ ውግእ ሓርበኛታት ምስተረሸኑ፡ እቲ ተግባር ህዝቢ ዘሰንበደ፡ ዘቖጠዐን ንኣረሜንነት ኢሳይስ ዘቃልዐን ፍጻመ ነይሩ።

እዚ ናይ ክልቲኡ ኣቕጣጫታት ተረኽቦ ተደሚሩ ከኣ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ “ክሳብ ተኣምን ኪድ ካብ ዘይትኣምን ተመለስ፡ እዚ ሰብኣይ በዓል ደሓና ኣይኮነን” ዝብል ግንዛበ ሰሪጹን ኣስፋሕፊሑን። መንቀሊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን፡ ወጽዓን ጭቆናን ናይቲ ኣብ ናጽነት ክሕባእ ዝፈተነ ትዕቢተኛ ጉጅለ ምንባሩ ከኣ ብብሩህ ተራእዩ። ምስዚ ኩሉ ግና እቲ መንቀሊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሩህ ክነሱ፡ ህግዲፍ ነቲ ሓቂ ከይርእዩ ብትዕቢትን ትምክሕትን ዘዕወሮም “ርእዮም ከምዘይረኣዩ” ክኾኑ ዝፈተኑ ኣዝዮም ውሑዳት ኤርትራውያን ኣይነበሩን ሕጂውን የለዉን ማለት ኣይኮነን። እቲ ተመሊሱ ተስፋ ዝህብ ግና ካብዞም ተዓሽዮም “ወሰደየ ወዲ ኣፎም በዓል ስረ” ዝብሉ ዝነብሩ፡ ሎሚ ኣብ መስርዕ ተቓውሞ ተሰሊፎም ይቃለሱ ምህላዎም እዩ።

ቃልስና ንጹር መንቀሊ ካብ ሃለዎ፡ ዘዕውቶ ሸቶ ወይ መዓርፎ ክህልዎ ከኣ  ባህርያዊ እዩ። በዚ መሰረት ናይዚ መመሊሱ ዝጉህር ዘሎ፡ 2ይ ምዕራፍ ቃልስና ሸቶ፡ ናይ ጽባሕ ኤርትራ፡ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን ምዕቃብ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ናይ ጭቆና ትካላቱን ምውጋድ፡ ድሕሪ ውድቀቱ ኣብዘሓ-ሰልፋዊ ስርዓት ምትካልን ኣብ ኤርትራ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ምርግጋጽ፡ መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ምውሓስን ዝኣመሰሉን ዝርከብዎም ምዃኖም ብሩህ  እዩ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ መሰረታዊ ዕላማኡ ነዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ኤርትራዊ ሽቶ ምውሓስ ምዃኑ ካብ ዘረጋግጹ ሰነዳቱ፡ ኣብ ራኢኡ፡ “ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ከም ኣካል ሃገራውን ዲሞክራስያውን ፖለቲካዊ ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ደምበ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ፡ ኣብ ቅድመ ግንባር ተሰሊፉ፡ ንምልክን ሰረታቱን ካብ ስሩ ኣልጊሱ፡ ኣብ ክንዳኡ፡ ንኹሉ ናጽነታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘውሓሰ፡ ንኤርትራዊ ሓድነትን  ልዑላውነትን  ዝከላኸልን ዝዕቅብን፡ ስሙርቲ፡ ብልጽግትን ቅዋማዊትን ሃገረ ኤርትራ ክሃንጽ ዝቃለስ ሰልፊ እዩ” ዝብል ምስፋሩ ከም ኣብነት ምጥቃሱ ይከኣል።

እቲ ኣብ መንጎ መንቀልን ሸቶን ናይ ቃልስና ዘሎ ርሕቀትን ዝበልዖ ግዜን እንተ  ክነውሕ ወይ ክሓጽር ዝውስን እቲ ንሕና ኣንጻር ምምሕዳር ኢሳያስ እነድመዖ እዩ። እዚ መስርሕዚ፡ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ንሕናን ህዝብናን ነቲ ኣራዊት ጉጅለ ንምንብርካኽ፡ በቲ ካልእ ከኣ እቲ ጉጅለ ንከይሰዓር ሓያል ምትሕንናቕ  ዝረኣየሉ እዩ። ኣብ መወዳእትኡ ግና ናይ ህዝቢ ተዓዋትነት ዘይተርፍ ስለ ዝኾነ ተሰዓርነት ህግዲፍ ውሁብ እዩ። እዚ ካብ መንቀሊ ቃልስና ክሳብ ምውሓስ ሸቶና ዝኽየድ ጉዕዞ፡ ሕልኽልኻት ዝመልኦ፡ ናይ ብዙሓት ተሳትፎ ዝሓትት፡ ናይቶም ናይ ሓባር ዕላማ ስለ ዘለዎም ብሓባር ክቃለሱ ዝግበኦም ኣካላት ስጥመት፡ ኮታ መትከል ፍልልያዊ ሓድነት ጐሊሑ ክረኣየሉ ዝግባእ መድረኽ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ብዙሓት ተሻረኽቲ ኣካላት ዝፍተንሉ እዩ።

