ኣብ ከተማ ሉዛን ሃገረ ስዊዘርላንድ ነበርቲ ዝኾኑ ግዱሳት ኢርትራውያን ብምድግጋም ንጀጋኑ ውጉኣት ሓርነት መደበር ከሰላ ብርኩት ሓገዝ ክገብሩ ምጽንሖም ኣብ መርበብ ሓቤሬታ ክዝርጋሕ ምስጽንሑ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።

ሎሚውን ከምቲ ልሙድ ቅዱስ ሕልንኦምን ልግሶምን $2.600.00 (ክልተሽሕን ሹዱሽተ ሚእቲን ዶላር ኣመሪካ) ኣዋጺኦምናብ መደበር ውጉኣት ሓርነት ኤርትራ ከሰላ ብቐጥታ ተስዲዱስ ድሮ ኣብ ኢዶም በጺሑ ምህላዉ ክንሕብር ደስ ይብላና። ከም ውጽኢቱ እቲ ገንዘብ ኣብ ኢድ ተጠቐምቲ ከምዝበጽሐ ዘረጋግጽ ናብ ገበርቲ ሰናይ መረጋገጺ ሰነድ ቅብሊት ክበጽሕን፡ ቅዳሕ ናብ ምምሕዳር ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራ እውን በጺሑ ኣሎ።

ዚ ሰናይ ግብሪ እዚ ብዓብዩ ነቶም ዝርድኡ ውጹዓት ኣካላት ኣሕዋት፡ ካልእይ ድማ ነቶም ዘወፈዩ ርህሩሃት ኣሕዋትዓቢ ንያታዊ ታሪኽ ኮይኑነቶም ካልኦት ኤርትራውያድማ ጽቡቕ ኣርያን ሓቦን ከምዝፈጥር ዘይዝንጋዕ ልግሲኢዩ።

ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማንነቲ ሰናይ ኣስተዋጽእኦም ብምምስጋን ኣብ ዝገብርዎ ዘለዉ ቅዱስ ኣገልግሎት ጽቡቕ ምንዮቱ ይገል

ተስፋይ ተኽለዝጊ

ኣቦ መንበር ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራ

Any news from Eritrea has never been good for a very long time now. The latest is, according to a usually reliable insider-source close to Assenna.com, the committed national patriot Haile Woldetinsae (DureE) or, sadly, 'Era-Ero Prisoner No. 4', died and was reportedly buried in the night of 25 January, 2018. The source also listed four names of prison guards who buried his body as Michael Worede, Tinsue Tewelde, Osman Omar and Medhanie Mehari. Assenna's source, known in the social media as 'Sactism', promised to come with more details in the coming weeks. If this is confirmed, Haile's body finally gave up struggle to see another day after spending painful 16 years, 4 months and 7 days in the deep darkness of a prison cell isolated from all living beings.

A few weeks before his arrest on 18 September 2001, Haile wrote that he was ready to pay even his life in the struggle to change Eritrea’s intolerable situation. Well, that has now come true, if the week's sad news are to be confirmed. And if so, we can only say Adieu Patriot Haile, and at the same time pledge our commitment to continue the struggle to realize his dreams and the dreams of all national patriots.

At this sad occasion, I selected two 'open letters' I addressed to Prisoner Haile Durue. The first was written in September 2005 and the second in September 2010 after learning more details about Era-Ero prisoners from an ex-prison guard, Eyob Bahta Habtemariam. The 2010 letter was entitled "draft" obituary and eulogy if he was dead or in the even of his likely death under the criminal regime's prison. The second letter was part of a series of my writings entitled "Bravo DuruE, AgenaE Seyoum". Both pieces can today amount to a tribute and a homage from me to my old friend Haile DuruE.

Good reading. And you will not regret reading or re-reading the few pages below because there are so many rare details in them, some seemingly infinitesimal, that essentially made up the Eritrean story built since the 1960s.

A Draft Obituary-cum-Eulogy for Era-Ero Prisoner No. 4

Dear Haile,
It has been nine months since the last eyewitness – the Era-Ero prison guard, Eyob Bahta Habtemariam - left you in January 2010 in a very shocking condition: your eye sight gone and your emaciated body lining in a long queue for the ghost of death to accompany it to eternity. You may be already dead, Haile, we have no way to know. Or you may still be alive, although your condition and that of your comrades, as narrated by Eyob, can hardly be described to be part of life.

Whatever your situation today, I wanted to draft this obituary and eulogy of sorts about you at this 9th anniversary of your incarceration with many others for having dared to call for a new struggle to complete the people’s cause for full freedom. This writing has two purposes:

  • It can either serve as a briefing note for you on the first day of your freedom – if it ever occurs - so that you can understand in a few lines of what happened to your Eritrea since you were made to disappear on 18 September 2001; or
  • It can be my goodbye, my Adieu message to you, if you are already gone, in the form of a reading about you intended mainly for the information of the members of the new generation who might not have had an access to the old anecdotes known to you and to me that I scribbled in September 2005, on the 4th anniversary of your imprisonment.

Dear Friend,
Before telling you about us today, let me say that our people have been remembering many things about you – e.g. the well-regarded messages you made public during 2000 and 2001. What you had to say in July 2000 in the PFDJ Festival in Frankfurt – and that I had the honour to be the first to write about it the internet - still ring in the hearts and minds of many Eritreans (except the few who willingly remained deceived by the distorted meaning of ‘teTelaQina’). It was then that you said Eritrea should not be a state without institutions and that it cannot afford to remain isolated from the world. Your 2001 interviews and statements also reiterated not only your firm old position against the Isaias-inculcated exclusionism and chauvinism, but also reminded Eritreans of the urgency of promoting reconciliation amongst themselves to build a new Eritrea in the post-border-conflict period.

Unfortunately, Haile, none of your wishes were achieved. We know you had no way of knowing the situation beyond the walls of your 3x4m Era-Ero cell, and it was good for you not to have known it. Today’s Eritrea is shamefully distinguished for and identified with the worst things on earth that I partly mention below.

 

Remembering Patriot Haile DuruE 2

 

A Briefing Note For You, Haile, If You Come Out of Era-Ero:
1. Our country is nowadays described as the most repressive state without the rule of law and functioning institutions. Many writers call it the North Korea of Africa.

2. Eritrea leads the record in number of imprisoned journalists, and stands as the only African state without private press.

3. The Eritrean Assembly met in February 2002 to rubber-stamp a condemnation against your G15. It never met again. Contrary to your last call for democracy, Isaias and his small clique of cronies are telling our people that Eritrea shall not see national elections for 40 and many more years to come.

4. Isaias Afeworki holds the dishonor of being called the 6th worst dictator in the world; and Eritrea ranks the 7th poorest country alongside a few other war-ravaged states of the globe.

5. Haile, the Algiers Peace Agreement that you signed is not yet implemented. To make matters worse, Isaias ordered another incursion into Djibouti, in addition to his sponsoring of terrorism in the region. As a result, Eritrea is now under African initiated and UN-adopted sanctions.

6. In spite of your wish at the 2000 Frankfurt speech for an end to Eritrea’s isolation, that isolation increased multiple times to the detriment of our people. Eritrea is a pariah state and fast approaching the horrible designation of a Failed State. UN agencies are no more functional in Eritrea and all NGOs have been pushed out of the country. You can now equate Eritrea to the Cambodia of Pol Pot and his hateful Khmer Rouge of the late 1970s.

7. The abuses under the open-ended ‘national service’ have been compounded by a new project created after your disappearance. The so called ‘Warsai-Yikealo project’ has dangerously wasted Eritrea’s young generation who had been deprived of proper education and the opportunities to help themselves and their families. With over 300,000 soldiers in meaningless war-trenches, Eritrea is still second only to North Korea in per capita of its population under arms.

8. The biggest tragedy unfolding in our homeland today is not only the blatant violation of human rights, with tens of thousands container-prisoners in 300+ Era-Eros, and the disastrous economic condition of our people, but also the en masse flight of refugees leaving the country on a daily basis. The refugee camps in the Sudan and Ethiopia are once more full of tens of thousands of our young people; others are dying in the high seas and hot deserts while trying to reach a better safe haven outside their Eritrea that has become an earthly hell.

9. In my 4th open letter to you, Haile, five years ago this week, I said ‘you are not allowed to die’. Well, I would wish to repeat that phrase, but the available information does not let one say it again. You may not know it, but nearly 50% of your very prison inmates at Era-Ero, including Mahmoud Sherifo and Ogbe Abraha, have passed away in a matter of 9 years through a systematic killing project. I am also sure it is fresh news to you to learn that your and my old comrade-in-arms, Seyoum Ogbamichael, departed from this world five years back.

10. On our part, we are still trying to promote the reconciliation that you and Seyoum Harestay initiated in your different ways during the summer of 2001 (as told below). As a first step, we have shelved to historical archives the annals of Jebha and Shabia, and are reconciling these two mainstream entities in our liberation struggle that realized the Eritrean dream for independence. With continued steadfastness, we trust our people shall remedy the ills sown by Isaias Afeworki. We are at the same time determined to reverse within a short time possible the still ongoing winds of polarization, and consummate the noble objective of attaining full political liberation of our heroic people who deserve a better Eritrea.

(Below is the reading about DeruE/the main part of the draft eulogy/obituary of sorts).
*****

Bravo Duru’e, Agena’e Seyoum (Part IV)
By Woldeyesus Ammar, Sep 16, 2005

To: Haile Woldetensae (Duru’e),
Prisoner No....
Location: Unknown [in 2005]
Eritrea, East Africa
Copy to: Seyoum Ogbamichael (Harestay)

Dear Haile,
18 September 2005: it is already four years since you have been unlawfully and unjustly jailed together with many other compatriots. Please convey words of encouragement and solidarity to all of them - men and women, young and old: all put behind bars under framed-up charges. And I trust you will not forget to pass the same message to Wedi Bashay (Tekleberhan Ghebresadiq) and Woldemariam Bahlbi who are languishing in the prisons of ‘new Eritrea’ since they were kidnapped from Kassala on 26 April 1992.


Remembering Patriot Haile DuruE 3

Haile: This photo of June 1965 [at Prince Makonnen in Asmara] is a gift for you. Can you see yourself between two persons wearing eye-classes [Habtom G/M and one of our teachers]? Abdurahman Mehri is immediately above you, keeping away from you in the dark Isayas and his current agriculture minister, Arefaine. Hope you recognize the rest of us. (About 10 of that year's 12th graders are missing in this photo, including Woldedawit Temesgen and Seyoum (who left to the field three months earlier); Mussie Tesfamichael, Michael Ghaber and others.) More photos when we meet. And make sure you stay alive!


