December 8, 2019 News

Source: NRK

BERGEN (NRK): Norwegian Eritreans who do not want to support the dictator in their home country are being ejected by the Eritrean Association. On Saturday, several of them demonstrated at a closed meeting for supporters of the Bergen regime.

This week NRK wrote about the Eritrean Association in Oslo, which according to the Eritrean opposition environment is controlled by the regime in Eritrea.

According to NRK sources, the association is a front organization for what is one of the world’s most repressive regimes. The association itself has rejected this.

On Saturday afternoon Norwegian Eritreans who do not support the regime met outside the premises of Bergen International Cultural Center. Inside a meeting was taking place organised by the Eritrean association Hordaland.

Behind closed doors

At the closed meeting, supporters and representatives from the regime gathered. Also present at the gathering was Abraham Woldu, who for several years has been an informal representative of Eritrea in Norway.

NRK has also been informed that a representative from the Eritrean embassy in Stockholm was among the participants.

The protesters believe the meeting was designed to promote the totalitarian regime in the country.

According to promoter Hirity Isaksen, the meeting was first announced as being open, and later closed.

In an SMS to NRK, the association also confirms that today’s meeting was internal and open to members only.

“We react that the meeting is suddenly closed to Eritrean refugees who want to ask questions. This is an ideal association that receives support from the public. They invite openly, but when we come they say that it is closed and that we must be members,” says Isaksen.

Distances from the regime

About twenty protesters met outside the premises at Kong Oscars gate in the center of Bergen.

“They are holding these meetings to get financial support for the regime to help prop it up,” demonstrator Bashir Abulkader said.

He says that all the protesters want to say a clear no to the dictatorship and the country’s long-standing dictator Isaias Afwerki.

They also wanted to make it clear that the Eritrean Association does not represent all Eritreans in Norway.

A closed association

Leader of the regime-critical organization Eritrean Committee, Finn Våge, told NRK that the Eritrean association in Norway has gradually been taken over by politically active people who are loyal to the dictator.

“They have almost closed this association, so that real Eritrean refugees to Norway cannot participate in it. Those who oppose the board of Eritrea are thrown out and have to form their own associations,” says Våge.

This is confirmed by Professor Kjetil Tronvoll at Bjørknes University College in Oslo.

“Several Eritreans in my network say that this is an association that clearly supports the regime in Eritrea, and which the regime also uses informally as its ‘representatives’ in Norway,” says Tronvoll.

Saturday, 07 December 2019 20:31

Radio dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 07.12.2019

Written by

A two-day seminar convened in Goteborg, Sweden on the disappearance of children in Europe, the migration of under-age children, forced National Service, human trafficking and the illegal sale of human organs.

A two-day seminar organized by International Association for higher public schools (Internationella Folkhögskolan) in cooperation with ABF (SDP Sweden), SAIN Party (Partido SAIN), Ph. Dignitex from Spain and HomeNet South Asia was convened from November 30 to December 1, 2019.

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Members of the EPDP, brother Tsehaye Keleta and brother Baire Gebreweld who participated in the seminar, explained the critical situation of Eritrea and its people by elaborating the transgression (of the law), oppression and forced national service inflicted on the Eritrean people by the PFDJ Regime. Two guests from Spain, Mrs. Corina Fuks and Mr. Juan Sabin, disclosed the existence of a large prostitution market for African Immigrants by Mafia smugglers and deliberated that Spain is the gate for marketing child slaves during their broad presentation based on documents and research. 

On the second day, brother Tsehaye Keleta reiterated the PFDJ regime’s brutal rule by exposing that Eritrea is an isolated country with complete absence of constitution, parliament, democratic election, freedom of press and speech and that Eritrea has no university but 360 detention centers, instead. There is only one government-owned TV station and only one government-owned newspaper in the country. He also explained that the main victims of this condition are the youth and under-age children who are forced to join the National Service and/or leave the country. To this effect, Tsehaye presented the portraits of parentless children that have taken refuge in Ethiopia and the Sudan.

Then followed the marvelous situation in Thailand, Pakistan and Afghanistan supported by pictures. Participants, astounded by our country’s situation, asked many questions and especially the representatives of the two Associations from Spain said that they had no clue that the Eritrean people were going through these kinds of harsh conditions. They even suggested that the world should know this worrisome condition and advised us to visit Spain and explain our country’s condition, offering to connect us with journalists. They criticized the world for giving deaf ear to the situation in Eritrea and finally took all the pictures and promised to invite us. 

 

 

ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣስፋሕፊሑ ንዘሎ መርዛም መግዛእታዊ ምምሕዳሩ ምኽኑይ ንምምሳል፡ ካብ ዘቕርቦም ምስምሳት ሓደ “ንናጻን ልኡላዊትን ኤርትራ ኣነ ስለ ዘምጻእኩዋ ከም ድላየይ እንተ ገብርኩዋ፡ መን ይእውደኒ” ዝብል ብደዐ ምዃኑ ንኹሉ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ንጹር እዩ። ህግዲፍ ከምዚ ክብል እንከሎ ኣጐሊሑ ካብ ዘመሓላልፎ መልእኽቲ፡ ንኹሉቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነቱን ልኡላውነቱን ዝኸፈሎ ክቡር ዋጋን መስዋእትነትን ምጥላሙን ምኽሓዱን እዩ።

