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On October 4, 2025, a historic and deeply symbolic moment unfolded for Eritrean culture. During a solemn ceremony in Stockholm, organized by the Association of Eritreans for Culture and Art, a number of distinguished Eritrean artists were honored for their lifelong contributions. The day was more than just a ceremony—it was a reclaiming of a people’s story, a tribute to those who, through their art, have carried a nation’s dreams through struggle, exile, and the trials of time. It was a moment filled with emotion and justice.

For the first time in many years, the spotlight was turned toward the cultural figures who, for decades, have preserved Eritrea’s collective memory through music, poetry, and performing arts. These artists carried not only melodies—they carried the hopes of their people. Their works embodied cultural resistance, served as a living record of the struggle for freedom, and stood as a spiritual anchor for generations both within and beyond the homeland.

The Association as a Guardian of Heritage and FutureFöreningen Eritreaner för Kultur och Konst Formed in January 2025, in connection with a memorial dedicated to the legendary and beloved artist Osman Abdelrhim, the association emerged from conversations among a group of committed individuals who, inspired by Osman’s life’s work, recognized the need to create a platform for preserving and developing Eritrean cultural heritage. Soon, more people joined the initiative, and a meeting was called to bring the vision to life.

Forming a non-profit association is never without challenges. Yet, despite obstacles, these passionate pioneers succeeded—thanks to their determination, cooperation, and shared belief in the power and importance of culture. It is with deep gratitude that I wish to express my appreciation to the board members who took responsibility and carried out this significant and meaningful step.

The establishment of the association marks a new chapter in the history of the Eritrean diaspora. Through their work, the young generation of Eritreans demonstrates that they are ready to take on the responsibility of both preserving and renewing their cultural heritage. Their commitment is living proof that the artistic contributions and legacies of their predecessors will not be lost to the passage of time.

They understand that cultural heritage does not belong only to the past—it is a compass for the future. By honoring their predecessors, they strengthen the bonds between generations and rebuild a collective confidence that has long been suppressed. In their hands, culture is given new life, and the hope for a vibrant, dynamic, and inclusive Eritrean identity is kept alive for generations to come.

Hussien Mahammed Ali – A Legend in Eritrea’s Cultural and Political History

According to a brief interview conducted by Zein Skokai, the Eritrean artist Hussien Mahammed Ali began his musical career in the 1970s. His first known song, “ሉላ በደት ምንየ” (Lula Bedet Minye), was performed in Asmara and marked the beginning of an artistic journey that would intertwine with Eritrea’s modern history. Shortly thereafter, Hussien joined Eritrea’s liberation struggle, where his music took on a new and deeper significance—not merely as artistic expression, but as a tool for resistance, hope, and national cohesion.

In societies that have endured colonialism, war, and struggles for independence, art is rarely just a form of entertainment. Instead, it functions as a social and political instrument, a form of cultural resistance, and a lifeline for collective survival. In Eritrea, music, poetry, and theater during the liberation war (1961–1991) became central components of the fight against Ethiopian occupation.

Songs such as “ሻዓብ ኤርትራ ስብር ውደ፡” (Sha’ab Ertra Sibr Wede – “The Eritrean People Shall Prevail”) served not only as patriotic hymns but also as mobilizing calls and moral compasses. They reinforced collective identity and conveyed the message that liberation was not merely a military endeavor, but also a cultural and existential struggle.

Through such artistic expressions, language, history, and national self-perception were preserved during a time when they were at risk of being erased. For the Eritrean diaspora, forced to live in exile, music became a symbolic bridge to the homeland—a sanctuary where the sounds of home and memories of the struggle could endure. Listening to voices like Hussien Mahammed Ali and his contemporaries was, for many, a reminder of origin, suffering, and hope.

Hussien Mahammed Ali and his generation of artists can therefore be described as the chroniclers of history—not with ink, but with melodies, rhythms, and words. Their work constitutes a living archive of Eritrea’s modern history—from the fervor of liberation and the triumph of independence in 1991 to the subsequent years of trials, disappointments, and longing for reconciliation.

Hussien Mahammed Ali is thus not merely an artist, but a symbol of the resilience of the Eritrean spirit. Through his artistry, he has helped shape the nation’s collective memory and strengthen the cultural identity that continues to serve as a cornerstone for both the homeland and the diaspora.

Artist Hussein Mohammed Ali – a living national treasure and Dehab Faytinga!Public Participation and the Presence of People’s Representatives at the Event.

First and foremost, I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks to Kristina Björk, whose commitment to Eritrea has remained unwavering despite the political and social divisions that have characterized Eritrean society. It is often said that Kristina Björk demonstrated greater loyalty and dedication to Eritrea’s liberation struggle than many Eritreans themselves. Her contributions were both practical and moral—she even allowed her son, while still a teenager, to participate in the work of the ELF (Eritrean Liberation Front).

Kristina Björk was also actively involved in raising financial support for the Eritrean liberation movement through street collections and collaboration with various non-profit organizations, including ”Sida”. It is therefore my hope that the Eritrean community will one day recognize and honor Kristina Björk with an official award for her significant contributions to Eritrea’s fight for independence. The event was also attended by several prominent figures and representatives. Among them were Arhe Hamednaca, former member of the Swedish Parliament, and Negash Osman, Chairman of the ENCDC (Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change), along with numerous veterans from the former liberation movements ELF and EPLF.

In addition, many young people and ordinary citizens participated. The venue was completely full, and it had been a long time since I had witnessed such a large turnout from Eritreans at a similar event. This reflected not only the strong community engagement but also the shared longing for unity and dialogue within the Eritrean diaspora.

A Bittersweet Tribute.

The celebration carried a palpable duality—a merging of pride and sorrow. What at first appeared as a tribute to the pioneers of Eritrean culture simultaneously served as a reminder of the price many of them had to pay.

Several of the artists and cultural figures who once laid the foundations of Eritrea’s cultural identity could not attend in person. Many have passed away, others are in the final stages of life, and some have fallen silent or withdrawn after years of marginalization and personal trials under various forms of oppression.