እቲ ንህዝብና ደም እንዳንበዐ፡ ካብ ንቡር ኣተሃላልዋ ወጺኡ፡ ነብሱ ሓቢኡ፡ ጭንጭራዓበደ ዝጻወት ዘሎ መራሒ ናይዚ ኤርትራዊ ጠላም ጉጅለ፡ እዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ናይ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ቃልሲ፡ ንቀጻልነቱ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝውስን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ንምብርዓኑ ኩሉ ዓቕሙን ንብረቱን ዘዋፍረሉ ምዃኑ ካብቲ ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ናይ ዓቕሊ ጽበትን ምህዳም ካብ ሓቅን ተግባራቱ ምግንዛብ ይከኣል። ነዚ ድሌቱ ንከዕውት ክኣስር፡ ክስውር፡ ክቐትል፡ ኩሉ መሰላት ክነፍግ፡ ምናልባት እውን ነቲ ዋጋ መስዋእቲ ብዙሓት ዝኾነ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ኣብ ሓደጋ ከእቱ ንድሕሪት ከምዘይበል ካብቲ ክትኣምኖ ዘጸግም መደረታቱ ተረዲእናዮ ኣለና። እቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዘርእዮ ዘሎ ኩለመዳያዊ ንዕቀት ከኣ ኮነ ኢሉ ሃንዲሱ ዝስረሓሉ ዘሎ እዩ።

ድሕሪ ሕጂ እዚ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ጸረ ህዝቢ ጉጅለ፡ ብናቱ ብርታዐን ተሰማዕነትን ዝሓሰቦ ከተግብር  ዘለዎ ዕድል ኣዝዩ ዝጸበበ ምዃኑ፡ ኣይኮነንዶ ንዓና ንዓኡ እውን ንጹር እዩ። ኣብ ክንዲ ነዚ ውድቀቱ ተቐቢሉ ሞቱ ዝጽበ፡ መቐጸሊ ዕድመ ንምርካብ ዳምዳም ካብ ምባል ዓዲ ከምዘይዕል ግና ርዱእ እዩ። ካብቲ ኣብ ስልጣን ንከቐጽሎ ተስፋ ኣንቢሩ ዝሰርሓሉ ዘሎ ምርጫታት ሓደ ከኣ፡ ናትና ናይቶም ንለውጢ ንቃለስ ዘለና ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ድኽመትን ብሓብር ክንቃለሶ ዘይምብቃዕን ምምዝማዝን ኣብ ክንዲ ምቅርራብና ምርሕሓቕና ንክሰፍሕ ምጽዓትን እዩ።

ስለዚ ቀንዲ ህልዊ ጸገምና፡ ካበይ ነቒልካ ኣበየናይ ሽቶ ከም እትበጽ ዘይምርዳእ ዘይኮነ፡ በቲ ናብ ዓወት የብጸሓኒ ዝበልካዮ ናይ ለውጢ ጐደና፡ በቲ ዝድለ ፍጥነትን ስጥመትን ብቐጻሊ ክትስጉም ዘይምብቃዕ እዩ። እዚ ድኹም ጐድኒዚ ከኣ ተስፋ ኣቑሪጹ ካብ ቃልሲ ዘብኩረና ወይ ከኣ ካልእ እቲ ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ዝምዝምዞ ኣቋራጭ መንገዲ ክንሕዝ ዘገድደና ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ከነዕርዮ ዝግበና እዩ። ንቃልስና መሪር ዝገብሮ ከኣ ከምዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ፡ ካልእ መተካእታ ዘይብሎም ብደሆታት ናይ ምስጋር ህልኽን ጽንዓትን ዘጠቓልል ብምዃኑ እዩ።

May 14, 2020 News

LONDON/ADDIS ABABA (Thomson Reuters Foundation) – Eritrean activists sued the European Union (EU) on Wednesday and asked it to halt 80 million euros in aid to the east African nation, saying the money funded a scheme built on forced labour.

The Netherlands-based foundation Human Rights for Eritreans (FHRE) filed a lawsuit to the Amsterdam district court, accusing the EU of financing a major road renovation project that relies on forced labour and of failing to carry out due diligence.

Some of the labourers belong to Eritrea’s national service, condemned as forced labour and slavery by the United Nations and European Parliament, according to lawyers backing the lawsuit.

The Netherlands is host to a large number of Eritrean migrants and pays toward the project as a member of the EU.

The European Commission – the EU’s executive arm – said in response that it reserved the right to establish its legal and factual arguments before the Amsterdam court, in accordance with applicable law.

A spokeswoman said it was guided by EU principles such as democracy and the rule of law, as well as international law.

Eritrea’s information minister, Yemane Ghebremeskel, questioned the credibility of the FHRE and said the lawsuit was typical of its “demonisation campaigns”.

“The accusations emanate from a very small but vocal group, mostly foreigners who have an agenda of ‘regime change’ against Eritrea,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by email.

Eritrea signed a peace deal with Ethiopia in 2018, raising expectations that a long-standing system of universal conscription would be scaled back. Yet Human Rights Watch last year said no changes had been made to a “system of repression”.

UNLAWFUL

The Dutch law firm backing the lawsuit – Kennedy Van der Laan (KVDL) – said it was seeking court rulings that the roads project was unlawful and that the EU should cease support.

“The EU has normalized and given an acceptable face to a practice which has been universally condemned by the international community and is a clear violation of the most fundamental human rights norms,” the firm said in a statement.

Emiel Jurjens, an attorney at KVDL, said the FHRE raised the issue in April 2019 with the EU, which rejected its criticism before announcing further funding for the project in December.

He said the European Parliament was set to vote on Thursday on a motion to freeze EU development spending to Eritrea.