ህግዲፍ ነዚ ጥልመቱ “ንሕና ሃገር ንሕና ህዝቢ” ብዝብል ውሽጡ ብዕረ ዝተላዕጠጠ ምቁር ዝመስል መዝሙር  የስምዕ። እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን፡ ዘየለ ስኒት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህግደፍን ከም ዘሎ ንምምሳል  “ሓደ ህዝቢ ሓደ ልቢ” ዝብል ቅኒት እውን ኣለዎ። እዚ ኩሉ ንኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነትን ናይ ቃልሲ ኣበርክቶን ደምሲስካ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ነቲ ሜዳ በይኑ ብሒቱ ከም ድላዩ ንከኹድደሉ ዝሃንደሶ እዩ። ኣብ ሓደ ኣጋጣሚ ጋዜጠኛ፡ ጋዜጣ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ ንዲክታቶር ኢሳያስ “ ዝምድና ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህግዲፍን ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ይርከብ?” ኢሉ ምስ ሓተቶ፡ ብነድሪ ዝሃቦ መልሲ “ንህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህግዲፍንከ ሓደ ክንሶም መንዩ ክልተ ኣካላት ገይርዎም?” ብዝብል ንሕቶኡ ብሕቶ ዝመለሰሉ ኢሳያስ ድምጽን ደሃይን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣጥፊኡ ከም ድላዩ ንክገብር ዝነበሮን ዘለዎን መላኺ ህርፋን ዘርኢ እዩ።

እቲ ሓቂ እምበኣር፡ ከምቲ መራሒ ህግዲፍ ዝደባልቖ ዘይኮነ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝነበረ፡ ዘሎን ንዘለኣለም ዝህሉን እዩ። ህግደፍ ግና ትማሊ ዘይነበረ፡ ሎሚ ዘሎ ጽባሕ ግና ዘይህሉ ኩንትራቱ ወዲኡ ከም ጽላሎት ዝሓልፍ ጉጅለ እዩ። ሎሚ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ መግዛእታዊ  ግፍዒ ከኣ፡ ጽባሕ ኣብ ጸሊም መዝግብ ታሪኽ ክምዝገብ እዩ። እዚ ዘይተርፍ መስርሕ ህግዲፍ ይድለዮ ኣይድለዮ ብናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ሕጊ ዝግዛእ ተረኽቦ እዩ። ካብዚ ነቒልና ኢና ከኣ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንህግዲፍ እምበር፡ ህግዲፍ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፈጥሮን ዝወዳደሮን ኣይኮነን” እንብል።

“ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ስለምንታይ ናይ ቀደም ኣበርክቶ፡ ኣብ ናይ ሎሚ ዕዳጋ ክሸይጥ ላሕ ዝብል፡ እዋናዊ ጠለብን ህዝባዊ ትሕዝቶን ዘለዎ ሓሳብ ሒዙ ናብ ዕዳጋ ዘይወርድ?” ንዝብል ሕቶ ብዙሓት ወገናት ዝህብዎ ነናቶም ምኽንያታት ኣለዎም። ዝተወሰኑ ወገናት ህግዲፍ ክገብር እንዳኸኣለ፡ ዝሕንግድ ዘሎ ኣምሲሎም ዝስእልዎ ኣለዉ። ርግጽ እዩ ህግዲፍ ንህዝብና ብዓይኒ ጽልኢ ስለ ዝርእዮ፡ ንጽብቑ ከምዘይሓስብ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ንሱ ጥራይ ግና ኣይኮነን። ህግዲፍ ነዚ ንነብረሉ ዘለና መዋእል ዝምጥንን እዋናዊ ሕቶ ህዝብና ዝምልስን ኣተሓሳስባ ዘመንጩ ዓቕምን ዓቕልን እውን የብሉን። ንሱ ግና ሓቀኛ እንታይነቱ ንምሕባእ፡ እንተ ፈትዩን ደልዩን ሕቶ ህዝቢ ናይ ምምላስ ዓቕሚ ከም ዘለዎ መሲሉ ክቐርብን ከጉባዕብዕን ይፍትን እዩ። ገለ ወገናት ከምቲ “ጨጓር ከልብስ ኣሎ እንዳበልካዮ ይመውት” ዝብልዎ ህግዲፍ ዘሎ መሲልዎም፡ ክገብር እንተደልዩ ተኣምራት ክሰርሕ ከም ዝኽእል ገይሮም ክገልጽዎ እንከለዉ ዘገርም እዩ።

እቲ ቀደምቀደም መሰረታዊ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንኤርትራ ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ምንጋፋ ተባራዒ ኣጀንዳ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ፡ እቲ ናይ ሎሚ ህግዲፍ ከም ኣካል ኤርትራዊ ሓርነታዊ ሓይሊ ኣበርክቶኡ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቃልሲ ግና ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ካብ ባዕዲ መንዚዕካ፡ ንኤርትራዊ ገዛኢ ብምርካባ ዝውዳእ ዘይኮነ፡ ክሳብ ፍጹም ሓርነት ቀጻሊ ነይሩን እዩን። ከምዚ ካብ ኮነ፡ ሕቶ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ምስተመለሰ ካለኦት ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሕቶታት ክቐርቡ ባህርያዊ ነይሩ። ቀሪቦም ከኣ። እቲ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት እሞ ንምምላሱ ንቃለሰሉ ዘለና ሕቶ ሰፊሕ ዝርዝር ዘለዎ ኮይኑ “ሕገመንግስታዊ፡ ብዙሕነታውን ማዕርነታውን ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ምትካል” ብዝብል ክጠቓለል ዝኽእል እዩ። እቲ ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝወሃብ ዝነበረ መልስታት፡ ነዚ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሕቶታት መልሲ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን እዩ። ነብሱ ዝኸኣለ ምስዚ ሓድሽ ምዕራፍ ዝሰማማዕ መልሲ ምሃብ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ህግዲፍ ግና ነዚ ሓድሽ ናይ ካለኣይ ምዕራፍ ሕቶታት፡ በቲ ነባር ናይ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት መልስታት ክምልሶ እዩ ዝህቅን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ ኣብቲ ናይ ቀደም ቅያ ተሓቢኡ ክነብር ይህቅን። ካብዚ ነቒልና ኢና እምበኣር ንተግባራት ህግዲፍ ናይ ቀደም ፍርያት፡ ኣብ ዘመናዊ ዕዳጋ ኣውሪድካ ክትከስብ ከም ምህቃን እንወስዶ። እቲ ኩነታት ባዕሉ ግና ኣብ ሎሚ ኮይንካ ብናይ ቀደም ኣተሓሳስባ ምንባር ከምዘይከኣል ሰማዒ ደኣ ኣይረኸበን እምበር ንህግዲፍ ይነግሮ ኣሎ። መልሲ ህግዲፍ ምስ ምዕባለ ናይቲ ዝለዓል ህዝባዊ ሕቶ ዝምዕብል ዘይኮነ፡ ህግዲፍ እዩ ነቲ ህዝባዊ ሕቶ ምስቲ ዝኣረገን ተደጋጋምን መልሱ ኣመዓራርዩ ክቐርጾ ዝደሊ።

ሎሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ህግዲፍ ብተግባር ሕቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምምላስ ዝምጥን ብቕዓት ኮነ ቅሩብነት ከምዘይብሉ ተረዲኡ እዩ። ነቲ ዘይብቕዓቱ ተንኮል ክውስኸሉ እንከሎ ከኣ፡ ሳዕቤኑ መሊሱ ከም ዝገድድ  ብተግባር ዝረአ ዘሎ እዩ። ህግዲፍ ብኹሉ መለክዒ ሃገር ክመርሕን ህዝቢ ከመሓድርን ከምዘይደሊ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ከምዘይበቅዕ ተነጺሩ እዩ። ሕቶ ህዝቢ ክምልስ ዘይምድላዩን ዘይምኽኣሉን ደሚርካ ከኣ እቲ መፍትሒ ምስ ኩሉ ናይ ጭቆና መሳርዑ ምውጋዱ ምዃኑ መተካእታ የብሉን። እዚ ከኣ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ተወዲቦም ዝቃለሱ ዘለዉ ሓይልታቱን መሰረታዊ ሓላፍነት እዩ። ናይቶም ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ኣብ ምውጋድ ክመሓዘዉ ዝዕደሙ ዘይኤርትራዊ ሓይልታት ብጽሒት ኣብ ልዕሊ ኣበርክቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መመላእታ እምበር መተካእታ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓባር ንህግዲፍ “ኣነ ነባሪ እየ፡ ንስኻ ግና ሓላፊ ኢኻ እሞ ተኣለ” ዝብል መልእኽቱ ክነግሮ እዋኑ እዩ።

ነዛ ከም ኣርእስቲ ኣስፊረያ ዘለኹ ሕቶ ቆሊቦም፡ ቅልጡፍ መልሲ ዝህቡ ብዙሓት ከምዝኾኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። እቶም ንኹሉ መለክዕታት መዚኖም ግምታቶም ዘቕርቡ ልክዕ ክኾኑ ኢዮም።  እቶም ብስምዒታት ዝምልሱ ግን ክጋገዩ ኢዮም።

መንግስቲ ኤርትር ኣሽንካይዶ ኣብ ቁጽሮም ንዝምልከት፡ ብዛዕባ ምብዛሕን ምውሓድን ተቓወምቲ ክዛረብ ንህላወኦም’ውን ዝእመን ኣይኮነን። ተቓውምቲ ድማ፡ ንዓቕሚ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ብምግምጋም ኣብ ደንደስ ውድቀቱ ከምዘሎ ኢዮም ዝመዝኑ። እቲ ሓቂ ግን ኣየናዩ ኢዩ?

ኣብ ኤርትራ ስርዓተ ምርጫ ወይ ስርዓተ መገመቲ ድምጺ (Polling) ስለዘየለ፡ ደጋፊ መንግስቲ'ዶ ተቓዋሚ ይበዝሕ ብቁጽሪ ክፍለጥ ዝከኣለሉ ኩነታት የለን። እቲ ክዝረብ ዝከኣል ብዛዕባ ሚዛን ሓይልታት ስለዝኾነ ግን፡ ሚዛን ሓይሊ መንግስትን ተቓወምትን ከመይ ከምዘሎ ንምፍላጡ ዘጽግም ኣይኮነን።

ውልቀ-መላኺ ኢሰያስ ን29 ዓመታት ኣብ ምምራሕ ምጽንሑ ከም መዐቀኒ ናይ ዘለዎ ህዝባዊ ደገፉ ጌሮም ዝርእዩ ኣለዉ። እቲ ሓቂ ግን፡ ብኣንጻሩ ዉልቀ-መላኺ ኢሰያስ ዝሓለፈ 29 ዓመታት ካብ ህዝቢ ከም ዝፈርሕን ዝሃድምን ኢዩ ከመስክር ጸኒሑ። ህዝባዊ ደገፍ ዘለዎ ዲሞክራሲ ኣይፈርሕን ኢዩ። ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓ ኣይጸልእን ኢዩ። ኢስያስ ግን፡ ካልእ ይትረፍ ነቲ ባዕሉ ዝደኮኖ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ህግደፍ፡ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ኤርትራ፡ ካቢነ ሚኒስተራት ወዘተ እ ውን ክፈርሖም ኢዩ ጸኒሑ።

ህዝባዊ ግምባር ኣብ 1993 ንረፈረንደም ክሰማማዕ እንከሎ፡ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሙሉእ ምትእምማን ስለዝነበሮ ኢዩ። ብህዝበ-ውሳነ ኣቢልካ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ምዝዛም ዝሓሸ መንገዲ ከምዝኾነ ስለዝኣመነ ኢዩ ኣትይዎ። ኣብ ህዝቢ እምነት ዘለዎ፡ ህዝቢ ንምስታፍ ኣይፈርሕን ኢዩ። ወለንታዊ ህዝባዊ ደገፍ ዘለዎ፡ ናብ ምልኪ ኣይሰግርን ኢዩ። እንተኾነ ግን፡ ኢሰያስ ካብ ህዝቢ ዘለዎ ደገፍ፡ ወለንታዊ ደገፍ ኣይኮነን። ህዝቢ ተገዲዱ ዝህቦ  ደገፍ ኢዩ ኢስያስ ዘለዎ። ንህዝቢ ድማ ብዝተፈላለየ ምኽንያታት ደጊፍዎ ከምዝነብር ክገብሮ ብዙሕ ጽዒሩ። እቶም ሆይ ሆይ እናበሉ ዝድግፍዎ፡ በብግዜኡ’ውን እናገደፍዎ ዝኸዱ ዘለዉ፡ ብዙሓት ኢዮም። እቶም ብጥቕሞም ወይ ብድሑር ስምዒታት ተገዚኦም ዝድግፍዎ ክሳብ ናብ መቓብር ምስኡ ዝወርዱ ድማ ቁንጣሮ ኢዮም።