Having their relatives step forward to receive honorary awards on their behalf gave the ceremony a special intensity—a mixture of reverence and melancholy. It became a symbolic act of posthumous recognition, an acknowledgment of lives marked by struggle, sacrifice, and often unpaid dedication to the preservation of culture. In this way, the ceremony transcended the purely festive and assumed the character of a collective act of remembrance. It created a space where the past and present met, where the cultural struggle emerged not merely as a historical process but as an ongoing moral and emotional legacy. It reminded us that cultural development rarely occurs without suffering—and that it is precisely these individual and collective experiences that shape a nation’s soul and shared self-understanding.

Summary

The honorary award ceremony on October 4, 2025, was more than just a formal event—it was a symbolic reclaiming of the story of Eritrea’s cultural struggle. It was a profound acknowledgment of the artists who, through their voices, brushes, and words, helped shape the nation’s consciousness and soul. This moment carried a special power, where history seemed to breathe in the present. Songs from the mountains and city streets in exile came together in a shared tone of gratitude and respect. It was a reminder that art, born of both suffering and love for freedom, can never truly die. It continues to live on, as a pulsating heartbeat in the nation’s collective memory.

At the same time, I wish to express my deep appreciation to the board of the Eritreans Association for Culture and Arts. Their dedicated work and strong commitment made this day possible. They have not only met the demands of the present but also laid the foundation for future development—for our children and grandchildren. We are aware that some aspects, such as event announcements in different Eritrean languages, were not completed this time. However, we see this as a valuable lesson and an opportunity to grow. With experience and collective effort, we will continue to improve and deepen our work in the future.

In conclusion, I would like to honor the board, which with dedication, patience, and collaboration, planned and executed this significant endeavor. Their work demonstrates that when we act together—with respect for our culture and history—we can create something that will endure far into the future.

October 5, 2025

Stockholm

In a number of strongly-worded memorandums addressed throughout 1992 and 1993 to UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros Ghali, with copies to UN member states, the leadership of the then Eritrean Liberation Front-Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC), repeatedly begged the world organization to make the proposed referendum a good start as an ABC of democracy in new Eritrea.

Mainly drafted and sent to the UN by Martyr Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestai) for  the Executive Committee of ELF-RC as its head of foreign relations, the series of memorandums exposed the already started gross violations of the Eritrean people’s rights and aspirations by the “anti-democratic polices” of the Provisional Government of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF). The writings deeply expressed the “concern about the future of Eritrea, given the EPLF's policies of exclusion and suppression.”

The memorandums again and again appealed for UN action “for the safeguard of democracy and the protection of human rights in Eritrea” and went on:”We specifically  implore you to take the necessary steps to guarantee the right of all Eritrean organizations to function freely as autonomous political bodies.”

Positive support of the UN would, the memorandums hammered on, “would help “reverse EPLF's anti-democratic agenda; otherwise, Eritrea will be entangled in another crisis whose impact can be as devastating as the thirty-year-war we just concluded.”

The September 28 1992 memorandum, whose full text is presented below, especially for interested readers and researches of the still ill-documented Eritrean struggle, explained the situation that prevailed in Eritrea, including the social and political plurality which was already being fully denied by the EPLF leadership. It warned the UN should not one again make a mistake by standing only with one organization. It said Eritrea did not belong only to the EPLF but to all the existing political and civil organizations, large and small, together with their supporters that are being ignored wrongly and blatantly.

The ELF-RC message underlined that the task “cannot be left to the EPLF, which will only continue to monopolize state power. The UN was wanted not only to push for democratizing the referendum by ensuring the participation of the society as a whole but also be ready to “supervise national elections and the setting up of the first government” in newly liberated Eritrea.

As friends and comrades-in-struggle of the late Seyoum Ogbamichael are about to mark the 20^th commemoration of his martyrdom this December, the EPDP Information Office shall share with readers similar writings drafted by him, including another sharp memorandum addressed to the UN system about the referendum on 2 December 1992. Good reading).

*****

 Democracy and the 1993 Referendum in Eritrea  

Memorandum To: Dr Boutros Boutros-Ghali,

Secretary-General
United Nations, New York, NY

From: Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF-RC)
Foreign Relations Office,

Bonn, Federal Republic of Germany
28 September, 1992

Your Excellency,

We, members of the Executive Committee of the Eritrean Liberation Front - Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC) respectfully submit this memorandum for your kind consideration.

Our appreciation of the ideals underlying the United Nations Organization and our trust in the UN's resolve to live up to its aims and objectives inspire us to address this petition to your good offices. We seriously urge you to consider the points raised below with a view to taking appropriate action to salvage the situation in our homeland.

This memorandum contains an assessment of the current political atmosphere in Eritrea bearing in mind the conditions desired for the success of the forthcoming referendum. Its focus is on the rejection of democracy and the violation of human, civil, and political rights [of our people] by the Provisional Government of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF).

1. Unanswered Questions today:

For the most part the news disseminated by the print and electronic media on Eritrea are not adequately revealing or enlightening. They belabor the point that a referendum is being expected for next year. But they are silent on the crucial details of what is going on in this preparatory phase of the referendum process. Just how democratic is the actual process in Eritrea today? What is the political landscape of present-day Eritrea? How many and what types of political forces are there? Do Eritrean organizations other than the EPLF have any role in the ongoing process? Are they free to function as autonomous organizations? Are individual activists free to criticize and express viewpoints different from those of the EPLF? Are human, civil, and political rights of such individuals being respected by the EPLF's Provisional Government? In short, do the policies of the EPLF and the political atmosphere they have generated make for a free and fair referendum? Will these policies lead to democracy and lasting peace in Eritrea and to stability in the Horn of Africa?

Regrettably, none of the above questions can be answered in the affirmative, Due to the anti-democratic policy of the EPLF, the situation in Eritrea is severely flaw-ridden, precarious and tense. An eruption any time in the future cannot be ruled out.

2. The ELF had always favored Peaceful Solution:

It was under the leadership of the Eritrean Liberation Front that Eritreans raised arms claiming their right to self-determination. They sought to assert their identity as a people. However, though they resorted to armed struggle, they had consistently expressed their readiness for a peaceful solution to the problem. Even at the time when   ELF was in control of most of Eritrea, it was ready and willing to engage in a process of peaceful settlement.