The 80 million euros ($87 million) fund a project to reconnect Ethiopia and Eritrea following the peace deal and was dispersed in two tranches last year from the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa.

Yet despite acknowledging the labour would be performed by members of Eritrea’s national service, the EU refuses to do due diligence, has no oversight of the project, and relies on information provided by the government, according to KVDL.

Rights groups and Western governments have said the system of conscription amounts to indefinite military service that forces thousands of Eritreans to flee the country each year.

Many head for Europe, which hopes that by funding work at home it can curb the flow of African migrants to its shores.

Source=https://eritreahub.org/eritrean-activists-sue-eu-for-funding-roads-built-with-forced-labour

እዚ ሕጂ እውን ቅርቡነቱን ናህሩን ከይቀየረ፡ ንኹሉ ውዲታትን ማሕለኻታትን እንዳጠሓሰ ዝቕጽል ዘሎ ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ እቲ ዝበለሐ ኣንፈቱ ኣብ 60ታት እዩ ጀሚሩ። ኣብቲ በሊሕ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝጀመረሉ ግዜ፡ ናይቶም ጀመርቲ ቁጽሪ ውሑድ፡ ነቲ ቃልሲ ኣበይ ከም ዘብጽሕዎ ተረድእኦም ድሩት፡ ዕጥቆም ውሑድን ድሑርን፡ ብኣንጻሩ ጸላኢኦም፡ ብዙሕ፡ ክሳብ ኣፍንጫኡ ዝተዓጥቀን ብዙሓት ናይ ግዳም “ኣጆኻ ኣለናልካብ” በሃልቲ ዝነበርዎን ምንባሩ ፍሉጥን ብዙሓት ናይ ታሪኽ ተመራመርቲ ዝቐመርዎን  ሓቂ እዩ።

ምስዚ ኩሉ ሕጽረትን ዘይምምጥጣንን ግና ፡ እቶም ነዚ ኣብ መስርሕ ኣዝዩ ቃልቃል ዝበለ ቃልሲ ዝጀመርዎ፡ ንሳቶም ጀሚሮም ንሳቶም ዝውድእዎ ዘይኮነስ፡ ናብ ወለዶታት ዝሰጋገር፡ ናይ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ዕዳ ምንባሩ ይፈልጡ ነይሮም። ተረድእኦም ከምኡ ስለ ዝነብረ ከኣ፡ ነቲ ሽግ ቃልሲ  ናብ ቀጻሊ ወለዶ  ናይ ምርካብ ድሉዉነት ዝውንኑ ምንባሮም ቀንዲ ናይ ብቕዓቶም መለክዒ ምንባሩ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ሳላ ከምኡ ዓይነት ተረድኦ ዝነብሮም ከኣ እቲ ንሳቶም ዝወልዕዎ ሽግ ቃልሲ ኣይቀሃመን። ብዙሓት እንዳተቐባበሉ ሳላ ዝቐጸልዎ ከኣ ናጻን ልኡላዊትን ኤርትራ ኣውሒሱ። እቲ ናይ ሽግ ቃልሲ ምቅብባልን ናይ ተመኩሮ ምርኽኻብን መስርሕ ግና፡ ሰጥ ዝበለ ጐልጐል ኣይነበረን። ብሰንኪ ኮርኳሕ ምንባሩ ከኣ ክቡር ዋጋ ኣኽፊሉና እዩ። ናይቲ ዘይተዳላይ ዋጋ ዘኽፈለን ናህሪ ቃልሲ ዘደነጐየን ተመኩሮ፡ ናይ ግድን ተሓተቲ ኣለዉዎ። እንተኾነ ናይዚ ተሓታትነት ምጽራይ ሎሚ ቅድሚት ዝመጽእ ዕማም ዘይኮነ፡ ንናይ ታሪኽ ተመራመርትን ክኢላታትን ተገዲፉ፡ ብምሉእ ቀልብና ንቕድሚት ኣብ እነማዕድወሉ ግዜ ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ናይ ትማሊ፡ ሎምን ጽባሕ ሕሳባት ምድብላቕ ግና ከምዚ ሓሓሊፉ ከጋጥመና ዝጸንሐ ኣብ ዘይውጻእ ዕንክሊል እዩ ዘንብረና።

መስርሕ ቃልስና፡ ተቓለስቲ እንዳተቐባበሉ ዘቐጸልዎ ናይ ወለዶታት ሓላፍነት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ብደረጃ ሸቶ እውን ሓደ ሸቶ ኣመዝጊብካ ናብቲ ቀጻሊ ምዕራፍ ብምስጋር ክመሓደር ዝጸንሐን ጌና ቀጻሊ ዘሎን ሰንሰለታዊ መስርሕ እዩ። ከም መርኣያ ናይዚ ከኣ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ፡ ነቲ ናይ ዲክታቶር ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ከይድካ ናይ ጣዕሳ ዝመስል ዘርባዕባዕ ገዲፍካ፡ ንድሕሪት ኣብ ዘይምለስ ባይታ ደልዲሉ ምርጋጹ፡ ሕቶ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ሰላም፡ ልምዓት፡ ምኽባር መሰረታዊ ሰብኣውን ዲሞክራስያውን መሰላትን በሪኽ ህዝባዊ ወሳንነትን ከኣ፡ ጌና ኣብ መስርሕ ዘለዉ፡ ካብ ልኡላውነት ሃገር ኣትሒትካ ዘይረኣዩ ዛዕባታት እዮም። ምኽንያቱ ልኡላውነት ሃገርን ህዝብን ፈላሊኻ ዘይረኣዩን እቲ ሓደ ብዘይቲ ካልእ ጐደሎ ስለ ዝኾኑ።