It is of course a sacred duty of genuine Eritrean patriots to express profound solidarity with you prisoners at occasions like the one at hand. However, the economic, social, political, humanitarian and human condition in the country has degenerated to such a distressing level that the difference between your situation and the situation of the rest of the population is hard to distinguish. In fact it may end up being one and the same – if it is not already there. It may also be news to you that the nation is being emptied of its population at a fast rate. You know the old caseloads of refugees did not return home. Now, the entire youth is on the move to flee the country in order to escape death in prisons and detention camps, death in the trenches or forced labour camps, death of hunger, death of curable diseases in a land that is now without sufficient foodstuffs and medicines. Even many of those trying to escape untimely death are not succeeding: some are killed by frontier security, others die in the deserts and the high seas. To tell you the tragedy in a nutshell, Eritrea and Eritreans are under a very bad situation that must come to an end very soon; otherwise the consequence will be indescribable.

Dear Old Friend Haile,
You might have read Part I of the writing under this heading when it was posted on 7 August 2001 in Awate.com because you were still a free person in Asmara. But it is evident that you had no possibility of reading Part II in September 2002 or Part III in September 2003 that aimed to mark, with sadness, your first and second years in prison. Other than observing your 4th year in prison, today’s Part IV aims:-

1) To bring to mind what you, Haile, stood for, at least between July 2000 and September 2001.

2) Tries to remind how much you and your generation members were involved in the task of liberation struggle.

Theme: Reconciliation
When it was posted only six weeks before your arrest, the optimistic Part-I [of my writing about you] wanted to inform that the much needed reconciliation in Eritrea was on its way. Taking note of your and Seyoum Harestay’s contributions for reconciliation during the first half of 2001, I tried to record what I thought was a historic trend, and had to put in these terms: “Whatever the past had them do and think in separate [ELF-EPLF] camps, Seyoum and Haile are today speaking the same language [of reconciliation] and seeking the same destiny for the nation. And as it was the case in the long past [when they were student activists], they are again at the forefront agitating for change of mind among Eritreans urging them to wake up to receive a new Eritrea, different from the one of the yesteryears.”

Unfortunately, Haile, the progress has been intolerably slow. In fact little has been done in the field of reconciliation since you left the scene. You might or you might not have heard that many of your old comrades distanced themselves, as you did, from the club of criminals - the PFDJ. Some of them joined the opposition camp and some went hiding. Also since September 2001, the old opposition has been joined by others, among them the perennial Hawileitos (to borrow the right word from Awate editorials) and fence-sitters. And unfortunately for the struggle to change and democratize Eritrea, all of the above chose to improvise their own nebulous movements, ‘third-waves’ and associations. In the end, all failed to help the opposition move any inch forward except increasing our chatter by a few more decibels.

Haile, your old comrades,…, like the rest of us [in ex-ELF], failed to work together. They already count several factions … a situation that pained the entire nation opposed to the dictatorship. (I hope your sojourn where you are today will not be that long to oblige me to tell you this depressing story in another instalment.)

Aside from that, I have a piece of good news for you related to the subject of reconciliation: people have forgiven you and your old comrades for the sins you committed or are perceived to have committed while serving the diabolic compatriot that misled you all throughout the years. In our camp, we have been trying to convince each other that there is no point to keep accusing others of past misdeeds and miscalculations once they decide to renounce the arrogant dictator and his exclusionist policies. To give you an example, no one in the past four years raised or commented about the foul language that you, Haile, used against the rest of us during the third congress of your organization after liberation. Instead, everyone in the opposition has been focused on your positive contributions, including the following:

Eritreans in the opposition camp did not want to forget that you, Haile Deru’e, won for yourself the honour of being the first insider to publicly challenge the dictatorship by your 15 July 2000 address at the PFDJ festival in Frankfurt when you told your submissive audience in a language similar to this: “We have been lying to you. You should have stopped us from lying to you all the time!!” (BTW, I was pleased to have had the opportunity of reporting your bold statement then, ironically in Dehai, when news of your new position [reached me] through secondary sources.)
People still recall your position in the autumn 2000 meetings of the PFDJ leadership. Others give you credit for encouraging some of our perennially timid intellectuals to protest and come out with a rare statement like the ‘Berlin Manifesto’ of G-13.
Webmasters have not stopped inviting Eritreans to continue tuning to video records of your 2000-2001 utterances.
Myself, I have not stopped re-reading the press interviews you gave during the short-lived ‘spring of free press’ in Asmara. In particular, I feel good while re-reading the monumental early August 2001 statement you released saying almost all what we the ‘old’ opposition had been saying and stand for. In that historic document, issued only five weeks before your incarceration, you said as follows, even though in slightly different words that had to suit your presence in a repressive environment:

1. Those of us in power have no right and no justification and no right to deny credit to all those who deserved it in the 50-year struggle, and Eritreans of all political colours must as of now have equal share in the fruits of victory and the burden of building our common future.

2. It is high time for those of us in temporary state control to accept Arabic and Tigrinia as the two official languages [as our compatriots in the several ELF offshoots have been calling for without fail].

3. It is time to be prepared to revisit the constitution in order to fill major missing issues and rectify faulty conclusions, including the issue of land ownership.

4. It is time to stop accusing Eritreans in the opposition of being “traitors” and “fifth columnists” before they are brought to a court of law....

5. In short, it is time to stop being exclusionist and instead give room to reconciliation, full participation and mutual respect in order to deliver freedom, justice and equality to all citizens and segments of our diverse society

Brother Haile,
People saw logic, truth, sincerity and hope in that language in mid-2001. It was the right language and the right position, and it is still crying for action in Eritrea which is bedeviled at all levels by the chauvinist politics of Isayas and his unrepentant disciples. The winds of polarization have been blowing with added strength from all corners in our land and communities. Today, it is becoming almost hard to say which group is more exclusionist and more chauvinist than the other. I see polarization everywhere. The only thing sensible Eritreans know for sure is that the one who is keeping you in prison is the ONLY source of all miseries in our land and that his exit will usher in an environment in which we will be able to work out the best solution suitable for our common destiny.

We Shall Reverse Polarization
I am sorry to repeat telling you that the process of polarization - instigated by the old exclusionist and chauvinist policies that you could not stop on time – has gone much deeper than expected in our body politic and the only worry one can have is that it may take quite a while to complete the reverse process - depolarization. The encouraging news today is that we are all getting conscious of the need of starting that reverse process now. And it will be only a matter of time before it is done successfully.

By the way, while discussing about these matters, I never fail to remember what you told newspaper people in the late 1980s. For instance, in one of his writings published in 1989, Lionel Cliff, a good friend of your organization at that time, quoted that your (Haile Deru’e’s) biggest worry after liberation was how to contain “Tigrigna chauvinism [prevalent] in the EPLF”. And I assume that what you meant was this: ‘it is not the fault of any membership of an organization to go wrong but the fault of the leadership that oriented its members in that direction and to that attitude’. I could also trust the writer to have quoted you correctly because I knew many instances of same language from you in the old good days, as I have tried to point out some in an earlier writing (see a few paragraphs of Part III of ‘Agena’e Seyoum, Brave Deru’e, annexed at the end of this article for ease of reference).

And You Are Not Allowed to Die, Haile!
A few weeks before your imprisonment, you said you were ready to pay even your life to change Eritrea’s unbearable situation under a home-grown dictator. While knowing that it is within the possibilities that they may kill you, I still refuse to accept the rumour that you might be already dead or you may die before the sun shines over the land again. I say you are not allowed to die before you take part in repairing the damage done to the very soul of this nation: to its once unshakeable confidence in itself, its old resolve to build a just and prosperous nation and the determination to work in unison and remain in one piece. Do not also forget that we will need some time together to revisit the small events of the old days. And although we did not meet for over three decades, still we will not lack topics for lively old age chats that I am proposing. For example:

- We must have time to talk about what we can, after 44 years, still remember and comment on the degree of our nascent nationalist awareness when we first met in grade 9 in September 1961 at Prince Makonnen Secondary School in Asmara while, coincidentally, the Giant Hamid Idris Awate was also doing a related thing at Mount Adal during that very September of 1961!

- We will talk of all the small things we did together in Asmara between September 1961 and June 1965, including all the demos that we, young boys and girls in that school, arranged for the rest of Asmara.

- For initiating a chat about our Addis days, I have photos of our Entoto meeting of November 1965 at which we created a quasi-association of ‘former Prince Makonnen students in Ethiopia’ as a cover for our ELF cells in the University.

- And I am sure you will remember the Gurage teashop in front of Berhanena Selam Printing Press in Addis where our cell met at 8 pm of every Tuesday.

- Do you still remember, as I do, the event and the name of the Gambian from the Brussels-based World Assembly of Youth who came to Addis for OAU meeting in 1966 at which, to the embarrassment of the Ethiopian officials and security, he distributed our 60 envelopes containing ELF statement to all OAU Heads of State and delegations? You are not allowed to forget that because it was a matter kept secret from the rest of the cell and handled only by two ELF gujile/cell members: you and I.

- I need not say much about the “things” that Ghilai Ghirmai promised to bring for two of us for a serious action that did not, anyhow, take place. Instead, let me mention your last day in Addis. It was Sunday, 4 December 1966 when you and Mussie Tesfamichael left to Asmara by bus on your way to ELF in the field after five or six of us spent the previous night in a hotel in Markato (I think the same Start Hotel where we spent with Isayas before seeing him off at the bus station six weekw earlier - on 17 October 1966.) I recall you were in charge of our cell’s research group and when departure hour came, you handed the documents to me, including a very important book taken out that night from the reserve shelf of the Haile Selassie I University library  After 39 years, Spencer Trimingham’s book, Islam in Ethiopia, with valuable information on Eritrea, is still with me - and on it is written your and Mussie Tesfamichael’s departure day. I can give it back to you – nHalalka, or for returning it, with our compliments, to its rightful owner, the Addis Ababa University Library at the Sidist kilo campus.

Therefore, there is more than one reason for you to stay alive, Haile. And if the expected unity of internal and external opposition takes too much time to happen and rescue the nation, including you the prisoners, then it is up to you to think of other ways of escaping death, which you must. How about thinking of the heroic exploits of your old schoolmate Abdallah Hassan who conquered the high walls of prison in Asmara 35+ years ago? Or what about what heroic Saeed Saleh and Seyoum Ogbamichael planned from inside and outside the Adi Quala prison 30 years back to free 1,000 inmates, including you and Seyoum? Or what about doing what Semere Tekeste did very recently? Think about staying alive: you are not allowed to die.