Negotiations were attempted between Ethiopia on the one hand and the components of the Eritrean movement on the other. It is to be recalled that we, the ELF-RC, had demanded the participation of the United Nations in those negotiations. Unfortunately, due to intransigence on the part of successive Ethiopian governments and the non-involvement of the UN, our efforts for peaceful settlement were thwarted

3. Our Critical Support for the Planned Referendum:

Following the defeat of the Ethiopian forces, it was agreed in the London peace Conference that a referendum will be held in Eritrea. This was confirmed, or in effect ratified, by the participants in the Addis Ababa Conference of July 1991. Implied in the conference's position on this issue is that the fundamental human, civil, and political rights including "the freedom of conscience, expression, association and peaceable assembly" and "the right to engage in unrestricted political activity and to organize political parties" as stated in article 1 (a and b) of the Transitional Period Charter of Ethiopia will be respected in Eritrea as well. It is also implied that in general "individual and human rights" as expressed in "the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations, adopted and proclaimed by the General Assembly by resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 1948" shall be "respected fully, and without any limitation whatsoever" in Eritrea.

Initially, i.e., soon after the defeat of Ethiopian forces, our organization was not favorably inclined to the idea of a referendum. But later on, seeing the whole process in the light of the protection of democratic rights contemplated in the Ethiopian Charter, we gave a critical support to the idea of a referendum being held in Eritrea, Underlying our critical support was the conviction that through a democratically conducted referendum the Eritrean people will freely express their wish which the world should respect regardless of the claims of Ethiopia. In other words, we proceeded from the premise that observance of the principles of democracy would ensure international recognition for the outcome of the referendum.

We had no doubt that at least a very large majority of Eritreans favored establishing their own separate, sovereign state. We are still convinced that this is the case. Nevertheless, we would like to state our principled stand thus: So long as the referendum is conducted democratically, we are prepared to respect the outcome whether or not it conforms with our conviction and particular choice on the status of Eritrea.

4. Political Pluralism - a Reality in Eritrea:

Multiplicity of organized political forces characterize the actual political situation in Eritrea today. There are at least seven major political organizations. Such has in fact been the reality in Eritrea since long time ago. The EPLF, now the Provisional Government, is only one of these organizations. Throughout the years, EPLF's relations with us and other Eritrean forces has been severely confrontational, culminating quite often in armed conflicts. Our organization has consistently adhered to the policy of resolving intra-Eritrean conflicts and problems peacefully and democratically. And so, when the Eritrean Revolution attained final military victory over the Ethiopian forces, we called for a broad coalition government as a transition to a multi-party democracy in Eritrea. We proposed that a Charter be drawn up stipulating the basic principles and providing the constitutional framework for such a transition. We emphasized the need for a broad-based transitional government in which all the political forces would participate.

5. EPLF seeks to set up a dictatorships:

Ignoring our pleas, the EPLF established a Provisional Government which is solely its own It rejected the counsel of many peace loving forces in our region who tried to influence It in keeping with our calls and demands. The EPLF has effectively blocked the path to national reconciliation and peace.

The EPLF intends to monopolize the political process and to prevent democratization of the Eritrean polity. As regards the referendum, it has forbidden the participation of all other Eritrean organizations and movements. Throughout both the preparatory and the voting phases, the EPLF is to be the sole organization conducting the referendum. There is a sinister aim behind excluding other Eritrean organizations from the process: laying the basis for consolidating an overtly dictatorial regime after the referendum.

6. EPLF's Pretexts and Propaganda:

EPLF's Provisional Government has fabricated some excuses for disallowing the existence and functioning of other Eritrean organizations. It portrays itself as the sole champion of Eritrean independence.

The EPLF is trying to eclipse the issue of democracy amid propaganda amounting to chauvinist demagogy. It falsely presents all the other Eritrean organizations as opting for association with Ethiopia. At times, it even compares the choice of association with Ethiopia to a vote for "slavery." (See for example its Announcement of October 16, 1991). This, incidentally, is rather strange. For years the EPLF has been advocating referendum with separation, federation, and autonomy as choices available for Eritreans. Thus, in a sense, it was the EPLF itself which first put forward a status short of "independence" (short of separation) as an option for the Eritrean people!

We would like to stress here that, though our own choice is to establish a sovereign Eritrean state, we nonetheless maintain that Eritreans have the right to freely opt for association with Ethiopia; furthermore, we firmly believe that at the present it is anti-democratic for a "government' in charge of a referendum process in Eritrea to defile any option presented to the people as one for "slavery."

7, EPLF's Current Policy:

Slandering the other Eritrean organizations as advocates of "slavery”, the EPLF is taking measures violating fundamental human, civil, and political rights. Some of its measures have been noted and correctly assessed by major international organizations like the European Community (EC).

In August and September 1991, the EC issued a statement in which it expressed “many serious reservations about the current behavior of the EPLF." Here are two "reservations” most pertinent to our case:

(i) The EC expressed its concern that the EPLF may not respect the right to campaign for one's viewpoint on the referendum. It noted that it "now seems unlikely that the EPLF will allow freedom of expression and political campaigning". (Quoted in Horn of Africa Bulletin, Uppsala, No./Dec. 1991, p. 24)

(ii) The EC also observed that the fundamental right of association, of the press and expression, which are crucial for progress towards multi-party democracy and a genuine referendum, are not being respected by the EPLF's Provisional Government. In the words of the EC's statement: There is no freedom of the press and no freedom of association, no multi-party system, and almost every indication is that it is not the intention of the EPLF to permit such `luxuries”. (Quoted in Horn of Africa Bulletin,
Uppsala, No./Dec. 1991, p. 24)

Subsequent to September 1991, the EPLF took several measures, confirming the observations and fears expressed in the statement of the EC. It actually intensified its policy of repression. And as the Africa Confidential reported our organization, ELF -RC, has become a main "target for EPLF kidnappings and assassinations". (Africa Confidential, July 31, 1992). Some of the measures the EPLF has taken so far
this year are the following:

(i) In January 1992, the EPLF's Provisional Government launched an all-out military offensive, The targets were our organization (ELF-RC), the Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea (DMLE), the ELF- Central Leadership (SAGHM), and other national organizations.

(ii) In collaboration with its regional ally, the fundamentalist regime in Khartoum, the EPLF kidnapped in April 1992 in Kassala two senior members of our Executive
Committee. They are Wolde-Mariam Bahlibi and Tekle-Berhan Ghebre-Tsadik. Our kidnapped colleagues were taken to Asmara where they are incarcerated at the Mercato prison.