ኢስያስ ካብቲ ህዝባዊ ደገፍ ኣለኒ ንመበሊ ዝጥቀመሉ ሜላታት፡ ምድላው በዓላት፡ ፈስቲቫላትን ሰላማዊ ሰልፍታትን ኢዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ዝበለ ኣጋጣሚታት ተጸዊዕም ዘይመጹ ከም ጸረ-ሃገር ተቖጺሮም፡ ዝወሃቦም ዝነበረ ኩፖን ናይ ኣስቤዛ ቀበሌ ስለዝኽልከሎም ናብ ሰልፊ ድዩ ኣኺባ ክመጹ ግዱዳት ኢዮም። በዚ ምፍርራሓት'ዚ ኣቢሉ ንዝተኣከበ ህዝቢ፡ እንሆለ! እዚ ኩሉ ህዝቢዚ ኢዩ ዝስዕበኒ ምባል ምትላል ጥራይ ኢዩ ክኸውን ዝኽእል።

ኣብ ወጻኢ ሃገራት ንዝነብር ኤርትራዊ’ውን ካብዚ ብዘይፍለ፡ ናብ ኣውያት ዘስምዓሉ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ እንተዘይመጺኦም፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ዘጥረይዎ ንብረት ኣብ ሓደጋ ከምዝኣቱ እናፈራርሑ፡ ቤተ-ሰቦም ኣትዮም ክርእዩ ከምዘይክእሉ እናኣሰምዑ ኢዮም ነቲ ህዝቢ ዝእክብዎ። ስለዚ ብወለንታ ዘይኮነስ ብኣስገዳድ ብዝተኣኻኽብ ብዝሒ ጌሮም ኢዮም ንዓለም ዘታልሉ።

ሎሚ ግን እቲ ኣታሊልካን ኣፈራሪሕካን ምእካብ ተወዲእዎም ኢዩ። ተግባራትን ጠባያትን ውልቀ-ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢስያስ ኣብ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ተቓሊዑ ኢዩ። ብሕልናኡ ነዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ዘይቃወም ኤርትራዊ ስድራ-ቤት የለን። እዚ ስርዓት'ዚ ክቕየረሉ ዘይደሊ፡ ኣብ ህዝባዊ ኣገልግሎት ዘሎ ድዩ፡ ኣብ ሰራዊት ዘሎ ብዓል ስልጣን የለን፡፡ ሃገር ጠንጢኖም ዝወጹ ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን እቶም ተራ ዜጋታት ጥራይ ኣይኮኑን። ደቂ ሚኒስተራትን ደቂ ጀነራላትን ውን (እቶም ብወለዶም ተመዓራርዩሎም ዝወጹ ገዲፍና) ሃዲሞም ክወጹ ንርኢ ኣሎና።

እዚ ኣብ ኣስመራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ኣብ ደንደስ ውድቀቱ ኢዩ ዘሎ እንተተባህለ ሓቂ ኢዩ። ናይ ተቓውሞ ድምበ እናሰፍሐ ምኻድ’ውን ክንዕዘቦ ዝከኣል ኢዩ። እንተኾነ ግን፡ ተቓዉሞ ደምበ በዚ ዘለዎ ሃለዋት፡ ነዚ ኣብ ደንደስ ውድቀት ዘሎ ስርዓት ከውድቖ ስለዝይክእል ሕጽረታቱ ከወግድ ክኽእል ኣለዎ።

ደምበ ተቓዉሞ ክቑጸሩ ዝኽእሉ ብዙሓት ሕጽረታት ኣለዉዎ። ቀንዲ ካብኡ ድማ፡ ንዉልቀ መላኺ ስርዓት ከግጥምን ክስዕርን ዝኽእል ኣወዳድባ ክሳብ ሎሚ ክሕዝ ዘይምኽኣሉ ኢዩ። ብሓባር ንሓደ ዕላማ ክሰርሕ ዘይከኣለ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ከድምዕ ኣይክእልን ኢዩ። እቲ ቀንዲ ነዚ ዝቦኽቦኸ ስርዓት ዕምሩ ኣናዊሕሉ ዘሎ’ውን፡ እዚ ዘይውሁድ ሃለዋት ኢዩ። ውህደትን ብቑዕ ውደባን እንተዘየልዩ፡ ውደባ ድማ፡ ሓደ ካብቶም ንሚዛን ሓይሊ ተቖራቖስቲ ሓይልታት ዝውስኑ ረቓሒታት ስለዝኾነ፡ ሚዛን ሓይሊ ናብ ጠቕሚ ተቓዋማይ ኣሎ ንምባል ዘድፍር ኣይኮነን። እቲ ስፍሓት፡ እቲ ብዝሒ ካልእ ኢዩ። እቲ ኣድማዕነትን ኣስልጦን (effectivness) ድማ ካልእ ኢዩ። ተቓውሞ ደምበ ክንዲ ዝበዝሐ ይብዛሕ ክንዲ ዝሰፍሐ ይስፋሕ ተግባራዊ የለን። ኣድማዒ የልን። ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ ክንዲ ዝጸበበ ይጽበቡ፡ ክንዲ ዝወሓደ ይውሓዱ፡ ውደባኦም ይሰርሕ ኣሎ። ከፈራርሕዎ ንዝደልዩ የፈራርሕዎ ኣለዉ። ከጥቅዕዎ ንዝደልዩ የጥቅዕዎ ኣለዉ። እዚ ኣብዚ ዝሓልፈ ሰሙን ኣብ ልዕሊ ናይ ፍትሒ ተቓልሳይ ኣማኑኤል ኢያሱ ኣሰና ዝፈነዉዎ መጥቃዕቲ ዝሰርሕ ግና ኣዕናዊ ውደባ ከምዘለዎም ዘመልክት ኢዩ። ዋላ ውን ከምኡ እንተኾነ ግን፡ ብብሩህ  ፖለቲካዊ ጥፈሻኦም ዘመስክር ኢዩ። ናይ ዓቕሊ ጽበትን ናይ ስዑራትን ስጉምቲ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ናይ ውደባኦምን ተግባራውነቶምን ጉዳይ ግን ክንዓቕ ዘይብሉ ኢዩ።