እቲ ምትኽኻእ ወለዶታት ኣብ ቃልሲ ቀጻሊ ኮይኑ፡ ብፍላይ ጐሊሑ ዝረኣየሉ መሰጋገሪ ምዕራፍት ኣለዎ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ቃልስና ድሕሪ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ምርግጋጹ፡ እቲ ናብዚ ዝበጽሐ ወለዶ፡ ንቐጻሊ ዕማም ነቲ ቀጻሊ ወለዶ ከረክበሉ ዝግበኦ ጥጡሕ  እዋን ነይሩ። እንተኾነ እቲ ብመስርሕ ሓላፍነት ከረክብ ዝግበኦ ዝነበረ፡ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዝቐላሲኡ ጉጅለ፡ ብስስዐ ስለ ዝዓወረ፡ “ሎሚ እውን ኣነ እየ ዋና” ዝዓይነቱ ምስ መድረኽ ዘይቃዶ ሕማም ስለ ዝሓደሮ ኣይተኻእለን። ከምኡ ብሰንኪ ምዃኑ ከኣ፡ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን በቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝኸፈልዎ እሞ ክሕበንሉ ዝግበኦም ዋጋ፡ ዳርጋ ኣብ ዝጠዓስሉን ዝሓፍርሉን ኩነታት ወዲቖም ኣለዉ።

እቲ ናይ ወለዶታት ናይ ቃልሲ ምርኽኻብ ኩሉ ግዜ ብጽቡቕ ድሌትን ጥጡሕ መንገድን ኣይፍጸምን እዩ። እቲ ከረክብ ዝግበኦ ከም ህግዲፍ ኣብ ተመኩሮና፡ ዘልሓጥሓት ክብል እንከሎ፡ እቲ ተረኪብካ ናይ ምቕጻል ሕድርን ሓላፍነትን ዘለዎ መንእሰይ ወለዶ፡ ብሕዝግድፍ ዘይኮነ፡ ተወዲቡን ስኑ ነኺሱን ናብ “ኣነ እየ በዓል ሕድሪ እሞ ኣረክበኒ” ናይ ምድፋእ ሓላፍነት ኣለዎ። ክንዝንገዖ ዘይግበኣና  እዚ ስንኻ ምንካስ እውን ዋጋ የኽፍል እዩ። ነዚ ዋጋ ዝኸፍሎ ከኣ እቲ ናይ ወለዶታት ምቕጻል ሓላፍነት ዘለዎ በዓል ዕዳ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ እዩ። ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ነዚ ትውልዳዊ ሓላፍነት ምርካብ በቒዕዎዶሎ ኣይበቐዖን? ባዕሉ ክምልሶ ዝግበኦ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ እዩ። እዚ ዕዳዚ ከምቲ “ዘይተርፈካ ጋሻስ ጠዊቕካ ሰዓሞ” ዝበሃል፡ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ብኻልእ ከይተደፍአ ብናቱ ትግሃትን ተበግሶን ክኸፍሎ ዝግበኦ እዩ። ነዚ ክትከፍል ምብቃዕን ዘይምቃዕን ከኣ ነዚ ትውልዲ ኣብ ምልክት ሕቶ ዘእትዎ እዩ።

ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዲግ ኣቢሉ፡ ነቲ ሓላፍነት “ክሳብ ዕለተ-ሞተይ ደኣ ጀሆ ይሕዞ እምበር ኣየረክብን” ከም ዝበለ ብዙሕ መረጋግጽታት ኣለና። ብቑዕ ተረካዊ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ምእንቲ ከይፍጠር፡ ዩኒቨርስትን ካለኦት ትምህርታዊ ትካላትን ምዕጻዉ ጥራይ እኹል መረጋገጺ መኾነ። መንእሰይ መወዳእታ ኣብ ዘየብሉ፡ “ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት” ዝብል መጸባበቒ ስም ኣብ ዝተዋህቦ፡ ብተግባር ግና ካብ ባርነት ኣብ ዘይፍለ ኣርዑት ምቑራኑ እንተ ወሲኽካሉ ከኣ ስሱዕን ናይ “ድሕረይ ዳንዴር ኣይትብቆላ”ን ባህርያት ናይቲ ዘይህዝባዊ ስርዓት  ዝያዳ ይበርሃልካ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብኣንጻሩዚ ተግባራት ናይቲ ኣብ ኣስመራ ዝዓረደ ጸቢብ ጉጅለ፡ ወትሩ ኣብ ወሳኒ ግደ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምስግጋር ወለዶታት ይኣምን። ኣብ 2ይ ጉባአኡ ንመንእሰይ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነታቱ፡ “ሰዲህኤ፡ ከም መቐጸልታ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ጻዕርታቱ፡ መስርሕ ምርግጋጽ ኣድማዒ ተሳትፎ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይን፡ ምቅልጣፍ ምስግጋር መሪሕነታዊ ተራን፡ ናብ ክዉንነት ምቕያር ዘኽእል መሳለጥያታትን ኣገባባትን ምፍጣር ሓደ ካብ ናይ እዋን ቀዳምነታት ኮይኑ ብግብሪ ክሰርሓሉ ድልዊ ምዃኑ ከኣ የረጋገጽ። ……… ብዘይካ' መንእሰይ ዘለዎ ረዚን ሓላፍነት ተገንዚቡ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኣብ ናይ ምድሓን ቃልሲ ብትሪ ንክሳተፍ ጉባኤ ጸዊዑ።” ዝበሎ ከም ኣብነት ምውሳድ ይከኣል።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፡ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ዝያዳ ኩሉ ግዜ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት ዓለምን ሰፋሕቲ መዳያትን   ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ዲክታተርን ዲክታተርነትን ናይ ምቅላዕ ጻዕሪ ዝነኣድ ኮይኑ፡ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ሓላፍነት ናይ ምርካብ  ትውልዳዊ ግቡእ ይጽበዮ ከም ዘሎ  ንኸይዝንግዕ ከኣ ብኣንክሮ ነዘኻኽሮ።