(iii) The EPLF has not only intensified its policy of banning other organizations and suppressing democratic right, but  it continued to detain thousands of Eritreans who
are supporters of our organization and of other national organizations that insist on their democratic right to autonomous existence.

At times the EPLF claims that it is postponing multi-partyism and related freedoms only in order to realize the success of the referendum process and to secure international recognition for Eritrea's independence. But this claim is patently false and makes no sense.

The referendum can vindicate the right of the Eritrean people only if it is "free" and "fair”. The EPLF's actual policy in Eritrea detracts from the quality of the referendum as "free" and "fair"; to that extent it makes international public opinion reluctant to cooperate in the process; it may even jeopardize the chances for international recognition of the referendum's outcome. And this is quite evident. For example, the EC statement cited
above admonished that if the "organization" of "manifestations" by the opposition, including "anti-independence" groups is "frustrated ... then the outside world may consider to express disapproval, or even to not get involved in supervising any referendum". (Quoted in Horn of Africa Bulletin, Nov./Dec. 1991, p. 24) Undoubtedly, the EC made this remark in the light of the EPLF's anti-democratic practices.

8. "Free" and "Fair" Referendum:

This implies that the people must be free from any pressure to decide one way or the other; it also denotes that they should not be prevented or even limited in debating and campaigning on the pertinent issues. In the case of Eritrea the following need to be fulfilled so that the process may be "free" and "fair":

(i) The referendum should be organized and conducted under the supervision of the United Nations. This means the UN should supervise both the preparatory and the voting stages of the referendum.

(ii) The ELF-RC and all other Eritrean organizations should participate in the preparatory and voting stages of the process.

(iii) The process should be attended by observers from various countries and international organizations. The observers should monitor not only the voting but also all the activities in the phases preceding voting.

(iv) All Eritreans of voting age - residing inside and outside the country - should vote. Needless to say, this includes Eritreans residing in Ethiopia; it also includes Eritreans who may opt not for separate statehood but for some form of association with Ethiopia.

(v) During the preparatory and voting phases of the process, the army of the EPLF should withdraw to the barracks. This liberal atmosphere is absolutely essential. Only then can prevail in the country; only then can the people debate the issues and vote freely and voluntarily.

(vi) Closely related to the conduct of the referendum is the election of the first Parliament and the establishment of the first Government in Eritrea. There will have to be a parliament and a government no matter whether Eritrea is going to be a separate state or affiliated with Ethiopia in one form or another. This task cannot be left to the EPLF, which will only continue to monopolize state power. The UN should therefore supervise the national elections and the setting up of the first government.

 In the case of Eritrea, a process of "free" and "fair" referendum as explained above is worthwhile for a number of reasons in addition to facilitating international recognition as discussed above. The wish expressed by the majority of our people will have a much better chance of being accepted and supported in Ethiopia than it would if the process is not "free" and "fair". Moreover, such a referendum would also provide a national base to the order that wou ld be established in Eritrea. It will foster an atmosphere conducive for launching a process of political consensus and national reconciliation which, in turn, willconstitute a peaceful transition to a democratic political order. Hence, "free" and "fair" referendum in Eritrea will directly contribute to peace and stability in the Horn of  Africa.
 
9. The Role of the ELF -RC:

10. UN's Responsibility: Our organization, the ELF-RC, is ready and willing to participate fully in a referendum which is "free” and "fair" as described above. With its large mass following inside and outside Eritrea and “considerable political credibility” confirmed by international observers (see Africa Confidential, July 31,1992), it la prepared to do everything it can for the success of a democratically conducted referendum. And as already stated, the ELF-RC is willing to respect the outcome.

The United Nations has the responsibility to make sure that the referendum will be
conducted democratically. If it fails in this responsibility, it will be held at least partially accountable for the negative consequences that may follow. What are the possible consequences?

If the UN does not intervene in Eritrea, the EPLF will continue to apply the same anti-democratic approach, at variance with the reality of pluralism in our society. The
EPLF will install a dictatorial regime. On the other hand, due to the absence of democracy in the process, the outcome of the referendum may be controversial, to say the least.

An overt EPLF dictatorship will mean continuation and intensification of the violations of human rights. It would also mean an increase in the pro-democracy resistance movement, a continuation of our struggle. The end result would be further instability in the Horn of Africa. In short, unless the UN intervenes now to check and reverse the EPLF's anti-democratic agenda, Eritrea will be entangled in another crisis whose impact can be as devastating as the thirty-year-war we just concluded.

11. UN's Inaction on Eritrea in the Past:

If Eritrea suffers as a result of UN inaction it would not be for the first time. We recall that the UN's mishandling of the Eritrean question in 1950 and the UN's failure to intervene in subsequent years was, to a significant extent, responsible for the war which devastated our country for three decades. Eritrea was incorporated into Ethiopia on the basis of UN Resolution 390 A (v) of 1950, which, contrary to the wishes of the majority of Eritreans, provided that our country shall be "an autonomous unit federated with Ethiopia under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian crown". This so called "federal" resolution embodied the plan of the United States, which had coveted Eritrea’s strategic location. It was actually the outcome of a deal between the US and its ally, Haile Selassie's Ethiopia. Once the "federation" came into effect the US established military bases in our country. And for its part, Haile Selassie's regime eroded Eritrea's "federal" status and finally dissolved it making our country a mere province in the Ethiopian empire.

Over the years when the "federation" was being violated the UN kept silent. It took no steps whatsoever to correct the situation even though Eritrean political leaders at the time repeatedly appealed for UN help. The denial of democratic rights and the failure of the UN to act prompted our people to wage an armed struggle for their right to self-determination - a  struggle which continued for thirty years.

12. The US does it again:

In May 1991, the London Peace Talks, brokered by the United States, dealt with the
question of Eritrea in a way which led to the present problem. Represented
by the Assistant Secretary of State for Affairs, Mr. Herman Cohen, the US was not just a mediator in the talks but virtually the adjudicator. In that capacity, it assigned full and exclusive control of Eritrea to the EPLF whose leaders had accepted the “precondition” that the referendum would be put off for two years.