እቲ ሕጂ ኣብ ቅድሚ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዘሎ ሕቶ፡ ከመይ ጊርና ነዚ በብእዋኑ እናሰፍሐ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ፡ ደምበ ፍትሒ ንውድቦን ነንቀሳቕሶን ኢዩ። ነዚ ምስእንበቅዕ ጥራይ ኢና ንሚዛን ሓይሊ ኣብ ጠቕሚ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ቀይርና ዓወት ክመጽእ ዝኽእል

Sunday December 1 2019

Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

The UN has accused Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of fanning instability in Somalia and South Sudan. PHOTO | MONIRUL BHUIYAN | AFP 

In Summary

  • Ethiopia, which chaired Igad until last Friday, and Kenya have only given piecemeal support, with occasional visits or bilateral meetings, the report by the UN Panel of Experts says.
  • Kenya on the other hand accused the UN team of passing the buck, arguing that Kenya suffers whenever South Sudan is at war as its businesses close and it hosts refugees.

AGGREY MUTAMBO By AGGREY MUTAMBO

More by this Author

Just months after winning the Nobel Peace Prize, Ethiopia’s reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is fighting accusations of his interfering with the affairs of neighbouring countries.

In November, two United Nations reports accused him of being lukewarm in South Sudan peace process and fuelling fires of instability in Somalia; two of the countries he has been closely involved in as the chairman of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development.

In South Sudan, where Igad midwifed a revitalised peace agreement in September last year, Abiy’s government, Uganda and Kenya were accused of being inconsistent in ensuring the deal is implemented.

PEACE PROCESS

“Over the past year, the Igad and member states neighbouring South Sudan – specifically Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan and Uganda – have not demonstrated full and consistent engagement in the peace process,” a UN report said.

“The government of Salva Kiir, in particular, has benefited from the inconsistent approach of the region.”

Source=https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/africa/UN-accuse-Abiy-Ahmed-of-fanning-instability-Somalia-South-Sudan/4552902-5369060-dss0hmz/index.html  

Friday, 06 December 2019 11:02

The anatomy of Ethiopia’s mismanaged transition

Written by

December 6, 2019 Ethiopia, News

Source: Addis Standard

Addis Abeba, December 05/2019– In hisSelections from Prison Notebooks, Antonio Gramsci famously wrote in 1930: “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.”1 He was writing about the late 1920s, an era epitomized since by economic recession, the rise of fascism and an imminent world war. In his concept of “interregnum”, the old order had lost authority, and its successor had yet to re-engender a properly functioning society. During such an interregnum, society could experience myriad problems, even chaos, and, in some cases, political violence.

In December 2017, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), impelled by a persistent popular uprising in the Oromia region, embarked on a program it described as “deep renewal.” This ushered in a process exemplifying Gramsci’s “interregnum”. The EPRDF-designed political system, anchored by institutionalization of a dominant party in exchange for rapid economic growth, is dying. A new system remains unborn or even unimagined. Previously banned political forces remain inactive or unable to offer alternative models.  Morbid symptoms have begun to appear.

What diagnosis do these symptoms suggest? Interregnums are dangerous — particularly if accompanied by unwillingness to imagine new power structures. In Ethiopia’s case, leaders of the “reformed” EPRDF have proven unable to manage the difficult process of democratization. Political authority has fragmented; a general feeling of national drift has raised the specter of state collapse. That would be the greatest geopolitical catastrophe in the Horn of Africa.

There was indeed an unmistakable reformist shift, and relaxation of political tension; the specter of state collapse faded.

Morbid Symptoms

EPRDF’s embrace of “deep renewal” promised a new political dispensation. In Ethiopia, power-holders would henceforth be accountable to citizens through regular free elections, protecting rather than violating human rights; state institutions would provide good governance rather than function as an arm of the dominant political party. There was indeed an unmistakable reformist shift, and relaxation of political tension; the specter of state collapse faded. 

In March 2018, the ruling EPRDF designated a new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed;he was sworn inin April. He implemented reforms with speed and gusto, gaining a receptive audience among Ethiopians. He visited nearly all regions, and diaspora communities abroad, preaching love, forgiveness and national reconciliation. He won over Western leaders with fashionable reform measures (e.g. appointing women) and occasionally expressing endorsement of liberal economic tenets. There was a deep reservoir of public support for the expressed commitment to reform and effort to ensure a transition to democracy.   

Twenty months later, those glimpses of liberalization and democratic transition have proven a mirage.  Symptoms of dysfunction are multiplying. The ruling party of the last three decades has lost its cohesion.Centrifugal forces and jockeying for powerhave soured relations within the EPDRF coalition, as each member resorts to a separate identity. As a party, the EPRDF is suffering an identity crisis, unsure of the political ideology that once gave it the coherence to govern effectively.

Because the party is essentially moribund, governance has collapsed. The prime minister holds on to power by deploying the military and the politicized state machinery. The regional states are in disarray, each with distinct challenges. Tigray isisolated, Oromia largely ungoverned andexperiencing violence, the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) isunsure of its future, and the Amhara Region is the scene (and source) ofpolitical violence

Contrary to the official portrayal of robust growth, the economy is in trouble. Increasing unemployment, runaway inflation, a foreign currency crunch, mounting debt, and credit difficulties characterize the current economic landscape

Contrary to the official portrayal of robust growth, the economy is in trouble. Increasing unemployment, runaway inflation, a foreign currency crunch, mounting debt, and credit difficulties characterize the current economic landscape. The newly unveiledHomegrown Economic Reform, sporting the language of the discredited Washington Consensus, has not addressed existing economic challenges. Will it ever work? Its only purpose seems to be to repudiate the developmental-state model of the prime minister’s predecessors.