 

“ወዮ ናታስ ንሓማታ”

Wednesday, 21 February 2018 08:29 Written by

ብዛዕባ ሓደ ተግባር ደጊፍካ ድዩ ተቓዊምካ ክትዛረብን ክትጽሕፍን እንከለኻ፡ ነቲ ዛዕባ ምስ ሰባት፡ ውድብ፡ ሰልፍን ማሕበርን ብዝተፈላለየ ጥበብ ምዝማድ ልሙድ እዩ። ከምኡ እንተዘይገርካ እቲ ዝነኣድ ኮነ ዝንቀፍ ሓሳብ ዋና ዘየብሉ ክተርፍ  ስለዝኽእል። ስለዚ እቲ ዝጥቀስ ኣካል ወይ ምስቲ ዝነኣድ ሓቢሩ ይነኣድ ወይ ድማ ምስቲ ዝንቀፍ ሓቢሩ ይንቀፍ። ኣብ ተመኩሮና ብዛዕባ ምጅማር ብረታዊ ቃልስና ክንጽሕፍን ክንዛረብን እንከለና ሓምድ እድሪስ ዓዋተ ይለዓል። ብዛዕባ ዲክታቶርነትን ጥልመት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ክንጠቅስ እንከለና ድማ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ይጥቀስ ከም ማለት እዩ።

ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ነቲ ሓሳብ ዘልዕሉ ምስ ይውክልዎ ዝብልዎም ኣካላት ኣጣቢቖም ክድግፉን ክነቕፉን እንከለዉ ንገዛእ ርእሶም ኣብ ውሑስ ኣውንታዊ  ቦታ ንምቕማጥ ከም ዝስስዑ ብተግባር ዝርአ እዩ። እቶም ንገዛእ ርእሶም ኣካል ናይቲ ኣሉታ ወይ ኣውንታ ገይሮም በቲ ንዓኣቶም ዝምልከት ድኽመት ክጅምሩ ዝረአዩ ሳሕቲ እዮም ዘጋጥሙ። ኣብ መብዛሕትኡ ግዜ ዘጋጥም ግና፡ ካብ እቶም መልሓስ ወይ ብርዒ ኣብሊሕካ እትወቕሶም ዝያዳ ተወቃሲ ክንሰኻ፡ ብዛዕባኻ ክትዛረብ ትብዓትን ትዕግስትን ምስኣን እዩ። ኣብ ገሊኡ ኣጋጣሚ እሞኸኣ እቲ ህድማኦም ካብ ክውንነት እምብዛ ይዓቢ እሞ፡ ኣብ ዓይኒ ተዓዛቢ ይኣትዉ። ብዙሓት ተዓዘብቲ ከኣ ምናልባት ደኣ ዝስማዕ ቃላት ይነፍጉዎም እምበር ብውሽጦምስ “እዚኸ ኣምሒሩለይ ኢሉ ድዩ ዝግዕር?” ይብልዎም። ነቲ ናይ “ቀቅንዑ ነዓይ” ስስዐኦም ዝተዓዘቡ ከኣ “ሰይኮታ ግደ ዓዳላይ ደልዳላይ ማለት ከምዚ’ዩ” ዝብል  ሚዛን ይህብዎም። በቲ ንነብሱ ኣብ ናይ ቅንዕና ሰገነት ኣቐሚጡ ንካለኦት መጉሓፍ ግናይ ዝገብር ሰብ ፍጊዕ ዝበሎም ካለኦት ወገናት ነቲ ዘይቅዱስ ቃል ልቢዝልቦም ሰሚዖም “ልብኻ ይስዓር” ዝብል መጺጽ ናይ ሓሶት ናእዳ ሂቦም ክርሕቁ ዝደልዩ’ውን ኣለዉ። ወዮ ዝዘረኦ ዓንቢቡ ዝፈሪ ዘሎ ዝመስሎ ገገኒዑ ዓዳላይ ግና ነቲ ጉዳይ ሓንሳብ ዓይኑ ብጨው ተሓጺቡ ስለ ዝኣተዎ ነቲ ብግሉጽን ብጥበብን ዝተነግሮ ስምዕታ ተርጒሙ ከስተመቕሮ ዘኽእል ህዱእ ዓቕሊ ስለ ዘየብሉ ኣጠርሚሙ ገልጠምጠሙ ይቕጽል። ምናልባት ዘይዓሚቝ ኣገናዕ እንዳሃቡ መመሊሶም ዘስክርዎ ደቀ-መዛምርቲ’ውን ይህልውዎ ይኾኑ።

ሕግን ስርዓትን እንዳጠሓስካ ሕጋዊ መሲልካ ምቕራብ፡ ሓድነት እንዳፍረስካ ናይ ሓድነት ተጣባቒ ክትመስል ምድንዳን፡ ናትካ ህርፋንን ስምዒትን ካብ ክሊ መሰልካ ወጺእካ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ካልኦት ክትጽዕን እንዳሃቀንካን ነዚ ተግባርካ ንዘይተቐበሉ ብዘይተገርዘ ብርዕን መልሓስን እንዳነወርካ ናይ ዲሞክራሲ ኣብነት ክትከውን ምድላይ፡ ዝያዳ ድማ ንትርጉም ሓይሊ፡ ትዕቢትን ብደዐን ኣንዳንገስካ ፍትሓውነት ምስባኽ  “ኮር ተገልበጥ” ዘብል እዩ። እቲ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን ከኣ ከምቲ “ካብ በዓል ጣፍስ በዓል ኣፍ” እንዳኾነ ከምዚ ዓይነት ባህልን ውርዝናን ስነምግባርን ዝተሓረሞ ኣቀራርባ’ውን ውሱን እዝንን ኣሳሰይትን ዝረክብ ምዃኑ እዩ። ከምዚ ምስ ኣጋጠሞም እዮም ከኣ ኣበዋትና “ንመን ትመጾ፡ መን ይመጻ ትመጾ” ዝብሉ።

እዞም ብኸምዚ ሕዱር ሕማም ዝተጠቕዑ ወገናት ትሕዝተኦም ኮነ ኣቀራርባኦም ኣብ ቅድሚ ሓቀኛ ተዓዛቢ ቦታ ከምዘየብሉ ኣጠራጣሪ ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ እቲ ናይ “ምሳኻ የለናን” መልእኽቲ ብልዑል ድምጽን ፍሩይ ቃላትን ስለ ዘይንገሮም’ሞ “ክንድቲ ንጽሕፎን ንምድሮን ንንበብን ንስማዕን ኣለና” ዝብል ኣብ ባይታ ዘየለ መንፈስ ስለ ዝወሮም በቲ  ዝጀመርዎ ዘይቅዱስ መንገዲ ክነጉዱ ንዕዘቦም። እቲ ተመሳሳሊ ሓረጋት፡ ኣስማትን ዕለትን ክደግሙ ሒዅ ምባሎም “ክንድቲ ትደጋግሞ ትስማዕ ኢኻ” ካብ ዝብል ከጽምሙ ዝዓጠቑ  ምዃኖም ዘረድእ እዩ። እዚ ኣገባቦም ሓቂ ክነሱ ቀልጢፉ ተቐባልነት ኣብ ዘይረኸበ ሓሳብ ምናልባት ይሰርሕ ይኸውን። ብመሰረቱ ሓቂ ንዘይኮነ ሓሳብ ግና  ደጋጊምካ ብምጽሓፍን ምርባሕን ናብ ሓቂ ክትቅይሮ ኣይከኣልን እዩ። ንኣብነት ብመሰረት ቅዋም ሰዲህኤ ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ 33፡ ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ድማ 9 እዮም፡ ንዝብል ብጉባአ ዝጸደቐ ስኑድ ወግዓዊ ሓቂ፡ ዝቕየር ኣብ ከምቲ ዝመጸሉ ወግዓውን ሕጋውን መድረኽ ጉባአ እምበር፡ ብኣቋራጭ መንገዲ ካልእ ኣሃዛት ደጋጊምካ ብምጽሓፍ ዝቕየር ኣይኮነን።

ኣብ ናይ ሰባት ኣተሓሳስባ ፍልልይ ክረአ ከምቲ ብዙሓት ዝርድእዎ ንቡር እምበር ሓጥያት ኣይኮነን። ብመሰረት እዚ ነቲ ፍልልያት ዘንጸባረቕ ኣብ ዝግበር  ፖለቲካዊ ይኹን ማሕበራዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ውሑዳት ይኹን ብዙሓት ኣብ ኣረዳድኣ ብዛዕባ ሓደ ጉዳይ ብዝፍጠር ዘይምስምማዕ እዩ። ነቲ ፍልልያት ንኹልኻ ብዘሳኒ ኣገባብ ምውጋን ከኣ ናይቶም ብሓባር ዝሰርሑ ወይ ዝቃለሱ ኣካላት መሰረታዊ ዕማምን ሓላፍነትን እዩ። ኣብ ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ሰልፊ ሓቢርና ክንቃለስ  ከኣ ኣብዚ ውሕሉል ኣተሓሒዛ እምነት ኣንቢርና ኢና። ሓደ ኣካል  ነዚ ንክበቅዕ ብዙሓት ናይ ብቕዓት ረቛሕታት ከም ዘድልይዎም ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ ካብዚ ረቛሕታት ቅሩብነት ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ እዩ። ቅኑዕ ቅሩብነት እንተዘየልዩ ግና ዝኾነ ይኹን ብቕዓት፡ ተመኩሮ ይኹን ደረጃ ትምህርቲ እንተሃለወ ኣየድምዕን። ኣድቂቕና እንተ ዳህሲስናዮ ተመኩሮና ዘርእየና’ውን ነዚ እዩ።  ደቀቕቲ ምኽንያታትን ኩራታትን እናተዓባበየ ክርሕቕ ዘንቀደ ኣካል እንተልዩ ንድሕሪት ኣይምለስን እዩ። ደድሕሪኡ እንዳሰዓብካ  ዘዘይዓገበሉ መዛግብቲ እንተዓጸኻ’ውን ካልእ መወዳእታ ዘየብሎም ናይ ኩራ ፋይላት ይኸፍተልካ። እዚ ከኣ  ኣብታ ዝበጽሐ ክሳብ ዝበጽሕ ይቕጽል። ከምዚሉ  ዘንቀደ ኣካል ወይ ጉጅለ  ከተቃንዕ ግዜኻን ጉልበትካን ንዘይምብኻን ከኣ ወለድና “ዘንቀደ ኣይትምዓድ” ይብሉ። ኩነታት ናብ ንቡር ንምምላስ ክንድቲ ክትከዶ ዝግበኣካ ርሕቀት ምጉዓዝ ግና ሓላፍነትካ ምፍጻም እምበር ምቅብጣር ኣይኮነን። ዝሓሰቦ መደባት መኺንዎ፡ ናይ እንጽርጹሮት  ኣእማን ንዝድርቢ ኣካል ከኣ በቲ ንሱ ዝመረጾ ኣገባብን መንገድን ዘይኮነ፡ እቲ ቅኑዕ መንገዲ እንዳመላኸትካ ብስነስርዓት “ኣይፋልካን” ምባሉ ንቡር እዩ።   

ኣብ ኣኼባ ጨንፈር ብብጻይ ታደሰ ኣስመላሽ ዝቐረበ ኣስተምህሮ 

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ወይ ባንዴራ እንታይ‘ዩ ትርጉሙ?