May 11, 2020 Ethiopia, News

Source: Ethiopia Insight

May 11, 2020

After unilaterally deciding that Prosperity Party will govern until elections, the type of ruling system the Nobel laureate yearns for becomes clearer and clearer

History may show that last week was a decisive moment in the post-EPRDF era. Albeit a clear sign that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is heading in the wrong direction.

On 27 April, Prosperity Party’s Central Committee chose constitutional interpretation among the now famous four options to overcome the constitutional crisis: dissolving parliament; declaring a state of emergency; constitutional amendment; and constitutional interpretation. In advance, the government tasked a team of “highly reputable legal experts” to conduct an in-depth analysis. This was disclosed by the Prime Minister only ten days later in his 7 May address. The legal team’s composition is not public.

As if the four options were still on the table, Abiy then “consulted” opposition leaders about them on 29 and 30 April. He told his social media followers the meeting was “fruitful”, but on the occasion he also attacked the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

To the first, as one its former militant wing is engaged in an armed struggle in Wellega, he said: “You cannot stand on the peaceful and legal struggle and armed activity”. For the second: “practice democracy on your turf. You cannot repress in Tigray and demand a free and open forum in the Federal government”.  Furthermore, he condemned those political forces allegedly working with enemies of Ethiopia. He called them “banda”, the label for Ethiopians who collaborated with Italian invaders after 1935.

On 3 May, Jawar Mohammed, now a senior Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) figure, wrote: “the decision on the date of the national elections and the type of provisional administration we will have in the interim period between September and election time should only be made after proper dialogue and agreement with all political parties and concerned stakeholders including civil society organizations”.

A day later, federalist opposition parties, including OLF and OFC, said they were “seeking a legitimate political consensus on how to manage the constitutional crisis the country is facing”, through “the deliberation and negotiation (of the registered parties) facilitated by entities who do not have direct involvement in electoral affairs and do not have a vested interest in the outcome…The final agreement reached by the parties should be binding.”

Officials and constitutional specialists have been offering their views on how to overcome the crisis. Even when supporting the interpretation option, some, like Solomon Dersso, who sits on the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, have articulated proposals on how to make the process more inclusive for political forces and civil society representatives.

The TPLF now positions itself as the champion of the constitution, even though constitutionally protected civil rights were frequently violated during its period of pre-eminence. It announced it wants to hold regional elections in Tigray independently from the rest of the country, which is legally debatable. Electoral board chair Birtukan Mideksa, a former opposition leader, despite having no mandate to speak on this issue, stated this was “unconstitutional”. The TPLF seems increasingly set on confronting Abiy, but its rigidity and refusal to make a sincere assessment of its controversial rule maintains its isolation from ethno-nationalist forces who would be its natural allies.

On 4 May the House of Peoples’ Representatives, the lower legislative house, announced it would hold a special session the following day. On 5 May, it voted in a similar hurry—the debate lasted less than two hours—to endorse interpretation.

The next day, Alemu Sime, Political and Civic Affairs Head of Prosperity Party, stated that regarding the interpretation option “any other alternatives being informally raised by some citizens is unconstitutional and unacceptable”. Thus, all dissenting voices, including even those who backed interpretation but suggested making it more inclusive, were rejected. Abiy confirmed this position in his 7 May address.

The primary conclusion to draw from this sequence of events is that it would have been hard for the incumbent to express a more reckless disregard for dissenting voices, regardless of how constructive they are, from opposition or civil society, and thus to have done more to derail the “democratic transition”.

True, the opposition is presently toothless. It cannot use its favourite tools, demonstrations, road blocks, etc, because it would then—justifiably—be accused of undermining the struggle against the pandemic. The whole political scene is frozen—except in the palace. The pandemic gives Abiy a strong ally: time. But he has further jeopardized a peaceful future by dismissing these actors. They may well have a strong motivation to return to the streets again when the health situation normalizes.

Tactically, Abiy could have tried, or at least looked as if he was trying, to find a compromise with the Oromo opposition so as to further isolate TPLF. But he apparently feels strong enough to rule without the support of any strong opposition constituency and also against the democratic push from civil society.

Abiy’s camp has used a legal means—one could say legalistic—to try and sidestep a problem that is essentially political and thus could only be sustainably solved through a political process. Despite the prime minister’s claims, Prosperity Party controls all the involved institutions, including the House of Federation, the upper dispute-resolving chamber of parliament, and the autonomy of the Council of Constitutional Inquiry is questionable. Therefore, even if nobody knows for certain the outcome of the interpretation process, it is highly improbable that it will throw up a nasty surprise for Prosperity Party and its leader.