The worst features of EPRDF rule, whichprecipitated mass uprisingsin recent years, have now returned with a vengeance. Mass arrests, lengthy detention without charge and other infringement of citizens’ rights, including illegal searches, restrictions on assembly, expression and movement, are commonplace. Security forces use threats, online filtering and other forms of harassment to intimidate opponents. Political party leaders and their supporters are subjected to illegal detention, with allegations of physical beating, and torture. In its 2019 annual report, Freedom House ranked Ethiopia as “not free,” with an abysmal record on political and civil liberties. Ethiopia today looks less like an example of successful political transition than of how democratization fails.  

Inherent Dangers

Transition requires skillful management. Liberalization, the opening up of an authoritarian order, if not managed competently, can quickly foment insecurity, sacrificing the very legitimacy a new regime needs most. In Ethiopia’s case, fateful mistakes were made at the outset.  Inherent dangers were ignored.

Rejection of a Roadmap

There were several reasons for the failure of democratic transition. One was lack of a clear agenda for the post-authoritarian period. The history of successful democratization attests that broad agreement among elites on transitional guidelines and on procedures for popular participation is essential. Without a program that bridges the receding and emerging political orders, there is little chance of successful transition from authoritarian rule to democratic governance.  

At the beginning of the Ethiopian transition, the prime minister was implored to convene the major political parties to design a roadmap for the complicated process of change.  His initial response? “I will be the bridge that ensures a successful transition.” When the calls increased, he dismissed them: “the term roadmap has no meaning in political economy.” In the absence of guidelines, every political actor acted to maximize their political fortune. Supporters clashed, with fatalities and destruction of property. Cases in point are the incidents of September 2017, following the return to the capital of the Patriotic Genbot 7 and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

Despite these warning signs, the prime minister showed no inclination to offer a program of transition, though he always talked about peace, forgiveness and love as a way forward. These notions have now coalesced into“meddemer”(addition), offered as the ideology of reform and transition. Such as it was, it came too late. The transition had drifted rudderless, producing more conflicts. Neither personal “bridge” nor infantile philosophy could substitute for a roadmap for transition.  

Return of the Old Guard

Another danger the EPDRF leadership ignored has been the old guard’s determination to return to power. Democratization is naturally redistributive of political and economic power; it threatens elite power and dominance. In 2014-18, when a revolutionary protest movement of the disenfranchised threatened EPDRF’s monopoly of power, the political elite joined the movement for change rather than continue to confront it. However, they remained focused on regaining their grip on power.

The new leadership assumed responsibility for leading the transition but did little to guard it against counter-revolution. With decision-making concentrated in the prime minister’s office, the old elite in the capital easily returned to dominance, filling key positions with political loyalists and party apparatchiks admittedly opposed to democratization. The business elite bought a place at the table, and donated millions to the prime minister’s favorite projects in exchange for kickbacks in government contracts. The business and political elites have indeed successfully mounted an internal coup d’etat, hijacking the revolution and dislodging genuine agents of change.2   

Strategic mistakes

Popular protests toppling authoritarian systems do not always succeed in establishing democratic systems. To succeed, the first order of business is assembling forces of change in support of transition. In Ethiopia’s case, either political miscalculation or failure to heed its importance was a strategic mistake, resulting in lack of support from the forces that brought about the transition.

In aspeech at Bahir Dar Universityin April 2018, the prime minister retorted: “Amhara nationalism is growing at an alarming speed. Please study it. Oromo nationalism has taken [Ethiopia’s] largest population and diminished it. Instead of thinking at a national or continental level, it has reduced the Oromo to village level politics.” This failed to endear him to Amhara nationalists, whose objective was to ride the wave of rising Amhara nationalism to regain their long lost power. On the other hand, the supercilious description of Oromo nationalism enraged Oromo nationalists. In effect, the prime minister alienated the Amhara nationalists he sought to restrain and antagonized the Oromo nationalists who had catapulted him into office. The forces of counter-revolution were ushered in to take the reins of power, thus jeopardizing the transition at the outset.

A second strategic mistakewas the failure to recognize that the goal of transition was a state fulfilling longstanding demands for liberty, equality, justice and human dignity. For half a century, political struggle had focused against a centralized political system that excluded, marginalized and oppressed the majority of Ethiopians. But instead of envisioning a reconstructed state, EPRDF’s “reformist” leaders thought in terms of restoring Ethiopia’s “glorious past as a state.” In political terms, the prime minister’s “vision” of return was tantamount to repudiation of the sacrifices of the last five decades. Worse, glorification of the horrid Ethiopian state became an impediment to moving forward to a democratic state.

A third strategic mistakewas the failure to recognize that the mandate is to serve as either a caretaker or a transitional government. Crucial to the caretaker function was rebuilding the state apparatus damaged during the protests. Whatever the reasons, the government proved unable to reconstitute the lower rungs of administration and failed even to gain control over the territory it was meant to govern. Public security, the most important responsibility of any government, broke down. Violence proliferated. For the first time in more than two decades, the regime itself looked vulnerable to implosion.

There are indications that the next national election, ostensibly the end of the transition process, was beset with problems even before the campaign could begin in earnest

As a transitional government, the regime had to prepare for democratic elections. There are indications that the next national election, ostensibly the end of the transition process, was beset with problems even before the campaign could begin in earnest. The new electoral law was issued only eight months before the elections scheduled for May 2020. Complaints from the opposition include difficulties with party registration, opposition to elements of the new electoral law itself, and questions about the impartiality of the electoral commission. Electoral officers are not being recruited and trained. Polling logistics are not being organized. There are, in fact, no visible preparations for elections. A constitutional crisis is in the making.

 At the federal level, the prime minister’s centralizing decision making has undermined institutional autonomy of government agencies and subverted established processes. Federal entities are tasked with acting in the public interest, and while the executive has an administrative supervising function, it has accumulated unchecked ad hoc powers. This has eroded the functional autonomy of government institutions and degraded transparency and accountability. The failure to rebuild lower-level state institutions, and the prime minister’s personal decision-making style have paralyzed the delivery of public services, rendering the government utterly dysfunctional.