ብቐዳምነት ባንዴራ ዝብል ቃል (ከም ቃል) ኣብ መወዳእታ 14 ክፍለ ዘመን እስጳኛውያን ንወተሃደራዊ ኣሃዱታቶም መጸውዒ እጥቀሙሉ ምስ ነበሩ ብእእኡ ጌሩ ድማ ኣብ ሃገርና ምስ መግዛእቲ ጣልያን ዝመጸና ቃል እዩ። ንነዊሕ ግዜ ስለ ዝተጠቐምናሉ ግን ከም ቋንቋና ተቐቢልናዮ ጸኒሕና ኢና። ብትግርኛ ግን ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ይበሃል። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ድማ ምልክት ወይ መለለዪ ማለት እዩ።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ብኸመይ ተጀሚሩ?

ብዙሓት ብዛዕባ ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ዘጽንዑ ተመራመርቲ (Vexillologists) ከም Tim Marshal, Whitney Smith ዝኣመሰሉን ካልኦትን ከም ዝብሉዎ፡ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ቅድሚ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ምዃኑ ምልክት (Symbol) ተባሂሉ እዩ ዝፍለጥ ኔሩ። ኣብ ዝተፈልየ እዋናት ግን ሃገራት ከም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማአን ክጥቀማሉ ጀሚረን። እዚ ንብሎ ዘሎና ምልክት መዓስ ከም ዝተጀመረ ክሳብ ሕጂ ሓደ ፍሉይ እዋን ክትጠቅስ ኣሸጋሪ እዩ፤ ግን በብግዜኡ ገለ ናይ ቅርሲ ተመራመርቲ፡ መሬት ፍሒሮም ዘዝረኸቡዎ ሓበሬታታት እናመርመሩን እናኣጽንዑን ክሳብ ቅድሚ ልደተ-ክርስቶስ ገለ ነገስታት ኣብ ቤተ-መንግስቲ እጥቀሙሉ ከም ዝነበሩ እዩ ዝሕበር። ንኣብነት ኣብ ሻህዳድ (ኢራን) ኣብ 3ይ ክፍለ-ዘመን ቅድሚ ልደተ-ክርስቶስ ብእምኒ ዝተወቕረ ቅርጺ ናይ ባንዴራ ዘለዎ ከም ዝተረኽበ ይሕበር። ኣብ ቻይና‘ውን ኣብ ግዜ ዞው ሰርወ መንግስቲ (Zhou Dynasty) ቅድሚ 1000 ዓመት ቅ.ል.ክ. ናይ ንጉስ ምልክት ጻዕዳ ባንዴራ እጥቀም ከም ዝነበረ ይጥቀስ እዩ። ኣብቲ ግዜቲ ገለ ነገስታት ካብ ዕንጨቲ ካብ ብሮንዝን ዝተወቕረ እምንን ከም መለለዪ ንግስነቶም እጥቀሙሉ ከም ዝነበሩ እዩ ዝፍለጥ። ቀጺሉ ድማ ባሕረኛታት መራኽቦም ናይ ኣየናይ መንግስቲ ምዃነን ከም መለለዪ ይጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም። ጸኒሑ‘ውን እቲ መለለዪ ወይ ባንዴራ ኣብ ግዜ ውግእ ሰራዊቶምን ጸላኢኦምን ንከለልዩሉ ዝሕግዞም ስለ ዝኾነ ሒዞሙዎ ክንቀሳቐሱ ስለ ዝጀመሩ፥ ምስካሙ ምእንቲ ክፈዅሰሎም ብጨርቂ ዝተሰርሐ ባንዴራ ቀይሮም እጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም። ኣብ 1095 ዝተጀመረን ንገለ ዓመታት ዝቐጸለን ብናይ መስቀላውያን (ክሩሰይድስ) ዝፍለጥ ኣብ መንጎ ኤውሮጳውያንን ኣዕራብን ዝነበረ ውግእ‘ውን በባንዴርኦም ሒዞም እዮም ዝዋግኡ ኔሮም። ኣብ 5ይን 6ይን ክፍለ ዘመን‘ውን ኣዕራብ ኣብ ውግኣት እጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም እዮም።

ብድሕሪ ገለ እዋናት‘ውን ቻይናውያን ብሃሪ (Silk) ሃብታማት ስለ ዝነበሩን ክሳብ ብሲልክ ሮድ (Silk Road) ዝፍለጥ ንግዲ ናይ ሃሪ ንኤውሮጳውያን እልእኩ ኔሮም፡፡ ሃሪ ድማ ክቡርን ድልዱልን መልክዕ ዝህብ መጋየጽን ስለ ዝኾነ ንጉሳውያን ቤተሰብን መራሕቲ ሃርማኖትን ጎይቶትን እዮም ዝጥቀሙሉ ኔሮም። ቻይናውያን ኣብ ሃገሮም ንመጀመርያ ነቲ ብዓለባ ዝነበረ ባንዴራ ብሃሪ ከም ዝስራሕ ጌሮሞ። ብዓለባ ዝተሰርሐ ባንዴራ ብፍላይ ቅብኣት ወይ ሕብሪ ምስ ተቐብአ ስለ ዝኸብድን ብቐሊል‘ውን ንፋስ ከንበልብሎ ስለ ዘይክእልን፥ ብኣንጻሩ ግን ብሃሪ ዝተሰርሐ ምስ ዝኸውን ፈዂስን ተሪርን ንፋስ ብቐሊሉ ዘንበልብሎን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ቅድም ኣዕራብ ነቲ ብሃሪ ምጥቃም ካብ ቻይናውያን ወሪሶሞ ጸኒሖም‘ውን ኤውሮጳውያን ተጠቒሞሙሉ፡ ከምኡ እናበለ‘ውን ናይ ምሉእ ዓለም ኣህዛብ ተጠቒሞሙሉ።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ናይ ባሕረኛታት መራኸብን (Communication) ኣብ ውግእ መለለይ ሰራዊትን ጥራሕ ጌሮም ዝጥቀሙሉ ዝነበሩ፡ ካብ 9ይ ክሳብ 12 ክፍለ-ዘመን ጀሚሩ ግን መንግስታት ከም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክጥቀማሉ ጀሚረን። ስኮትላን ብ9ይ ክፍለ-ዘመን ኣውስትርያ ብ12 ክፍለ ዘመን ደንማርክ ድማ ብ13 ክፍለ-ዘመን ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ከም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክጥቀማሉ ጀሚረን። ተኸቲለን እውን ኩለን ሃገራት ዓለም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክጥቀማ ጀሚረን። ብፍላይ ኣብ መበል 17ን 18ን ክፍለ-ዘመን ዳርጋ ዝበዝሓ ካብተን ነጻ ዝነበራ ሃገራት ዓለም ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ተጠቒመን። እተን ኣብ መግዛእቲ ዝነበራ ሃገራት ድማ ናይተን ገዛእተን ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ይጥቀማ ኔረን። ካብ መበል 19 ክፍለ-ዘመን ክሳብ እዚ ዘሎናዮ እዋን ድማ በብቑሩብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ነጻ እናወጻን ነናተን ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እናኣውጽኣን ይኸዳ ኣለዋ። ካብ 1965 ጀሚሩ ድማ ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ከተማታት ዓለም ኣብ ነፍስ-ወከፍ 2 ዓመት መዓልቲ ባንዴራ እናተባህለ ብደረጃ ዓለም ይብዕል ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ግዜ‘ዚ ዝኾነት ሃገር ከም መለለዪ ልኡላውነታ ዝኾነ ሰንደቕ ዓላማኣ ኣብ ሕቡራት ሃገራትን ዓለማዊ ትካላትን ይኹን ኣብ ካልእ ዞባዊ ማሕበራትን ትካላትን ተሰቒሉ ንረኽቦ። ስለዚ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ስም ወይ መለለዪ ናይ ሓንቲ ነጻን ልዑላዊትን ሃገር ማለት‘ዩ።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ዝህቦ ጥቕምን ትርጉምን

ዝኾነ ሰብ ሰንደቕ ዕላማ ናይ ዝኾነት ሃገር ክርኢ እንከሎ፡ ሓንቲ ነጻን ልዑላዊትን ሃገር እያ እትረኣዮ። ናይ ሃገርካ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክትረኣየካ እንከላ ግን ብቕርጻን ብሕብርታታን ብኣብኣ ተለጢፉ ዘሎ ምልክትን ዝህበካ ትርጉምን ስምዒትን፡ ምልክት ሃገር ጥራሕ ካብ ምዃኑ ሓሊፉ፡ ካልእ ታሪኽን ጀእግራፊካዊ ዋንነትን ሃገራውነትን ተስፋን መጻኢ ሕልምታትን እዩ ዝረኣየካ። ከምኡ ድማ ንካልኦት ኣህዛብ በባንዴራኦም ስሚዒታትን ትርጉማትን ይህቦም። ንሓደ ህዝቢ ናይ ካልእ ህዝቢ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ስምዒት ኣይህቦን እዩ። ትርጉማ ንዋናታታ እዩ ስምዒት ዘሕድረሎም።

ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት እውን ተመሳሳልነት ዘለዎምን (Flag Family ወይ sister flags) ፍሉያት ዝኾኑን ኣለዉ። ንሱ ድማ ካብ ሓባራዊ ታሪኽ ናይቶም ኣህዛብ ዝብገስ እዩ። ንኣብነት ፓን ኣፍሪካን ሕብርታት ዝበሃሉ ቀጠልያን ብጫን ቀይሕን ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ዝጥቀማሉ እዩ። ኣብ 1896 ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ውግእ ዓድዋ ንወራር ጥልያን ስለ ዝሰዓረቶ፡ እዚ ድማ ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ኣብ ታሪኽ ኣፍሪቃውያን ሓንቲ ኣፍሪቃዊት ሃገር ናይ ጸለምቲ ህዝቢ ንኤውሮጳዊት ወራሪት ሃገር ስዒራ ንሃገራ ካብ መግዛእቲ ዘድሓነት ስለ ዝኾነት፡ ንጉስ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብቲ ግዜቲ ሃጸይ ምነሊክ ካልኣይ ንመጀመርያ ኣፍሪቃዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ፥ ቀጠልያ (ንልምዓት ሃገር ዘመልክት) ብጫ (ንመሰል ሃይማኖትን ሰላምን ዘመልክት) ቀይሕ (ንሃገር ንምክልኻል ዝተሰውኡ ህዝቡ ዘመልክት) ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ገበረ። ጸኒሖም‘ውን ናይ ጸለምቲ ኮሙኒቲ ማሕበራት ንሕሰምን ባርነትን ታሪኽ ኣፍሪቃውያን ዝገልጽ ነቲ ብጫ ብጸሊም ሕብሪ ተክእዎ። በዚ ድማ ቀጠልያን ብጫን ቀይሕን ጸሊምን ከም ፓን ኣፍሪካን ሕብሪታት ይፍለጥ።

ፓን ዓረብ ዝበሃሉ ሕብርታት‘ውን ኣብ 1916 ዝነበረ ሰውራ ዓረብ ኣንጻር ናይ ቱርኪ ዑስማናዊ መግዛእቲ ዝጥርንፎም ናይ ፓን ኣራቢዝም ምልዕዓል ካብ ቀይሕን ጻዕዳን ጸሊምን ቀጠልያን ዝሕብሮም ባንዲራታት ጌሮም እዮም ተጠርኒፎም ተቓሊሶም። እዞም ሕብርታት እዚኣቶም ቅድሚ እዚ ምልዕዓላት እዚ‘ውን ዓረባውን እስላማውን ታሪኽ ናይ ሃይማኖትን ዓረብነትን ስለ ዝነበሮም ኣብ ኣዕራብን እስላማዊ ሃገራትን ሃገራት ዝውቱራት እዮም ኔሮም። ኣብዚ ግዜ‘ዚ እውን ብዙሓት ካብኣተን ነዚ ሕብርታት እዚ ይጥቀማ ኣለዋ።
ብዙሓት ኤውሮጳውያን‘ውን ከምኡ ናይ መስቀል ባንዴራታት እጥቀሙ‘ዮም። እዚ‘ውን ምስቲ ደንማርክ ትጥቀመሉ ዝነበረት ሃይማኖታዊ ውግእ ታሪኽ ዝተተሓሓዘ እዩ። ሃገራት ላቲን ኣመሪካ እንተኾና‘ውን መብዛሕትአን ብሰውራ ጌረን ነጻነተን ስለ ዝወጻ ሰንደቕ ዓላማአን ነናተን ናይ ሰውራ ታሪኽ ትርጉም ዝህብ ሕብርታት እየን ዝጥቀማ። ኣብኣተን‘ውን እንተኾነ ነናይ ዞባአን ተመሳሳልነት ዘለዎ ሕብርታት ምስቲ ተመሳሳሊ ታሪኸን ዝዛመድ እጥቀማ እየን። ኣብ እስያን ምብራቕ ኤውሮጳን‘ውን ነናተን ታሪኻዊ መግለጽታት ዘለዎ ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ኣለወን። ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣስላም‘ውን ፍርቂ ወርሕን ኮኾብን ይጥቀማ እየን። እዚ ድማ ቅድም ዑስማናውያን ገዛእቲ ንፍርቂ ወርሒ (Crescent) ናይ ባሕረኛታቶም (Navy) ምልክት ስለ ዝነበረት ጸኒሖም ምስ እስላማዊ ሃይማኖታዊ ታሪኽ ኣተሓሒዞም ከም ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እጥቀሙላ ኔሮም። ቱርኪ‘ውን ሕጂ ከም ሰንደቕ ዓላማኣ እያ እትጥቀመላ ዘላ። ከምኡ‘ውን ካልኦት እስላማዊ ሃገራት።

ካልኦት ናይ ኣህጉራዊ ወይ‘ውን ዞባዊ ከምኡ‘ውን ናይ ገለ ትካላት ዓለም ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት‘ውን ንሓድነት ኣህዛብን ኣህጉራዊ መለለይታትን ዝጠቕሙ ኣለዉ። ንኣብነት ናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት (UN 1947): ናይ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ (1963)፡ ናይ ሕብረት ኤውሮጳ (1955)፡ ቀይሕ መስቀል (1864)፡ ቀይሕ መስቀልን ወርሕን (1919)፡ ኦሊምፒክ (1913) ወዘተ… :: ብዙሓት ናይ ንግዲ ማሕበራት ይኹና ካልኦት ሲቪክ ማሕበራት‘ውን ከም መለለይአን ዝጥቀማሉ ባንዴራታት ኣለወን።
ካብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ መጽናዕትታት ናይ ዝተፈላለዩ ጽሑፋት እምበኣር ገለ ካብቲ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዕላማታት ዝህቦ ስምዒታትን ጠቕምታትን እዚ ዝስዕብ ክጥቀስ ይካኣል፡-
1 - ልዑላውነት ሃገር (Sovereignty)
2 - ሃገራዊ ስምዒት (Nationalism)
3 - ሓርበኝነት (Patriotism)
4 - ሓድነት ህዝብን ሃገርን (Unity)
5 - ጀኦግራፊካዊ ዋንነት መሬትን ባሕርን
6 - ታሪኽ ናይ ሃገርን ህዝብን (ተዘክሮ ዝሓለፈን ንዝመጽእ ወለዶ ትምህርትን)
7 - ባህልን ክብርታትን ወግዕታትን ናይ ህዝቢ (Culture, Values and norms)
8 - ስምዒት ሃገርነት (Feeling of nationhood)
9 - ምልክት ፖሊቲካዊ ስልጣን ህዝብን መንግስትን ምዃኑ (Political power)
10 - መንነት ናይ ህዝቢ (identity)
11 - ምልክት ዓወትን ሞራል ንወተሃደራትን ብፍላይ ኣብ ውግእ
12 - ተስፋን ሕልምን ናይ መጻኢ ( Hopes and dreams)

ሰንደቕ ዕላማታት እምበኣር ምስቲ ዝተፈላለየ ሕብርታቱን ኣብኡ ዝልጠፍ ምልክታትን (Emblem and colour) ዝህቦ ፍሉይ ትርጉማቱ ከምዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ ንሓደ ብብሔር፡ ብዓሌት፡ ብባህሊ፡ ብቋንቋ፡ ብሃይማኖትን ካልእ እምነታትን ወይ ኣተሓሳስባታትን ዝተፈላለየ ህዝቢ ሓንቲ ሃገር፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓንቲ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ጠርኒፉ ሓድነታዊ ስምዒት ዘሕድረሉ እዩ። እዚ ግን እታ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ምስ ኩሉ ምልክታታን ሕብርታታን ብምሉኡ እቲ ሕብረተሰብ ናይታ ሃገር ዝድግፋን ባዕሉ ዝመረጻን ምስ እትኸውን እያ ሓድነቱ ከተዕቝበሉ እትኽእልን፡ ብእኣ ክሕበንን ክኾርዕን ዝኽእልን ክስውኣላ ድሉው ዝኸውንን። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ብጨርቂ ደኣ ትሰራሕ እምበር ጨርቂ ኣይኮነትን። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እቲ ኩሉ ዝተጠቕሰ እያ። ሰንደቕ ዓላማ እምበኣር ህዝቢ’ያ። ሃገር ድማ’ያ።

እዚ እናኾነ እንከሎ ግን ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ኣብ ክንዲ ንህዝቢ ዘስምርን ሃገራዊ ስምዒቱ ዘዕቁበሉን፡ ፈላላይን ክሳብ ኣብ ውግእ ሓድሕድ ዘእቱን ዘፋልስን ኮይኑ ንልዑላውነት ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱን ይኸውን።

እንታይ ኮን ይኸውን እቲ ጠንቂ?

ልክዕ ከምቶም ሃገራዊ ቅዋም፡ ሃገራዊ መዝሙር፡ ሃገራዊ ቋንቋ፡ ሃገራዊ ባጤራ፡ ጉዳይ መሬት … ዝኣመሰሉ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ዝኾኑ፡ ሃገራዊ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ’ውን ጉዳይ ህዝቢ’ዩ። እዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ ኩላቶም ብህዝቢ ክውሰኑ ይግባእ። ሓደ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ነዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ጉዳያት ንህዝቢ ዘይውክሉ ጌሩ ኣቚሙዎምን ክግልገለሎምን እንተደኣ ጸኒሑ ድማ፡ ዕድመ ናይዞም ጉዳያት እዚኦም ምስ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ’ዩ ዝውዳእ። በዚ ምኽንያት ድማ ሓደ ከምዚኦም ዝበሉ ስርዓታት ብዕልዋ ይኹን ብኻልእ መገዲ ክቕየር እንከሎ፡ ኩሎም እዞም ዝበልናዮም ጉዳያት በቶም ድሕሪኡ ዝመጹ ስርዓታት ይቕየሩ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ እንተረኣና፡ ኣብ ግዜ ንጉስ ሃይለ ስላሰን ኣብ ግዜ ደርግን ኣብ ግዜ ኢሂኣደግን እዞም ዝተጠቕሱ ጉዳያት እዚኦም ኩሎም እናተቐያየሩ እዮም መጺኦም። ናይ ደንማርክ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ጥራሕ እያ ካብ 700 ዓመት ንላዕሊ ጌራ ዘላ ከይተቐየረት። ኣብ ካልኦት ሃገራት ግን ብፍላይ ኣብዘን ወግሐ-ጸብሐ ዕልዋታት ዝካየደለን ኩሉ እዚ ጉዳያት እዚ እናተቐያየረን እናተተኻኽአን እዩ ዝኸይድ።

መደምደምታ፡-
ብዙሓት ምልካውያን መራሕቲ እምበኣር ኣብ ክንዲ ንስምዒታትን ታሪኽን ክብርታትን ህዝቢ ዝውክል፡ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሶም ወይ ስድራ-ቤቶም ውልቃዊ ዝና፡ ወይ ታሪኽ ዓሌቶም፡ ብሔሮም፡ ሰልፎም ወይ ውድቦም ወይ’ውን ሃይማኖቶም ዝነበረ ኣርማታት፡ ዝውክሎም ቅርጽታትን ምልክታትን ዲዛይን ጌሮም ኣግላሊ (exclusive) ዝኾነ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ሰሪሖም፡ ንህዝቢ ኣገዲዶም እዚኣ’ያ ሃገራዊት ሰንደቕ ዓላማኹም ተቐበሉዋ ብምባል እዮም ዝእውጁሉ።

እዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ’ዩ ህዝቢ ብሰንደቕ ዓላማታት ዝበኣስ። ገዛእቲ ሓይልታት’ውን እንተኾነ ናትካ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ኣውሪዶም ናቶም ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክትቅበል እዮም ዘገድዱኻ። ወጻእተኛታት ገዛእቲ ኤርትራ’ውን እዚ ስለ ዝገበሩ’ዩ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንሰንደቕ ዓላማኡ ወይ ልዑላውነቱ ንምዕቋብ፡ ምስ ኩሉ ፍልልያቱ፡ ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓንቲ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ተጠርኒፉ ብሓድነት፡ ንነጻነት ሃገሩን፡ መንነቱን፡ ክብሩን መሰሉን ተቓሊሱ ሃገሩ ነጻ ዝገበረ። ንሕና ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎና ደለይቲ ፍትሒ እምበኣር፡ ሰንደቕ ዓላማ ንኩሉ ህዝቢ እታ ሃገር ዝምልከት ጉዳይ ምኻኑን፡ ብሓደ ወይ ውሱናት ውድባት ወይ ክፍሊ ሕብረተሰብና ጥራሕ ከም ዘይውሰን ተረዲእና፡ ኣብዚ ዘሎናዮ ናይ ሓርነታዊ ቃልሲ ግዜ ብሰንደቕ ዓላማ ክንሰሓሓብ ኣይግባእን እዩ’ሞ፡ ቀዳምነታት ናይ ቃልሲ ዕማማትና ሰሪዕና፡ ሓቢርናን ሓድነትና ኣረጋጊጽናን ተጠርኒፍና ንመላኺ ስርዓት ንምውዳቕን ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ንምድሓንን ክንቃለስ ይግባእ። ጉዳይ ባንዴራ ግን ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ስለ ዝኾነ ንህዝባዊ ውሳኔ ዝግደፍ እዩ፡ ናይ ሕጂ ዋኒንና ድማ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ድማ መንእሰያትና ከም መሳሓሓብን መፈላለይን ክጥቀምሉ ኣይግባእን።

     

ብቀዳም ዕለት 17 የካቲት 2018 ዞባ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ.) ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ናይ ምሉእ ኣባላት ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። እዚ መሰረታት ካብ ኣመሪካን ካንዳን ዝተሳተፍዎ ኣኼባ ኣብዘን ዝስዕባ አርእስታት ተመያይጡን ስጕምቲ ወሲዱን፤

1.ድሕሪ ህጹጽ ጉባኤ፣ ኣብ ዞባና ቀይዲ በተኻዊ ዕንደራ ኣብቂዑ ናብ ንቡር ቦቱኡ ተመሊሱ ሓዳስ መሪሕነት ዞባ ድማ መደባታ ሰሪዓ ናብ ስራሕ ምውፋራ መሰረታት ኣሞጒሶም። ኣኼበኛ ንሓደስቲ ኣባላት መርሓባ ኢሉ ንውሳኔኦም መጕሱ። ኣብ ኩሉ ጽፍሕታት ብምስታፍ እጃሙ ከበርክት ከኣ ወሲኑ።

2.መሪሕነት ሰልፊ እስትራተጂካውያን ዝኾኑ መደባት ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ተበጊስሎም ዘሎ ብዑምቆት ዘቲይሎም። ንምትግባሮም ውፈያታት ክገብር ውሲኑ። ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ዝተረኽቡ $5,000.00 ኣዋጺኦም። ገና እቲ ናይ ውፈያ ጎሽጓሽ ክቅጽል እዩ። መሰረታት ንሰልፎምን ንመሪሕነቱን ከዕጥቑ ኣብ ዝኾነ ግዜ ቅሩባት ምዃኖም ኣስሚሮምሉ።

ናይ ህዝቢ ድሌት ኣይግታእን እዩ!

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ቤት-ጽሕፈት ዜና ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

18 የካቲት 2018

ዝኾነ ሰብ ብዛዕባ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ኩለንተናኡ ኮነ ብዛዕባ ካልእ ክዛረበሉ ዝደሊ ዛዕባ ሓሳቡ ናይ ምግላጽ መሰል ኣለዎ። እዚ መሰል’ዚ ሃናጽን ቅቡልን ዝኸውን ግና ናይ ካለኦት ተመሳሳሊ መሰል ዘይጉንጽ ክኸውን እንከሎ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ሓሳብካ ናይ ምግላጽ ሜዳ ከም ናትካ ብሕታዊ ንብረት ወሲድካ ንካለኦት ክትነድሕን ኣፎም ከተትሕዝን ምፍታን ግና ብኹሉ መዕቀኒ ቅቡል ኣይኮነን።

ከምቲ “ናይ ደቂ ሰብ ህይወት በብመልክዑ ብዝግለጽ ፍልልያት ዝተነድቀ እዩ” ዝበሃል፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሰባት ኮነ ብሰባት ዝተነድቀ ትካላት ፍልልያት ክህሉ ግድን እዩ። ሰባት ኣብ ህይወቶም ካብ ዝፍተንሉ ግድላት ሓደ ከኣ ነዚ ፍልልያት’ዚ ከመሓድሩ ምኽኣልን ዘይምኽኣልን እዩ።  ነዚ ፈተና’ዚ ክሓልፉ ዘይከኣሉ ሰባት ከኣ እዮም፡ ጠቃኒ፡ ናግራም፡ ዕቡድ፡ ዘራጊቶ፡ … ወዘተ ዝብል ቅጽል ኣስማት ዝወሃቦም። ኩልና ከምዘይንስሕቶ “ሰላም” ኣብ ዓለምና መወዳድርቲ ዘየብላ ብቐጻሊ እትለዓል ቃል እያ። ሰላም ሰባት  ምስ ሕልናኦም ኣሳንዮም ዝነብሩላ ጥራይ ዘይኮነት ምስ ካለኦት ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኩርነዓትን ዓውደ-ስረሓትን ኣሳንዮም ኣብ ውጽኢት ንክበጽሑ እተኽእል ጠማሪት እያ። ነዚኣ ንምውሓስ ነቲ ብዙሕ ዝመንቀሊኡ ዝበልናዮ ፍልልያት ምውጋድ ማለት ኣይኮነን። እቲ ምውጋድ ፍልልያት ግና እንተ ተደልየ’ውን ኣይከኣልን። እንታይ ደኣ እቲ መዋጽኦ ንፍልልያት ከተመሓድርን ከተከኣእልን ምብቃዕ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ሰላማውን ርጉእን ኩነታት ኣሎ እንብሎ ትካላት ኮነ ከባብታት ፍልልያቱ ዘወገደ ዘይኮነ፡ ፍልልያቱ ንኹሎም ሰብ ጉዳይ ክጠምር ብዝኽእል ሕግን ውዕልን ዘመሓደረ ማለት እዩ። ሕጋውን ስርዒታውን ምዃን፡ ነቲ ሓረጋት ደጋጊምካ ብምጽሓፍ ዘይኮነ ብግብሪ ከምኡ ክትከውን ብምብቃዕ እዩ። ንሕጊ ዘይተኽብር ክነስኻ ሕጋዊ ክትከውን ምፍታን ግና ኪኖ ድኻም ዋጋ የብሉን።

እዚ ካብቶም ፍልልያት ዘለዎም ብናይ ሓደ ወገን ድሌት ዘይኮነ ብናይ ኩሎም ወገናት ቅሩብነት፡ ጽቡቕ ድሌትን ብናይ ሕጊ ምእዙዝነትን ዝረጋገጽ እዩ። ኣብ መስርሕ ምምሕዳሩ ዘጸግም ናይ ሓሳብ ፍልልይ ተፈጢሩ፡  ምርሕሓቕ ከጋጥም እንከሎ፡ ምክብባር ካልእ ናይ ሰላም መርእያ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ሓደ ኣካል “ኣነ ዝረገምኩዎ ርጉም ኣነ ዝመረቕኩዎ ምሩቕ” እንተዘይበልኩም ኢሉ መሬት እንተዘበጠ፡ ዘበጥበጡ ውጽኢት ዘይህልዎ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ ኣብ ትዕዝብቲ ከም ዝወድቕ ርዱእ እዩ። በቲ ብኣነነት ተሰንዲሑ ዝጠሓሶ ሕግን ስርዓትን ኣብ ክንዲ ዝጠዓስ ነቲ ጥሕሰቱን ዓመጹን ሕጋዊ ንምምሳል፡ ነቶም “የለን እቲ መንገዲ ከምኡ ኣይኮነን” ዝበሉ ከነውር እንከሎ ከኣ መሊሱ የገርም “ወይ ጉድ ቀታል ወድኻስ ለባም እንተዝኾነልካ” ዘብል’ውን ይኸውን።

ሓደ ጉዳይ በቲ ንስኻ ዝቐየስካዮ ከም ዝኸደልካ ንምግባር የኽእለኒ’ዩ ዝበልካዮ፡ ሓሳብ ምቕራብ ዝንጸግ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ግና ከምቲ በይንኻ ድዩ ጉጅለ ፈጢርካ ዝፈሓስካዮ ዝውዳእ ዘይኮነ፡ ክሓልፎ ዝግበኦ መስርሕን ናይ ካለኦት ሓሳብ ናይ ምቕራብ እጃምን ከም ዝጽብዮ ምግንዛብ ግድን እዩ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ውድባውን ሰልፋውን ኣሰራርሓ ዝቐርብ ሓሳብ ዝዕየረሉ ብዙሕ ደረጃታት ኣለዎ። ቀንዲ ከኣ ደሞክራስያዊ ኣሰራርሓ፡ ሰልፋዊ ቅዋምን ስርዒታዊ ሰንሰለትን ናታቶም ዘይስገር ግደ ኣለዎም። እዚ መዕቀንታት ኣብቶም ኩሉ ነገር ኣብ ትሕቲ ደሞክራስያዊ፡ ሕጋውን ስርዒታውን ኣገባብ ክቃነ ኣለዎ ኢሎም ዝተቐበሉ እምበር፡ ሓንሳብ ካብዚ መስኖዚ ወጺኦም ዝበገጉ ዝበርገጉ ወገናት ኣይሰርሕን እዩ። እቶም ካብ ቀይዲ ዘፍትሑ ኩሉ ድሕሪኡ ዝወስድዎ ስጉምትታት  “ይምሕረልናዶ ኣየምሕረለይን?” እንዳበሉ ዝለብስዎ ፍንዊ እምበር ቀላሲ መዕቀኒ የብሉን። ነዚ ንክጥዕሞም ድማ ነቶም ፈላሊኻ ክረኣዩ ዘይክእሉ፡ ቅዋም፡ ነቲ ቅዋም ከተግብር ዝተመዘዘ ሕጋዊ መሪሕነት፡ ደሞክራስያዊ ጥርናፈ፡ … ወዘተ ዝብሉ መሰረተ-ሓሳባት ከባእሱን   ዘንተ-ምትእስሳሮም ክበትኩን  ሒዅ ይብሉ።