It should be noted here that the US had negotiated this “precondition” earlier with the EPLF, in particular with its supreme leader, Isaias Afeworki. This fact is now being openly stated by US strategists involved in the process. One of these, Paul Henze, writes: "Isaias Afeworki, head of the EPLF, agreed to accept publicly a previously discussed two-year postponement of a referendum on Eritrean independence
as a precondition for this (London) Conference." (See Paul Henze, "Ethiopia in Transition, Part II", Ethiopian Review, Los Angeles, August 1992, p. 24).

Having agreed to postpone the referendum, the EPLF was allowed to monopolize state power in Eritrea, i.e. to exclude all other Eritrean organizations from any share in power. It is important to recall two facts in this connection:

(i) The US specifically required the new government in Ethiopia -a coalition dominated by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) - to observe democracy and human rights. Paul Henze implies in the above quoted article that as the government in Ethiopia (the EPRDF) or any other organization "should be democratic and committed to the protection of basic human rights". But the US made no such explicit request on the EPLF, which was left free to execute its own agenda on Eritrea regardless of democracy and human rights.

Not surprisingly, when, upon taking control of Asmara, the EPLF unleashed a full scale suppression of other organizations, the US did not raise any objection. Thus, as in the past, a US-backed government in Eritrea is oppressing our people at the present.

Is the UN going to watch this dangerous situation with folded arms? We hope not.

13. UN Intervention urgently Needed:

The UN ought to assume positive involvement in Eritrea now. Otherwise, the situation in our country will deteriorate to the point that civil war could be triggered again.

We would like to recall here the foremost ideal stated in the preamble of the UN Charter
“to save the succeeding generations from the scourge of war". These words best express the sentiment of our people today. Certainly, the bitter experience of the three-decade-war concluded last year is a major explanation for this sentiment; but equally
important is also the concern about the future, given the EPLF's policies of exclusion and suppression as explained above.

We are therefore appealing to you, dear Sir, in your capacity as the UN Secretary-General, and through you, to the members of the Security Council and the UN system in general, to do everything within your powers and possibilities for the safeguard of democracy and the protection of human rights in Eritrea today. Specifically, we would like to implore you to take the necessary steps to guarantee the right of all Eritrean organizations to function freely as autonomous political bodies. Such an intervention would avert problems, conflicts, and related socio-economic catastrophes [from facing our new Eritrea].

For/

The ELF-RC Executive Committee,

Seyoum Ogbamichael,

Head of Foreign Relations Office,

Bonn, Federal Germany, 28 September 1992

The Eritrean Political Forces Declaration for National Unity and Defense of Sovereignty

 Preamble

We, the Eritrean Political Forces — along with the Eritrean people at home and in the diaspora, from every region, community, and political background — stand as one in defense of our nation’s independence, territorial integrity, and sovereign rights.

This is an affirmation of international law, an exercise of the right of the Eritrean people to independence and freedom — a legal stand, a historic call to unity, and a declaration that the destiny of Eritrea belongs solely to its people.

Our campaign is not for the defense of any one government, party, or leader. It is for the defense of Eritrea itself — its land, its seas, its people, and its right to exist as a free and independent nation.

Political Map of Eritrea: -The map shows Eritrea and surrounding countries with international borders, the national capital Asmara, administrative capitals, major cities, main roads, railroads, and major airports.

We affirm our commitment to:

• The full sovereignty and territorial integrity of Eritrea, safeguarded under international law and the will of its people.
• Democratic change within Eritrea, so that justice, freedom, and accountable governance match sovereignty.
• Good neighborly relations with Ethiopia and all nations, based on mutual respect, non-interference, and international law.

Our Position

The Ethiopian government’s recent claims to Eritrean territory and maritime access — including a threat to occupy the port of Assab by force — are a direct violation of:

• International law
• The outcome of the 1993 UN-supervised Referendum
• The principle of Uti Possidetis Juris — in the African context, this refers to the idea that the borders inherited at independence are upheld by the African Union principle of colonial borders

We reject any attempt to undermine Eritrea’s independence under the guise of history, proximity, or political convenience. The Eritrean people, regardless of political affiliation, will stand together to resist any aggression or occupation.

Our Call to the Ethiopian Government

We demand that the Government of Ethiopia:

1. Cease all claims to Eritrean territory or maritime access by force or occupation, including through Assab or any other port.
2. End all hostile actions and rhetoric that threaten peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.
3. Respect the 1993 Referendum outcome and the sovereignty of Eritrea as recognized by the United Nations, the African Union, and the then-existing Ethiopian government.
4. Urgently and unconditionally complete the final and binding border demarcation in accordance with the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) decision, to permanently settle the border conflict and remove the root cause of future disputes.
5. Commit to peaceful dialogue as the only path to resolving disputes between our nations.

Our Call to the Eritrean Government

We remind the Government of Eritrea that sovereignty is best defended through the unity and will of the people, not through secretive deals, mixed signals, or unilateral military gambits.

We therefore call on the Government of Eritrea to:

1. Cease all political gestures or alignments that could be interpreted as endorsing or enabling Ethiopia’s territorial or maritime claims.
2. Publicly reaffirm — without ambiguity — Eritrea’s full independence, territorial integrity, and rejection of any foreign claim to its land or sea.
3. Refrain from issuing contradictory statements on border demarcation — at times downplaying it as a non-issue, and at other times portraying it as grounds for military action. The government’s position must be consistent, transparent, and aligned with Eritrea’s long-term national interest.
4. Avoid initiating provocative armed action under the guise of “preemptive action.” The Eritrean people’s stand is defensive, lawful, and rooted in international legitimacy.
5. Refrain from interfering in Ethiopia’s internal political affairs or participating in its armed conflicts.
6. Engage the people transparently in all matters concerning national security, ensuring that decisions reflect the will of the nation, not the calculations of a few.
7. Cease repression of political rights in Eritrea — defending Eritrea’s borders must not be used as a pretext to silence calls for democratic change.

Our Call to the Eritrean People

We call on all Eritreans — inside the country and abroad — to:

1. Stand united in defense of our independence, regardless of political differences.
2. Reject any internal division that weakens our national position in the face of external threats.
3. Support lawful, democratic change that strengthens our sovereignty and the rights of our people.
4. Engage in civic action — through media, diplomacy, and peaceful mobilization — to make our voice heard globally.
5. Preserve our history and legacy by passing on the truth of our struggle for independence and freedom to future generations.
6. Recognize that genuine change can only be achieved through the abolition of dictatorial rule and the establishment of a constitutional system of governance that guarantees the rights, freedoms, and dignity of all citizens.