But before the interpretation has been concluded, despite declaring that the body in charge of it, the Council of Constitutional Inquiry, a kind of advisory version of a constitutional court, “is an independent collection of professionals”, even this legalistic window-dressing has been peeled away. Abiy said that “Prosperity Party is a political party that is responsible for everything including managing COVID-19 threat and continues to govern the country until the next election period”. To justify the legitimacy of the ruling party to do so, the prime minister asserted that Prosperity Party is one of the parties “favoured by the majority for winning the next election”.

This approach violates the separation of powers, one of the pillars of democracy. How could the prime minister executively announce that his government will remain in place until the next election period before the Council of Constitutional Inquiry has concluded its work and before the House of the Federation—part of the legislative branch—makes its decision on the Council’s recommendation?

In addition, after a strong warning that “the demand to get power through illegal ways or by trying to undertake illegal elections is unacceptable,” Abiy did not utter one word to extend his hand to the opposition.

I recently wrote “Abiy seems to have deprioritized the transition’s success in favour of becoming the next in a long line of Ethiopian ‘Big Man’ rulers”. This is confirmed by recent events. The ruling system the Nobel laureate yearns for becomes clearer and clearer.

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ከም ኤርትራውያ ኣብ ሓንቲ ሃገር  ንክንነብር ዝተፈጠርና ኢና። ሃገርና ኩሉ ተሓጒሱ ዝነብረላ፡ ጥዑይ ህይወት ክህልዋ ድማ ስምምዕን ሓድነትን ናይ ኩሎም ደቃ ግድነታዊ ተደላይ ይገብሮ። ንዓና ኤርትራውያን ሕቶ ሓድነት፡ ግዚያዊ ጸገም ንምስዓር ጥራይ ኢልና እነልዕሎ ኣይኮነን። ሃገርና ብሰላም፡ ብልጽግናን ክብርን ክትህሉ ብተግባር ከነረጋግጾ ዝግብኣና ዕላማ ብምዃኑ ኢዩ። ከምኡ ስለዝኾነ እዩ ድማ ቃልሲ ንሓድነት፡ ካብቲ ንሃገራዊ መንነትናን ክብርናን ዝተቓለስናዮ ዘይትሕት ክኸውን ዝኸኣለ።

ኣብ ኤርትራ እቲ ቀንዲ ዕንቅፋት ኣብ ምርግጋጽ ሃገራዊ ሓድነትና ኮይኑ ዘሎ፡ ህልዊ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ነዚ ቀዳማይ ዕንቅፋት'ዚ ኣብ ምልጋስ ሓድነት ናይ ኩሎም ኣብዚ ዝኣምኑ ኤርትራውያን እዋናዊ ጠለብ ኮይኑ ይርከብ። ኣርእስትና ውን ነዚ ጠለብ'ዚ ንምምላስ፡ ጽብብ ብዝበለ፡ ንተደላይነት ሓድነት ዝድህስስ ክኸውን እዩ።

ሓድነት ወትሩ ሓይልን ዓቕምን እዩ። ሓድነት ይዕበ ይንኣስ፡ ናይ ሓባር ሸቶኻ ሓቢርካ እተዕውተሉን ኣብቲ መስርሕ ዝጸንሕ ዕንቅፋታት እትጸርገሉን መሳርሒ እዩ። ኣገዳስነትን ኣድላይነትን ሓድነት ኣብ ኩሉ፡ ግዜ’ ቦታን ኩነታትን ቦትኡ በሪኹ ዝረአ እምበር፡ ሓደ ግዜ እትወስዶ ሓደ ግዜ እትጓስዮ ናይ ምርጫ ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን።

ኣገዳስነት ሓድነት ክሳብ ክንድዚ ዘይስገር ዕዙዝ ዝኸውን፡ ኣብ መንጎ እቶም ብመንገዲ ሓድነት ናይ ሓባር ሸቶኦም ከመዝግቡ ዝግበኦም ኣካላት፡ ዝኾነ ፍልልይ ኣብ ዘይሃለወሉ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ዝኾነ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልይን ናይ መንነት ብዙሕነትን እንዳሃለወካ እውን፡ ንፍልልያትካ ኣመሓዲርካ ሓድነትካ ኣዕቊብካ፡ ብሓባር ተቓሊስካ ናይ ሓባር ዓወት ንምምዝጋብ መሰረታዊ መሳርሒ እዩ። ሓድነት መንነታትካን ኣተሓሳስባኻን ዓቂብካ ኣብቲ ብሓባር ዘርበሓካ ደረጃ በሪኽካ እትወጸሉ ፍቱን መንገዲ እዩ። ሓድነት ከም መውጽእ ዝኣፍ፡ ጨሪሕካዮ እትሓለፍ ዘይኮነ፡ ዓሚቕ ትርጉምን  ስርጸትን  ሒዙ ኣብ መስርሕ ዝምዕብል ቀጻሊ ትብዓትን ተወፋይነትን ዝሓትት ስራሕ  እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋን'ዚ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰደህኤ) “ጻዕርና፡ ምስቶም ዝኾነ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልይ ዘይብልና ክሳብ ፍጹም ሓድነት፡ ምስቶም ንምቅርራቡ ግዜ ዝወስድ ፍልልይ ዘለና ከኣ ክሳብቲ ክንከዶ ዝግበና ብሓባር ንምቅላስ ዘኽእለና ሓድነት ክንበጽሕ ዝነጥፍ ቀጻሊ መስርሕ’ዩ” ዝብል መትከል ሒዙ ይጽዕት ኣሎ።