“እገለ ከምዚ እዩ” ክትበሃል ቀሊል እዩ። ከምቲ እትበሃሎ ኮይንካ ክትቀረብ ግና ከቢድ እዩ። ዘይከኣለሉ ኣጋጣሚ’ውን ኣሎ። በዚ መንጽር፡ ምሁር በዓል መዓርግ ኮይንካ  ንምሁር ዝምጥን ተግባር ምውናን ክሳብ ክንደይ ከም ዘጸገም ኣብ ሓደ ሓደ ምሁራን ንዕዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። ኣብ ባህልና ምሁር ኣይጋገን እዩ ዝብል ግንዛበ ስለ ዘሎ፡ “ዝተማህረ ይቕተለኒ” ይበሃል እዩ።  ምሁር ለባምን መሓርን ስለ ዝኾነ ኣይቀትልን እዩ ካብ ዝብል ብምንቃል። እንተኾነ እምነት ዘንበርካሉ ኣካል እውን ክጠልም ከም ዝኽእል ንምምልካት “ለባም ክጋገ እንከሎስ መራግእቲ ነየብሉ” ከኣ ይበሃል። እዚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ሕጂ ሕጂ ክንዕዘቦ እንከለና ነቲ “ካብ ምህሮስ ኣእምሮ” ዝብል ምስላ ቀዳሞት’ውን እውን ቦታ ትኸልኦ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቁምነገር እምበኣር ትዕዝብትና ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ንምሁራን፡ ከከም ውልቃዊ ተግባሮምን ኣበርክተኦምን እምበር ኣልማማ ብይን ምሃብ ኣብ ጌጋ ዘውድቕ’ዩ። “ብሰንኪ ንቑጽ ይነድድ ርሑስ” ከይከውን።

እቲ ካልእ ጸገም ገለ ወገናት ለባም ወይ ምሁር ዝብል ስም ይሕዙ። ከባቢኦም እውን ኣብዚ ስያመኦም ተመስሪቱ እምነት የንብረሎም። ብተግባር ግና ትሕቲ ስሞም ይኾኑ። ከምኡ ምዃኖም ስለ ዘይርደኦም ግና በቲ  ስኽራኖም ይቕጽሉ።  ተዓዛቢ ከኣ ጽሑፋቶምን መደረታቶምን  ትሕቲ ትጽቢቱ ምስ ኮኖ ኣብ ልዕሊኦም ዝነበሮ ግምት ብኽንድኡ ደረጃ እንዳተሸምቀቐ ይኸይድ። ምስ ከምዚ ወየተዕዛባይ ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ ከምቲ “ባህ ንክብሎ ልባ ጽብሓላ ዱባ” ዝበሃል፡ ናይ ሓሶት እንዳሰሓቐ፡ ልቡ ዘይኮነስ እዝኑ ኣይነፍጎምን። እቶም ዕቡያት ግና ኣብቲ ዝብልዎ እምበር ኣብቲ ዝበሃልዎ ስለ ዘየቕልቡ ብናይ “ንኺድ ጥራይ” ስልቲ ይዕዘሩ። እዚ ጥራይ መዓስ ኮይኑ፡ ሕሉፍሓሊፎም ምስ ነብሶም ከይተመሃሃሩ ኣብ መድረኻት መምሃራን ክኾኑ ይደልዩ። እቲ ትምህርቶም ዝኾርኮሖ ተሳታፋይ “ነዓይ ነንጭዋስ ኣብ ለቖታ” ከም ዝብሎም ኣይስወጦምን። ኣብዚ  በቲ ዝደጋገም ዘይውርዙይ ኣቀራርባኦም፡  ንናይ ሰባት ሕልና ከም ዝኹርኩሕ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እንተኾነ “ክቡር የኽብረካ ማዕረ ነብሱ፡ ሕሱር ከኣ የሕስረካ ማዕረ ነብሱ” ስለ ዝኾነ ዘተዓዛዝብ  እምበር ካብ ጸኒዕካ ቃልስኻ ምቕጻል ዓዲ ዘውዕል ኣይኮነን።

ዝኾነ ይኹን ኣብ ትሕቲ ኣርዑት ጭቆና: ምዝመዛን ወጽዓን ዝነብር ህዝቢ፥ ነቲ ዝውጽዖን ዘጋፍዖን  ስርዓት ከለሊ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኣሜን ኢሉን ረድዩን ዝግዛእ ፍጡር ስለዘየለ። ኣሜን ኢሉ ዘይግዛእ ካብ ኮነ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ ክሳተፍ ዓቢ ተደላይነት ኣለዎ። ተሳትፎኡ ከኣ ብቐጥታ ብኣካል፡ ናይ ደገፍ ድምጽን ናይ ገንዘብ ሓገዝ ብምብርካትን ክኸውን ይኽእል።

ዜጋታት ኣብ ዝምልከቶም ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓስ እንተዘይተሳቲፎም ጽባሕ ካብቲ ብምልኪ ዝሳቐይዎን ዝግፍዕዎን ክላቐቑ ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ምኽንያቱ ነቲ ናይ ምልኪ ኣተሓስስባን ጽልዋኡን ንምውጋድ ዋናታት ክኾኑ ስለ ዝይክእሉ መመሊሶም ክድቆሱን ክምዝመዙን ኢዮም። በዚ ምኽንያት እቲ ጨፍሊቑ ጅሆ ሒዝዎም ዘሎ ምልኪ ወይ ኢደ-ወነናዊ ስልጣን ናይ ምብዳሁ ሓላፍነቶም ከም ምዃኑ ምስዝዝንግዑ ተወጻዕቲ ንሶም እዮም ክኾኑ። እቲ ምንታይ ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ናይ ዝተወሰኑ ሰባት፥ ዓሌት፥ ብሄር፡ ኣውራጃ ወይ ሃይምኖት ሓላፍነት ስለዘይኮነ።

ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ናይ ምልጋስ ሓላፍነት ናይ መላእ እቲ ጭቁንን ግፉዕን ዜጋ እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳያት ሃገሮም እጃሞም ከበርቱን ክዋስኡን ናይ ግድን እዩ። ዜጋታት ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ዘይምስታፎም ሕመቕ ናይ ሰልፍታት ወይ ውድባት ገይሮም ክወስድዎ ወይ እውን እተን ሰልፍታት ልዕሊ ዝዓቕመን ከብርክታ ክጽበዩ ኣይግባእን። ከምየሲ ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ክበሃል እንከሎ እቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እንተላይ እቲ ጸረ ምልኪ ዝቃለስ እውን ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባኡ ካብ ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ናጻ ክኸውን ኣለዎ ማለት እዩ። በዚ ምኽንያት፡ እቲ  ኣንጻር ምልኪ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ ብዘይ ተሳትፎ መላእ ዜጋታት ክዕወት ኣይክእልን እዩ።  ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ጽባሕ ንመላእ ዜጋታት እታ ሃገር ዘርብሕን ዘቕስንን ኩነታት ክፈጠር እምበኣር፡ ናይ ዝሰፍሐ ተጨቚነ ዝብል ዜጋ ግደን ሓላፍነትን እዩ።

እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ነተን ኣለዋ ዝበሃላ ሰልፍታት ክከታተልን፥ ሓደ ብሓደ ክፈልጠንን ከለልየንን ይግባእ። ህዝቢ ክሰምርን ሓቢሩ ክነብርን ዝምነን ዝብህግን፥ ካብ ጭቆና ተላቒቑ ድሞክራሲያዊ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ከንግስ እንተኾይኑ እምበር፡ ኢዱን እግሩን ኣጣሚሩ ተዓዛባይ ጥራይ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን። እቲ ምንታይ ቅኑዕ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራ ብተሳትፎ መላእ ህዝቢ እዩ ክረጋገጽ ዝኽእል። ንዲሞክራሲ ብግቡእ ምፍላጥን ብተግባር ምምኳርን ሓደ ካብቲ ቀንዲ መሰረት ኣዕኑድ ናይ ግዝኣተሕጊ ስለ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ከይተሳተፈን ኣብ ተግባር ከይኣተወን እንታይ ዓይነት ስርዓት ክተክል ምዃኑ ጽባሕ ክሕርብቶ እዩ።

በዚ ሕጂ ኣብ ደገ እንከሎና እንዕዘቦ ዘሎና፡ እዚ ዘይበሃል ቁጽሪ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ተደርዲረን እንከለዋ ወግሐ ጸብሐ ክፈናጨላን ኣብ ነንሓድሕደን ክወናጀላን እንከለዋ ግደ እቲ ካልእ ኣብ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን ዘየሎ እንታይ ከኸውን ነይርዎ? ነቲ ምፍንጫል ምውጋድን ነቲ ሓቂ ፋሕቲሩ  ንዝተጋገየ ጊጋ ከምዘሎ፥ ንቅኑዕ ከኣ ቅንዕነቱ ብምሕባርዶ ኣይኮነን? ዋላስ እንታይ ገደሰኒ ዘይንስልጣን እዮም ዝቆራቑሱ ዘለዉ ኢልካ ከምዘይናትካ ምርኣይሲ ጽባሕ ንግሆ ፍትሓውን ርትዓውን ሕብረተሰብ ክንከውንዶ ንኽእል? ተዕዛባይ ጥራሕ ምዃን ወይ’ውን ንጉዳይ ሃገር ከምዘይናትካ ምርኣይ ወገሐጸብሐ ምፍንጫል ነቲ ዘሎ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዘርብሕ እምበር ካልእ ትርጉም የብሉን። ብኸምዚ ኣገባብ ድማ ንሃግርናን ህዝብናን ካብዚ ግፍዓዊ መላኺ ስርዓት ከነናግፎ ኣይኮናን። ንሓድነትና እውን ኣብ ሓደጋ ከነእቱ ምዃና እዩ ዝሕብረና። ኣብ ከምዚ ህሞት ከኣ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ንምድሓን ዝብል መደብ ወይ ሓሳብ ክህልወና ኣይኮነን።  