Our Call to the International Community

We urge the United Nations, the African Union, and all peace-loving nations to:

1. Uphold international law and the sanctity of recognized borders.
2. Condemn any attempt to alter Eritrea’s territorial status by force or coercion.
3. Support peaceful resolution of disputes in the Horn of Africa through dialogue and mutual respect.
4. Support and guarantee the immediate implementation of the final and binding border demarcation between Eritrea and Ethiopia, ensuring a lasting resolution to the border conflict.
5. Recognize and support the will and readiness of the Eritrean people for Ethiopia to make use of Eritrean sea ports only through peaceful dialogue, mutual agreement, and in full respect of Eritrea’s sovereignty.

Conclusion

This DECLARATION is a pledge: Eritrea’s sovereignty is not for sale, negotiation, or compromise. We will defend it with unity, dignity, and determination. Our struggle is not against the Ethiopian people, but against any policy or action that seeks to erase our independence.

Our Independence and Sovereignty: Eternal and Unyielding!
EPF — September 23, 2025 (Second Edition)

Copy to:

1. E. Marco Rubio – Secretary of State of the United States
2. E. Yvette Cooper – Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs of the United Kingdom
3. E. Annalena Baerbock – President of the United Nations General Assembly
4. E. Mahmoud Ali Youssouf – Chairperson of the African Union Commission
5. E. Kaja Kallas – High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy
6. E. Filippo Grandi – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
7. E. Volker Türk – United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
8. E. Dr. Mohamed Abdelsalam Babiker – Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea

  I was deeply saddened to hear of the passing of Bo Bjelfvenstam at the age of 101. His departure is a profound loss, not only to his family     and close friends, Christina Bjork and Prof. Tomas Bergstrom but also to those of us who were fortunate enough to witness his unwavering   support for the Eritrean people's struggle for independence.

  I first had the privilege of meeting Bo in 1977 in Stockholm. It was a moment that I will never forget. Bo kindly accompanied me to my first       public meeting, where we aimed to raise awareness among the Swedish masses about the ongoing struggle in Eritrea. His presence and support on that day were invaluable—both for me personally and for the cause we championed. It was clear from the outset that Bo's commitment to the Eritrean cause was not just professional, but deeply personal.

 Bo was a humble man with a great sense of humor, always thoughtful and reflective in his conversations. His kindness and generosity shone through, especially in his willingness to listen, learn, and help others. Throughout his life, he demonstrated an unwavering dedication to the Eritrean people, and his support was not just limited to words; he was actively involved in tangible efforts to provide material support to the people in the liberated areas through Eritrea Gruppen, a solidarity group that he helped establish. This initiative played a pivotal role in ensuring the delivery of much-needed aid to the Eritrean Liberation Front during some of its most challenging times.

Bo’s contribution to the Eritrean cause extended far beyond the meetings and the aid he helped mobilize. Through his book, Tre resor till Eritrea (Three Travels to Eritrea), he gave a voice to those who were fighting for their freedom, capturing the essence of the Eritrean struggle with compassion and clarity. His reflections, both personal and political, allowed readers to see the conflict through the eyes of those who were living it—resilient, courageous, and determined. His experiences, as documented in that book, will continue to resonate for generations to come, preserving a unique and important perspective on Eritrea's path to independence.

Bo's legacy is one of deep commitment, both to the Eritrean people and to the values of justice, freedom, and human dignity. He will be remembered fondly for his humble nature, his unwavering support, and his quiet yet powerful way of making a difference.

 My thoughts are with all who loved him, and with the Eritrean community who lost a true ally and friend. May his memory live on through the impact he made on so many lives.

With deepest sympathy,

Ghere Tewelde, EPDP Chairman

May 24, 2025, marks the 34th year since our country attained its sovereignty. Thousands of patriotic Eritreans wished to see this precious day but were not fortunate enough to witness it. Hundreds of thousands sacrificed their precious lives for the independence and freedom of our people. Thanks to their noble sacrifice, our country Eritrea has had its sovereignty recognized and has become a member of the United Nations. On this occasion, I extend congratulations to all our people, both at home and abroad.

However, because our country has fallen under a dictatorial regime, our people's rights have been violated, their freedoms stripped, and through indefinite, unpaid national service, their youth's potential has been extinguished, and it has become their fate to live a life of servitude. With one radio, one TV, one newspaper, and "Network 03," the dictatorial regime has been spreading confusing false information, numbing the minds of the people, and has been and continues to exploit our country's resources, and primarily our people, at its whim. The question that needs an answer is: How did we fall into this situation? And how can we overthrow the dictatorship and become free?

The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (later the People's Front for Democracy and Justice - PFDJ), which took control of Eritrea promising to establish constitutional governance allowing a multi-party system in a free Eritrea and to establish social justice, betrayed its promises. By terrorizing the people and imprisoning leaders and members of the EPLF (and its own ranks) whom it considered opponents, it spread the tentacles of dictatorship. And because the people took this abnormal situation as normal, stopped saying "enough" despite witnessing blatant oppression, and, whether out of fear or for personal gain, became complicit in the spread of an unjust culture; and because the opposition camp has been unable to be represented by one body and one voice, the life of the dictatorship has been prolonged, and the daily life of our people is going from bad to worse.

Because the dictatorial regime's hands are washed in blood, it is unthinkable that it will reform itself. As the saying goes, "The stick is in your hand, the snake is at your feet" – the solution, our people, is in your hands. There is no power that can rule you without your consent. The answer is: No to dictatorship! Yes to freedom!

Stand up for your rights! The martyrs did not sacrifice themselves for you to live cowering and hiding on Independence Day, fearing being snatched away, but for you to walk with your head held high in your country. Yes, they gave their precious lives for you to believe, think, express, organize, move, learn, farm, herd, and work as you wish; in short, for your general freedoms to be respected and for you to be governed by law and a constitution. Your duty is to protect the sovereign country they handed over to you through noble sacrifice and to reclaim your stripped rights.