ሓድነት ወትሩ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳይ ህይወትና ኣገዳሲ ኮይኑ፡ ከምቲ “እስኪ ንተኣከብ ምኽሪ ክርከብ” ዝበሃል፡ ፍቱን ናይ ጸገማት መፍትሒ እዩ። ብዘይካዚ ነቶም ካብ ምርሕሕሓቕና ዝዕንገሉ ኣካላት ዓቕምና ኣስሚርና እንስዕረሉ እዩ። ከም ህግዲፍ ዝኣመሰለ ካብ ምፍልላይ ኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ለውጥን ምትፍናን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዝድረር ሓይሊ ከኣ፡ ናይ ህልውና ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾኖ፡ ኣንጻር ሓድነትና  ኩሉ መዓጹ ክኩሕኩሕን ህጣራ ንዋት ከፍስስን ድሕር ዝብል ከምዘይኮነ ንዕዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ከኣ፣ ሓድነት ስለ ዘድልየካ ወይ ስለ እትብህጎ ጥራይ ዝርከብ ዘይኮነስ፡ ከቢድ ግን ከኣ ኣብ ኢድና ዘሎ ዋጋ ዘኽፍል ብደሆ ኮይኑ ቀሪቡ ዘሎ።

ካብ መምዘንታት ናይዚ ክሳብ ክንድዚ ኣገዳሲ ዝኾነ ሓድነት፡ ብናይ ሓደ ጻዕሪ ካብቶም ኣብ ሓድነት ዝርብሑ ኣካላት ዝዕወት ዘይኮነስ፡ ናይ ኩሎም’ቶም ሰብ ዋኒን ተዋሳእቲ ኣበርክቶ ዝሓትት ምዃኑ እዩ። ኣብ መስርሕ ሓድነት ክንጽዕት እንከለና፡ ንነናይ ገዛእ ርእስናን ነቲ “ናትና” እንብሎ ኣተሓሳስባን ንምዕዋት እምበር፡ ንረብሓ ካልእ ኢልና እንህቦ ኣገልግሎት ከምዘይኮነ ክንግንዘብ እሞ፡ ኣብ ምዕዋቱ ካብ ተጸባይነትን ተዓዛብነትን ወጺእና “ይሕግዝዩ” ዝበልናዮ መዋጸኦ ሓሳብ ኣመንጭና ክንቅረብን ክንጽዕትን ይግብኣና። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ኣብቲ ብ2017 ዝነደፎ እማመ ሓድነት ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ  “ኣብ ዘለናዮ እዋን ንእንገብሮ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ መበገሲ መትከላት ክዀና ዝኽእላ ምዃነን ምግንዛብን ብዕዙዝ ኣገዳስነተን 1. ምዕቃብ ልኡላዊ ግዝኣት ኤርትራ፡ 2. ምውዳቕ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ህግደፍን ምልጋስ መሓውራት ጭቆናኡን፤ 3. ድሕሪ ውድቐት ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብዝሓ ሰልፋዊ ስርዓት ዝሰረቱ ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ምቛም፤ 4. ግዝኣተ ሕግን ዲሞክራስያዊ መሰላትን መላእ ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ምቕባል፡” ዝብላ ሓሳባት ናይ ምስፋሩ ምስጢር ኮነ፡ ኣብ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአኡ 2019 “ነቲ ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ግንባራትን ተጀሚሩስ ከይተውድአ ዝጸንሐ መስርሕ ዘተ ኣብ ዝሓጸረ እዋን ኣብ መፈጸምታኡ ንምብጻሕ፡ ማእከላይ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ኣድላዪ ስጉምትታ ይወስድ” ዝብል ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነ  ናይ ምውሳኑን ትርጉም ከኣ መርኣያ ንድሕሪት  ዘይምለስ ዕቱብነቱ ኣብ ኣገዳነት ሓድነት እዩ።

ሓድነት ክንድቲ ናይ ኣገዳስነት ዕዝዙነቱ፡ ምውሓሱ እውን ቀሊል ከም ዘይኮነ ተመኩሮና የረደኣና። መስርሕ ምውሓስ ሓድነት ከቢድ ዝገብርዎ፡ ንሕና እቶም ከነረጋግጾ ዝግበና፡ ቀሊል ክነሱ ከም ከቢድ፡ ዝከኣል ክነሱ ከም ዘይከኣል ጌርና ስለ እንሕዞን እንርደኦን እዩ። ምጥርጣርን ዘይምትእምማንን፡ ካብ ጸቢብ ሕሳባት ዘይምውጻእ፡ እታ እተዋጽእ ሓቂ ምሳይ ጥራይ እያ ዘላ ምባል፡ ክንድቲ ክትስማዕ እትደልዮ ክትሰምዕ ቅሩብ ዘይምዃን፡ ዝያዳ ዓቕምኻ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ምጽብጻብ ዘይኮነ ኣብ መጻኢ መዋጽኦ ዘይምጽማድ፡ ንሓላፍነት ብዓይኒ ቃልሲ ዘይኮነ ብዓይኒ ተጠቃምነት ምርዳእ፡ ዘይግሉጽነት ….ወዘተ፡ ካብ ዝብሉ ኣተሓሳስባታት ክንወጽእ እንተንበቅዕ ምርግጋጽ ሓድነት ቀሊል እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ግና ነቲ ካብዞም ዝበልናዮም ሓድነት ዝዕንቅፉ ኣተሓሳስባታት ናይ ምውጻእ ዓቐብ ደይብና ኣብ ሰፊሕ ጐልጐል ክንበጽሕ ዝቐረብና ኢና እንመስል ዘለና'ሞ በቲ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ናህሪ ንድፋእ።

ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ፡ መኻይድኻ ክነሱ ኣብ ክንዲ ደጊፍካ ምሳኻ ተጓዕዞ፡ ሰጊርካዮ ዕዝር ምባል ዘዐውት ኣይኮነን። እዚ ኣብ ሕሉፍ ተመኩሮና ኣብ መስርሕ ሓድነት ዘኽሰረና ምንባሩ፡ ኣብ ሐሕልና ኩልና ዘሎ ዘጣዕስ ዝኽሪ እዩ። ደሓር ግና ካብዚ ክደጋገም ዘይግበኦ ናይ ሰዓራይን ተሰዓራይን ዝኽሪ ክንወጽእ ከም ዝግብኣና ካብ እንርዳእ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጌርና ኢና። እቲ ናይ ርሑቕ ገዲፍና፡ ተበግሶ፡ ምትእኽኻብ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ምሕዝነት ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን፡ ደሓር ዝተራእየ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጥን ካለኦት ግንባራት፡ ጽላላትን ምትሕንፋጻትን ከኣ ናይ ሓቢርካ ምዕዋት ኣተሓሳስባ ከም ዘጥረና ዘመልክት እዩ። እንተኾነ ኣብዚ ዳሕረዋይ ንቕሎታት እውን ክንድቲ ዝድለ ኣየድማዕናን። ኣብዚ ብዘይምድማዕና ከኣ ድኽመትና ኣብ ኣተሓሕዛ ጉዳይ  ሓድነት ተራእዩ እዩ። እዚ ተመኩሮናዚ ዝያዳ ሃሳዪ ዝኸውን ከኣ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ እውን ጌና ክንመሃረሉ እንተዘይ ክኢልና እዩ። እንተኾነ ሎምስ ምስቲ በብኹርናዑ ዝነፍስ ዘሎ ናይ ሓድነት ጠሊ፡  ዝለበምና ኢና ንመስል ዘለና እሞ ኣጽኒዕና ሒዝና ንቐጽሎ። ናይዚ “ስለምንታይ’ዩ ሓድነት ዘገድሰና?” ዝብል ሕቶ መልሲ፡ ካልእ ዝርዝር ከየብዛሕና፡ “ኣብቲ ንቃለሰሉ ዘለና ዓወት ክንበጽሕ ካልእ መዋጸኦ ስለ ዘየብልና” እንተበልናዮ ጌጋ ኣይኮነን።

Since the Coronavirus turned into a global pandemic, heads of state and leaders of international and regional organizations have turned to conference calls rather than direct meetings. However, Isaias Afwerki travelled on May 3 to Ethiopia for a face to face meeting with the Ethiopian prime minister Abu Ahmed. So, what is the important matter that forced him to break the coronavirus lockdown? I think it was the state of hostility between him and the TIGRAY People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the developments related to this hostility.

The differences between the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) (now known as People’s Front for Democracy and Justice) and the TPLF date back to the 1970s, but they escalated in 1985 specially in the ideological aspects. The most prominent ideological disagreement was related to the policy of recognizing the right to self-determination of the nationalities adopted by TPLF, which they wanted the EPLF to adopt, as Eritrea is a multi-national country. When the latter rejected it, the TPLF accused it of not being democratic. Both organizations launched media campaigns against each other and deployed armed organizations in each other’s country.

The estrangement between the two organizations continued until April 1988, when they reconciled for practical reasons, at meetings held in Khartoum. At that time, they needed each other in the face of Mengistu Haile Mariam's army, and they agreed to coordinate their military operations, but they didn’t resolve their ideological differences

In a television interview in February 7, when Isaias Afwerki claimed that ethnic federalism had failed in Ethiopia, he was sending a message to the TPLF that the dispute over this issue had been resolved in his favour. He also said he had warned them in 1992 against implementing ethnic federalism. He added that the current situation in Ethiopia was of concern to Eritrea, and the upcoming Ethiopian elections were not particularly significant.

On March 31, the Ethiopian National Electoral Board announced that the elections could not be held as scheduled in August. On April 29, the prime minister met with the political parties to discuss how to avert the impending constitutional crisis due to the lack of provision in the Constitution for the deferral of the elections. The government presented four options: dissolving parliament; declaring a state of emergency; amending the Constitution; or seeking alternative legal interpretations of the Constitution.

On May 4, the TPLF’s Executive Committee, which did not participate in the meeting, decided to hold regional elections on time, in defiance of the National Electoral Board which is responsible for both national and regional elections.

On May 5, the Ethiopian parliament met and approved the government’s fourth option, as it seemed that was what the government wanted. Isaias returned to Asmara on May 5.

From this narrative, I think it is clear that, that although the two leaders may discussed other issues, the main aim of Isaias’s journey to Ethiopia was to support Abu Ahmed in the battle over the elections and how to deal with their postponement.

The turn round was in favour of Abu Ahmed (read Isaias), but the battle is not yet over.

Yaseen Mohmad Abdalla

Edited by Peter Riddell

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