Current Challenges

The model of democratic transition adopted in Ethiopia was in any case flawed from the very beginning. The process of designing and implementing a transitional roadmap did not include all political actors. It eschewed broad social and political consensus for a new political system before holding elections. Empowerment of old-regime elites in the transition process, exclusion of nationalist parties, neglect of the protest movement’s demands, and antagonistic political forces have now doomed the democratic transition. 

Friday, 06 December 2019 09:49

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet kassel 05.12.2019

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ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ቀንድን መሰረታውን ዕላምኡ ዝገበርካ ገይርካ፡ ኣብ ስልጣን ምንባር ምዃኑ ዘየማትእ ካብ ዝኸውን ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ነዚ ከውሕስ ክብል ኩሉ ካብ ምግባር ንድሕሪት ከም ዘይብል ከኣ ተመኩሮኡ ይምስክር። ኣብቲ መስርሕ ቀንዲ ግዳይ ዝገብሮ ከኣ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክንብል እንከለና፡ ምስ ኩሉ መሰላቱ፡ ባህሉ፡ ቋንቋኡን ክብሩን፡ ዋጋ መስዋእቱ፡ ጸጋታቱ ማለትና ኢና።

እዚ ዲክታተር ነዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ እኩይ ተግባሩ ንከዐውት ዝጥቀሞ ሜላታት ብዙሕ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራዊ ጉዳዩ ዓቲቡ ምእንቲ ከይርእን መፍትሒ ሃሰው ኣብ ምባል ከየድህብን ሻቢብካ ምሓዙ እዩ። ነዚ ንምዕዋት ኣብ ክንዲ ምስ ዝሓሸን ብሩህ መጻእን ምውድዳድ ምስቲ ዝሓለፈ ህዝብና ተቓሊሱ ዝሰዓሮ ናይ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ህይወት እንዳወዳደረ “ሎሚ ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእተይ ይሕሸካ” ዘስምዕ መዝሙር ይዝምር። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ናይ መጀመርያ ዓመታት  መግዛእቱ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ንኹሉ ሓጥያት ነቶም ገዛእቲ እንዳላገበ ናይ “ግዜ ይወሃበኒ ከዕሪ’የ” ምሕጽንታ ምቕራብ ልሙድ መመኽነይታኡ ነይሩ።

እቲ ቀንድን ክሳብ ሕጂ ዝጥቀመሉ ዘሎ ሜላኡ ግና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳዩ ዝርኢ ተሰናቢዱ ደገ-ደገ ንከመዓዱ ዘገደድዎ መሰናበዲ ኩነታት ምምሃዝ እዩ። ነዚ ብኣብነት ንምድጋፍ ንድሕሪት ተመሊስና ብዛዕባ ኮነ ኢሉ ህዝቢ ንምሽቓልን ኣድህቦኡ ንምጥምዛዝን፡ ካብ ኣንጻር የመን ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ኣንጻር ኢትዮጵያ ዝኸፈቶን ከምዚ ኢልካ ክትጽብጽቦ ዘጸገም ማህሰይቲ ዘስዓበን ውግኣት ምዝርዛር ከይተገደድና ናይ ቀረባ መመሳመሲ ተረኽቦታት ምቕራብ ይከኣል። ናይ ኣሜሪካን እስራኤልን ናይ ጸጥታ ትካላት ብ2011 ኣብ ልዕሊ ግዝኣተይ ዕልዋ ተሊሞም ነይሮም ክብል ሰሚዕናዮ። ጽንሕ ኢሉ ከኣ እታ ጁብኡ ትመልኣሉ ዝነበረት መንግስቲ ቐጠር፡ ኣብ ልዕለይ ትምህዞ ዘላ ኢሉ ዓሰርተ ነጥብታት ዝሓዘ ክሲ ዘርጊሑ። ኣብዚ ክሱ ዋላኳ ብዙሕ ዘይናቱ ሕብርታት እንተቐባብኦ ህላወ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ኤርትራ’ኳ ተኣሚኑ። እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን፡ ናይቲ ኣብ ኣተሓሕዛ ቅልውላው ሰዳን፡ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃን ኢትዮጵያን ብዘቕረብዎ እማመ ዝተሳዕሮ ሕነ ንምፍዳይ ብዝመስል መልክዑ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሱዳን ውጥም ቅልቅል ክብል ምጅማሩ እውን ህዝብና ብውሽጣዊ  ጉዳይ ሃገሩ ንኸይሓስብ ንምድህላሉ ዝመሃዞ እምበር፡ ካልእ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ ክንጸር ዝግበኦ ሓደ ጉዳይ ከምቲ “ደርሆ ነቅዩ ዘበራብር፡ ንርእሱ ምስተበራበረ እዩ” ዝበሃል እዚ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ምስ ህዝቢ ዘይተዓርቐ ሰብኣይን ጉጅለኡን፡ ንኽዘርጉ እምበር ንክዓርቁ ዘይገሹ ምዃኖም እዩ።

እቲ ኣዝዩ ዘገርም ከኣ እዚ ዕቡድ ሰብኣይ፡ ኣብዚ ዘራጊ ስረሓት ኮለል ክብል ዝውዕል፡ ካብ ስሩዕ ኣኼባታት ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃን ከባብያዊ ምትሕብባር ኢጋድን እንዳበኾረ ምዃኑ እዩ። መብኮሪኡ ምኽንያት ንጹር እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ መገባእያታት ዘቕርብ ስብእና ዘየብሉ ንርእሱ ተናዒቑ ንሃገር ዘንዕቕ ፍንፉን ምዃኑ ነብሱ ይነግሮ ስለ ዘሎ እዩ። ከምቲ “ኣብ ጥቓ ዓጋም ዝተጸገዐት ቆልቋል ክትነብዕ ትነብር” ዝበሃል፡ ብሰንክቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ መሊኡ ናብኣቶም ዝፈስስ ጸይቂ ተግባራቱ፡ ናይዚ ከባቢ መራሕቲ እውን ሎሚስ ጉዳይዚ ንህዝብና ደም  ዘንብዕ ዘሎ ዲክታተር ፍጊዕ ከም ዝበሎም ምልክታት ንርኢ ኣለና። እቲ ፍጊዕ ምባል በቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ናይ ቅብጥሮት ሳጓታት እናሃበ፡ ዘመላኽዖ ዝነበረ መራሒ ኢትዮጵያ ምጅማሩ ከኣ የገርም።