On this occasion, I also call upon the opposition camp to make the necessary compromises to achieve, without delay, the unity that this current stage demands. There is no doubt that this is a step that will give hope to our people and accelerate the downfall of the dictatorship.

Gerezgiher Tewolde
Chairman of the Political Forces of Eritrea (EPF)

Victory to the just struggle of our people!!
Downfall to the dictatorial regime!!
Eternal memory to our martyrs!
Through Unity to Freedom!!

A week ago, a friend in North America shared with me a death announcement of another Eritrean. The name of the deceased is Mulugeta Giorgis who passed away recently at the age of 87 in Maryland, USA. His burial ceremony was scheduled to take place on 25 February 2025. I am not sure what his close friends in the Eritrean regime, like Hagos Kisha, will include in his life history, but what is sure is that what they will say about Mulugeta will be totally different from what I am going to tell you here.  

Mulugeta Giorgis was the person who organized the arrest on 30.08.1965 of Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestai), Woldedawit Temesghen, Ahmed Siraj, and my middle school class teacher, Memhir Seyoum Negassi. Ghirmai Yosief was also one of his victims at a different setting.

For the sake of those who know little about our past, Seyoum and Woldedawit were among the Asmara students who joined the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in those early years. Ahmed Siraj was a tailor and urban ELF cell member in Asmara in whose house the arrest organized by Mulugeta Giorgis took place. The three languished in prison for 10 years until they were liberated by the ELF in 1975. Memhir Seyoum Negassi, who was in discussion with the two ELF envoys at the time of the arrest, was one of the active nationalist teachers of his time who influenced the Eritrean student movement.

Among victims of Mulugeta Giorgis: Seyoum ‘Harestai,’ Woldedawit Temesghen and Ahmed Siraj, the martry of Barentu/1978 whose photo could not be obtained.

Mulugeta in Kassala, 1964-65

Mulugeta Giorgis appears to be among the early recruits in the ELF. After a huge student demonstration in Asmara in March 1965, Seyoum Harestai and his close friend Woldedawit went to Kassala and were received by Mulugeta, Omar Jaber and others who were in the ELF Kassala office. When the Kassala leadership, that included Mulugeta, decided that Seyoum and Woldedawit should go back to Asmara and organize ELF cells in the city, Mulugeta was the one who arranged their trip and their potential supporters in Asmara. But soon, Mulugeta surrendered to the Ethiopian consulate in Kassala and flew to Asmara to organize their arrest.

A few months before the arrival of Seyoum and Woldedawit in Kassala, another Asmara student from the vocational school of Point IV, Ghirmai Yosief, was sent back to Asmara in a similar mission of organizing ELF cells. Mulugeta knew that Ghirmai Yosief was frequenting at the Asmara YMCA to do his ELF job. Therefore, Mulugeta could easily lead the Ethiopian security to arrest not only Ghirmai Yosief but although through him to Seyoum Harestai and Wodedawit.

The other day, I asked Ghirmai Yosief, who is the only person still alive from among those victims mentioned above, as to why Mulugeta betrayed them all. Ghirmai could not know why but said Mulugeta was a commercial school graduate and former worker at the Dutch Wonji Sugar Factory in Ethiopia.

Memhir Seyoum Negassi, Ghirmai Yosief, and the victimizer Mulugeta Giorgis.

Mulugeta in Addis Ababa, early 1970s

In the early years of the 1970s, one issue of the Ethiopian police newspaper (ፖሊስና እርምጃው) reported that Mulugeta Giorgis and a few accomplices were facing the law for a crime/arson that could have put Addis Ababa in flames.

The persons accused for the arson, including Mulugeta, were relatives of the owner of the Bowling Centre that was located near Harambee Hotel. The owner and his relatives conspired to put fire on the Bowling Centre so that the Bowling Centre owner could claim hundreds of thousands of insurance money for the damage. That owner also asked Mulugeta and other relatives to beat him, injure him with knives and leave him near his car in the outskirts of Addis on the way to Gondar.

According the police newspaper I read, the case was to be brought to the High Court in the Lideta zone of Addis. At that time, I was working as a journalist for the Ethiopian Herald. I decided to report every detail of the case as a revenge to what Mulugeta has done to my former schoolmates and school teacher whom I brought to the meeting with Seyoum and Woldedawit. The reports on the Ethiopian Herald sometimes appeared on the front page as banner headlines. I recall Baalu Ghirma, the then editor-in-chief of the Amharic Addis Zemen and author of ‘Oromai’, assigning Yohannes Disasa, a top Addis Zemen reporter, to go with me every day and cover the Bowling Centre story. Other Addis Ababa newspapers and the Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) also joined us in reporting the arson case of Mulugeta and his accomplices.

According to the final opinion of the presiding judge of the Lideta High Court, the sentences on Mulugeta and others were aggravated by several years due to the intensive press coverage, on top of them the Ethiopian Herald, that expressed the danger to public safety that the fire at the Bowling Centre could have caused if it were not put down on time.

This is part of Mulugeta’s story that will not appear in his obituary drafted by his regime friends. This could also indicate what kind of people are STILL standing on the side of the cold-hearted regime in Asmara.   

Many Eritreans are for sure not well aware of how much poor the Eritrean library still is. Records of the colonial period were themselves scanty on top of being mostly distorted or written by less informed authors. But nothing can be done about that except regretting that it was so. Eritreans of the first two to three decades of the post-Italian period cannot also be blamed for the failure to adequately put in record what was going around them because they were denied the educational background for such an endeavor. We also know what happened to us in the past 6-7 decades for not contributing enough in order to enrich the Eritrean library. One can of course mention the 30-year national liberation struggle and what followed it since 1991 as causes for the failure to write. (A few compatriots, on top of them Alemseged Tesfai and Mufti Ibrahim Mukhtar, could be spared the blame – i.e. until we see what awaits for us in Asmara’s ‘Ye Tiravolo Washa’, as the late Tesfaye Ghebreab hinted).

Anyway, to make a quick jump to today’s point: it is my gut feeling that a vast majority of  Eritreans, including many of our educated ones, lack a fair knowledge of the story of what we used to call the Eritrean Liberation Front/ELF or ‘Jebha.’ This is mainly because there has not been sufficient and fair documentation about it, at least in English. And most of the few that exist were penned down by writers with some bias or utter ignorance of all the necessary facts. To my judgment, the prevailing lack of sufficient documentation and knowledge about the ELF is a good example of the poverty of the Eritrean library.