እምበኣር እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይና ክፋእ እዚ ዲክታቶር ምዝርዛር ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ደጊም ኣብ ቀረባ ይሃሉ ኣብ ርሑቕ፡ ኤርትራዊ ይኹን ዘይኤርትራዊ ጸይቂ ተግባራቱ ዘይተረደአ ኣካል ስለ ዘየለ። ንሱ እውን ድሕሪ ሕጂ ነብሱ ሓኹኹ ወይ ምኽሪ ለባማት ሰሚዑ ካብዚ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ መንገዲ ጥፍኣትን ክሕደትን ክምለስ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ንሱ ህዝብና ንምድህላል ሕብሩ እንዳቐያየረ ክምህዝ እንከሎ ስርሑ እዩ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ። ስለዚ እቲ ቀንዲ ቁምነገር “ንሱስ ሕራይ ከም ቀደሙ እዩ፡ ንሕና ሰብ ፍሉይ ዋኒን ከ እንታይ ንግበር?” ዝብል ሕቶ ምምላስዩ ዝኸውን።

ኢሳይያስ መንዩ፡ ንምንታይከ ክሳብ ክንድዚ ከቢድ ኣርዑት መግዛእቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ይጽዕንን ኣብ ኣራዊታዊ ተግባራት ይዋፈርን፡ መፍትሒኡ ምውጋዱ ጥራይ ምዃኑ፡ ኣብ ህዝብና ግቡእ ግንዛበ ረኺቡ እዩ። ግናዛበ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ክንድቲ ክኾኖ ዝግበኦ ዘየድመዐ ግብራዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ይካየድ ከም ዘሎ እውን ኣይኮነንዶ ንዓና ዋናታቱ ንህግዲፍ እውን ዝረኣዮ ዘሎ እዩ። ምስዚ ኩሉ ግና ነዚ ዲክታቶር ምስ ኩሉ ግናይ ምናዩ ሓጢጥካ ጉሒፍካ፡ ኣብ ክንድኡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ራህዋ ነጊሱ ህዝባ ንክርህዎ ዘኽእል ኩነታት ንክፍጠር ካብቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኬድናዮ ዘለና ዘይንእስ ዕማም ይጽበየና ከም ዘሎ ከነስተውዕል ይግበኣና። ምስትውዓል ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ነቲ ዘስተውዓልናዮ ናይ ምትግባሩ ትብዓትን ተወፋይነትን ክንውንን ይግበኣና።

እቲ ክንሰግሮ ዝግበኣና ዘይሰገርናዮ፡ ምስጋሩ ስለ ዝኸበደ ዘይኮነስ፡ ንሕና ሰለ ዘይበቓዕናዮ ምዃኑ ክንእመን ይግበኣና። ራእይና፡ ትጽቢትናን ሸቶናን ሓደ ክነሱ፡ ኣብዚ ሓደ ዝገብረና ኣትኪልና ብሓባር ምቅላስ ከቢድ ኣይኮነን፡ ግና ኣይተግበርናዮን። ብዙሕነትና ህያብ ብምዃኑ፡ ሓቢርና ኣንጻር ህግዲፍ ኣብ እንገብሮ ቃልሲ ጠንቂ ዘይምትእምማን ከምዘይከውን ጌርካ ምምሕዳሩ ከቢድ ኣይኮነን፡ ግና ከምቲ ዝድለ ኣይራዓምናዮን። መስርሕ ቃልስና ብምዕራፋት ኣዋዲድና ቀዳምነታትና ሰሪዕና ምቕጻል ኣባና ዘይተጀመረ ዝከኣል ኣካይዳ እዩ፡ እንተኾነ ንሕና ኣይሰግርናዮን። ብሓፈሻ ንፍልልያት ኣብ ዝጸውር መስርሕ ሓድነት ክንጽመድ ዘይምኽኣልና ማእከላይ ነጥቢ ናይዘይምብቃዕና ኮይኑ ኣሎ ኢልካ ምጥቕላል ዝከኣል እዩ። ስለዚ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ዓብይ ዋኒን ነቲ ዝከኣል ክነሱ ዘይከልናዮ ክንክእሎ ምብቃዕ ይኹን።

Tuesday, 03 December 2019 18:58

Eritrean artist attacked in Addis Ababa

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Tekle Negasi was attacked in Addis. Activists working on human rights in Eritrea say the attack was designed to silence him. Currently the artist is bedridden - hardly able to open his mouth.

Source:BBC Tigrinya

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 An Eritrean artist by the name of Tekle Negasi was attacked by group of people in Addis Ababa on Sunday afternoon.

 Negasi is vocalist known by ‘Wedi Mamma’, his nickname. He was attacked while strolling near Anbessa Garage. He said that five men suddenly attacked him unprovoked. ‘They said nothing and started punching me’ he told the BBC (Tig).

 Tekle said that the attack was not theft related because the attackers did not steal anything from him.

 Tekle had a car accident back in the Sudan some time ago. He has a metal implant in one of his legs. He said his attackers repeatedly attacked his injured leg. ‘That means those people know me’ he told the BBC.

Tekle said he has been thinking hard about the identity of his attackers and yet nobody came to mind.

 Tekle told the BBC that he has sustained injuries on his right hand, his nose, head and left kidney.

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 Tekle is a renowned vocalist who sings in Tigrinya and Tigre, and has produced numerous memorable songs.

 The police are pursuing the matter.

 

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