Recently, I came across a new book entitled ‘Eritrea’s Liberation Journey: 1969-1981’ by Mohammed Kheir Omar (PhD), a writer who may not be new to those used to read his ongoing Eritrea-related articles on the social media or his Hedgait blog, not forgetting his earlier book that ambitiously tried to cover Eritrean history from ancient times to 1968. These are commendable efforts by an Eritrean intellectual who deserves a warm thank you by us readers. Let us also hope and pray that others will follow his path in order to help fill at least some of the blind spots in our recent past.

Dr.MK Omar’s new book focuses on the period 1969 to 1981 that he rightly considers “a pivotal decade” in Eritrea’s prolonged struggle for national independence. I can say he fully understands how much little some Eritreans know about their own people’s contribution in the struggle. In fact he says his main aim in writing the book was to give “an accurate account of ELF’s role in the liberation struggle—often overshadowed or distorted” by the winner organization and its partisan chroniclers. Also in the outset, the writer reassured readers that he tried to cover the period “objectively.” Well, it is easy to say that because the final judgment rests with readers who can definitely include those who usually base their judgment on “base” things – like name of the writer and his/her birthplace.  Here, the author is Mohammed and his hometown is Agordat. 

On my part, I found the book to be fairly well balanced, as the author promised. And equally importantly, it is full of new facts, new even for those who lived throughout the liberation struggle days.  

Fully matching with my knowledge and understanding, Mohammed Kheir’s book rightly informs that, although the armed struggle was started by the ELF, it in fact was a “spontaneous popular uprising against the Ethiopian repression” throughout Eritrea, with many acts of resistance occurring, spearheaded mainly by the younger generation.   

The book pertinently refutes the distorted Ethiopian claim that the formation of the Eritrean liberation movement was initiated by Egypt. He exposes the utter lack of substantiation to this argument because “the Eritrean independence movement was well-established by the 1940s, predating Egypt’s 1952 revolution.”

The author at one point wished to question as to why the EPLF regarded Patriot Woldeab Woldeab as “the Godfather of the Eritrean Revolution” while he was known for controversial comments not officially acceptable to both fronts. This indeed is a point still to be scrutinized by future historians who would have to compare roles and contributions of all our patriotic fathers, on top of them, I would say, Ibrahim Sultan Ali, the leader of the biggest party that called for independence as of mid-1940s and was instrumental in obtaining the Eritrean symbolisms that helped in strengthening Eritrean nationalism. 

In writing the book, Dr. Mohammed Kheir used primary sources by interviewing people who took part in those events mentioned in addition to using references not only to English and Tigrigna books but also to rare sources in Arabic and Amharic which are not accessible to everybody. For instance, the author’s use of Arabic books written by key actors in the struggle like the then ELF army chief Abdalla Idris, army commander Idris Hangala, ELF/PLF’s Osman Denden, the Syrian Ahmed Abu Saada, testimonies by the Sudanese intelligence person Al Fatih Urwa and others add huge value in balancing and analyzing facts in the book. Viewpoints on Eritrea and the ELF in Amharic books by former Ethiopian fighters like Ghebru Asrat and Ghidey Zeratzion are also fairly well covered in the book.   

Among other things, the book delves deep into the causes of internal Eritrean divisions and conflicts that bedeviled the struggle for a long time. On top of the list are region, religion and ethnicity followed by leadership rivalries and ideological differences.

The book affirms that the main culprits for splits in the Eritrean liberation struggle were Osman Saleh Sabbe, Isaias Afeworki and Abdalla Idris. 

The author also quotes many sources charging Abdalla Idris to be the main, although not the sole, cause for the military defeat of the ELF whose army was led till its end by persons close to Abdalla Idris, and all of them Muslims except one Christian (Tesfai Tekle), who was also from the western lowlands. The author did not mention that over 80% of the ELF army till its defeat was from the Eritrean highlands.

On his part, the Ethiopian Gebru Asrat is quoted to have admitted that “the ELF had a more considerable, well-trained force” and wouldn’t have been defeated if it were not to the participation of the Ethiopian TPLF in the Eritrean civil war and ELF’s internal tag-of-war within the leadership. 

Whatever the cause of ELF’s defeat, the writer asserts that its defeat led to Isaias Afeworki’s consolidation of power within his front that ended with the establishment of dictatorship in independent Eritrea. The author also blames the “uncritical acceptance” of the front’s followers of the “hegemonic narrative” of the EPLF.

The book argues that the characterization of the ELF and Muslim elements in general as reactionary was not only harmful but also untrue. He tells the stories of the secret parties in both fronts and lists of their founders who were mostly Muslims. The founders of the Labour Party of the ELF in 1968 included names like Ahmed Mohamed Ali Isa, its first chairman, Azien Yassin, Ibrahim Mohammed Ali, Mahmoud Mohamed Saleh, Saleh Eyay and others. The book notes that Kidane Kiflu was around in the Sudan when the party was formed but was excluded from being party member, probably, the author adds, because of the mistrust that prevailed in the field at that particular time. 

When EPLF’s secret party, the EPRP/Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party was established at Mount Gedem in 1971, its founders were mostly Muslims: Ramadan Mohamed Nur, Ibrahim Affa, Mohamed Ali Umaro, Abubakr Mohamed Hassen Gadi, Mahmoud Ahmed Sherifo, Mesfin Hagos, Isaias Afeworki, Ali Seid Abdella, Maasho Embaye, Ahmed Mohamed Nur Hilal, Ahmed Saleh al Gaisi, and Ahmed Tahir Baduri.

Dr. Mohammed Kheir concludes the book by referring to old divisions that left “lasting scars” on Eritrea’s political and social fabric and that continued to shape “the   liberation struggle and resonate in Eritrea’s post-independence governance.”

In a word, I dare say it is a book that can help readers fill gaps in their knowledge of our modern political history which has not yet taken a good shape.

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1 https://www.amazon.com/ERITREAs-LIBERATION-JOURNEY-1969-BEYOND/dp/B0DTGDJY84/ref=sr_1_1
2 www.geeska.com
3 https://books.google.ch/books?id=Eg_PDwAAQBAJ&printsec=copyright&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false