ምልኪ ንምልጋስ ኣብ ዝካየድ መስርሕ ውሑዳት ጸየቕቲ፡ ተበለጽትን፥ መደናገርትን ክህልዉ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ነዚኦም ንምልላዮምን መስመሮም ንምትሓዝን ከኣ ናይቲ ዝሰፍሐ ጸረ-ምልኪ ዝኾነ ኣካል እዩ። እዞም ተበለጽትን ጸየቕትን ብጸረ-ኣምር ዲሞክራሲ ዝጎዓዙን ከኣ ተቐላጢፎም ናብቲ ናይ ፍልልያት በዓቲ እዮም ዝዕቆቡ። በዚ ኣቢሎም ከኣ እቲ ናይ ምድንጋር ሰይጣናዊ ስራሓቶም ንምስላጥ ዘየለ ፍልልያት ንምዕማቚን ንሓሶት ብኹምራ ደጋጊሞም ኣብ ኣእምሮ ደቂ ሰባት ክሰዂዑን ለይቲ ምስ መዓልቲ ብግሁድ ይኹን ብስውር እናተንቀሳቐሱ ንምልኪ ዘጠናኽሩ እምበር ንምልኪ ዝድምስሱ ኣይኮኑን። መሰረት ዘይብሉ ሓሶትን መናፍሓትን ሓቅነት ዘይብሉ ክስን ብምዝውታር ከኣ ዲሞክራሲያዊ መስመር ክትተክተል ማለት ዝበት እዩ። ስለዚ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ነዚ መላኺ ስርዓትን ምልካዊ ኣተሓሳስባን ካብ ሱሩ ክመሓው ድሌት ዘለዎ ዘበለ ሓቅን ሓሶትን፥ ሕጋውን ዘይሕጋውነትን ፈልዩ ክመራመርን ፍርዲ ክህብን ዘይተዳለወ ደላይ ፍትሒ ከይተረደኦ ነቲ ስርዓት ደገፍ እዩ ዝኸውን ዘሎ።

ዜጋታት ኣብ ኣኼባታት ተሳቲፎም ርእይትኦም ክህቡን ርእይቶ ካልኦት ክስምዑን ክቕበሉን፥ ሓቀኛ ዲሞክራሲ ክምኮሩን ከተግብሩን ክጽዕሩ ኣለዎም። ዜጋታት ናይ ፖለቲካዊ ህይወት ኣንቀሳቐስቲ ብምዃኖም ነዚ ብዕቱብ ክስረሕሉ እንተኾይኖም ዓገብ ንዝበሃል ዓገብ ክብሉ፥ ንዝኹነን ክኹንኑ፥ ጸቕጢ ምግባር ዘድልዮ እንተኾይኑ ጸቕጢ ክግበሩ እንከለዉ እዮም ውሕስነት ናይ ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ዘረጋገጽ። ንሓድሕድካ እናተጎራፈጥካን፥ ብሓሶት እናጠቀንካን ግዝኣተ ሕጊ ክተውሕስ ማለት ዘይከውን እዩ። ልክዕ እዩ ዲሞክራሲ ናጽነትን መሰልን ኢዩ ጥራሕ ኢልና ንውድኦ ኣይኮነን። እንታይ ደኣ እቲ ኣምር ዲሞክራሲ ዝግዝኣሉ ወይ ዝጠልቦ እውን ዕረ እናጠዓመካ ናይ ምምላእን ምትግባርን እውን እዩ።

 

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ቀደም ጀሚሩ ኣንጻርኩሎም ወጻዕቱ ክቃለስ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ኢዩ ኣብ መስከረም 1961 ዓ.ም ብጅግና ስዉእ ኣቦ ሰውራሓምድ እድሪስ ዓዋተ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝጀመረ።

ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ድማ መራሕቱ ገለ ብልቢ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ክቃለሱ ከለዉ ገለ ድማ መልክዖም ሓቢኦም ሓለይቲ ህዝብን ሃገርን ተመሲሎም ንገዛእርእሶም ኣብ ስልጣን ዝመጽሉ  ኣገባብ ይሓልሙን ይኣልሙን ኔሮም። ካብዚ ተበጊሶም ድማ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ክፍልታት ተመቓቒላ ከም ትቃለስ ጌሮማ፡ ታሪኽ ከም ዝሕብሮ ሓደ ካብቲ ኣሉታዊ ምምሕዳር ክፍልታት ሓንቲ ክፍሊ ናይ ካልኦት ክፍልታት ዕማም ከም ዘይናታ ዕማም ትሪኣዮ ምንባራ እዩ። ብጻዕሪ መሰረታት ግን ናብ ሓድነት ዘምርሕ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ ተባሂሉ ዝፍለጥ መስርሕ ሓድነት ተኻይዱ።ካብዚ ተበጊሱ ድማ ኢዩ ጉባኤ ክግበር ዲሞክራሲ ክትግበር መራሕቲብምርጫ ክመጹ ብማለት ኣብ 1971 ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ክግበር ዝተወሰነእንተኾነ እቶም ኣነ እንተሞይተ ብድሕረይ ሳዕሪ ኣይብቆላ በለት ኣድጊዝባህሪኦም ኣብ ጉባኤ ከይተበጽሐ ክፍንጨሉ መሪጾም፡፡

ምፍንጫል ድማ ክሳብ ክንደይ ሃሳዪ ምዃኑ ተራእዩ ኢዩነጻነት ኤርትራ ኣብ መጨረሽታ ሰብዓታት ክረጋገጽ ዝግብኦ ዝነበረ ክሳብ 1991 ተመጢጡ ቃልስና ብምምጣጡ ድማ  ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸሩ ጀጋኑ በሊዑ፡፡ በዚ መንገዲ ድማ ኤርትራ ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ነጻ ወጺኣ ድሕርዚ ድማ ኢዩ ኣቶ ኢሰያስ ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ንቃለስ ኣለና ክብል ከምዘይጸንሐ ንሱ ናይ ኩሉ ወዳኢ ኮይኑስ ኣብ 20 ሰነ 1991 ዓ,ምብዛዕባ መደብ ግዝያዊ መንግስቱን ድሕሪ ክልተ ዓመት ድማ ረፈረንዱም ክካየድ ምዃኑን ምስ ሓበረ  ብዛዕባ‘ተን  ካብ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ወጻኢዝነበራ ውድባት ዝተቓለሱን ኣሽሓት ስዉኣት ብጾት ዝኸፈሉን ኣሽሓትውን ዝሰንከሉሉን ክዛረብ ከሎ ድርቅንኡን ባሓትነቱን ንምርኣይ  ኣንቱም ብስም ውድባት ተታሊልኩም ዝጸናሕኩም ምሕረት ተገይርልኩምዩ ዓድኹም ኣቲኹም ሃገርኩም ክትሃንጹ ብጀካ እቶም ብገበን ዝሕተቱ፡ከምኡውን እቶም ምስ ጸላኢብረት ዓጢቕኩም ዝጸናሕኩም ምሕረት ተገይርልኩምዩ ዓድኹም ኣቲኹም ሃገርኩም ክትሃንጹ ብጀካ እቶም ብገበን ዝሕተቱ፡ ድሕሪሕጂ  ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን ካብ ሕጂ ንደሓር ብወገን ብኣውራጃ ብሃይማኖት ኣምሲሉ ፖለቲካ ክገብርዝተረኽበ ድማ ኢድ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓጺር ኣይኮነን ክብልዩ ዝደምደመ።

በሉስከ ብቐዳምነት መንዩ መሓሪ መንከኢዩኸ ተመሓሪ ዝፈርድ ህዝቢምበር ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ውን ኢሰያስ ኣይኮነን፡ ንሱ ግን ህዝባዊ መሰል ምምንጣል ኣመሉን ሕልሙን ስለዝኾነ ኣይገደሶን፡ እታ ኢድ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓጺር ኣይኮነን ኢሉ ምፍርርሑ ግን ክሳብ ሕጂ ትቕጽል ኣላ በሃላይ ኢየእስከ ንምዘንሞ ምስዚ ኩሉ ተመኩሮ ቃልሲ ሃገር ብዘይ ቅዋምን ብዘይተመርጸ ብኢወነንኡ ብዝተኾየጠ ዲክታቶርዶ ምተመርሐትእመስለኩምስለዚ እዛ ብርኩታ እምኒ ኣላታ ከምዝበሃል እቶም ፍትሒ ንምንጋስ ህዝባዊ ስልጣን ንምርግጋጽ ንቃለስ ኣለና ንብል ዘየዐውተና ዘሎስ፡ ሚልዮናት ዶላራት ኣውጺኡ ከምዘይንሰማማዕ  ይገብረና ከይህሉ ዘየጠርጥርከ እንታይ ኣለና? ኩሉ ንኢሰያስን ስርዓቱን  ዝጻረርን ንህግደፍ ይቃወም ኢየ ዝብል ኣፉ ዝብሎ ዘይኮነስ ተግባሩ ኢና ክንርኢ ዝግባእ። ውድባት ሰልፍታት ኣብዚግዜዚ እንተኾነ እተን ተመሳሳሊ መደብ-ዕዮ ዘለወን እንዳሰመራ ብዝሒ ውድባት ሰልፍታት ክንክያ፡ እተን መደብ ዕዮአን ዘይመሳሰል ድማ ከም ኤርትራውያን ፍልልያተን ወጊነን ብሓባር ክሰርሓ ኢዩ ዝግባእ ዝነበረእንተኾነ ኣብክንዲ ምስማር ምፍንጣሕ ኣብ ክንዲ  ፍልልያት ምጽባብ ፍልልያት ምግፋሕ ኢዩ ዝርአ ዘሎ። በዓል እከለ ሙኩራት ኢዮምሞ መሪሖም ከዐዉቱና ኢዮም ኢልካ እምነት ዘንበርካሎም ኮኑ በዓል እከለውን ምሁራት ኢዮምሞ ንውድብና ንሰልፍና ከዐርይዎ  ኢዮም ዝበልካዮም  እቲ ምኩር ዝበልካዮ ምፍንጫል ይህንድስ እቲ ምሁር ኢዩሞ ከዐሪ ኢዩ ኢልካ ዝተጸበኻዮ ክዘርግ ምዕዛብ ብጣዕሚ ኢዩ ዘሕዝነካ። ስለዚ ኢየ ድማ ንጽሑፈይ ንማይ ዝበልካዮስ ንበረድ ኣይግበሮ  ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ዝሃብኩዎ።

ኣብ መጨረሽታ ክብሎ ዝደሊ ዝኾነ ሰብ ናቱ ርእይቶ ክህልዎን ንዕኡ ከዐውት ክቃለስን ድማ መሰሉዩናተይ ርእይቶ እንተዘይተዓወተ ኢልና ፈንጨራዕ ኢልና ንዕንድር እንተኾንና ግን ብተዘወዋሪ መንገዲ  ንመላኺ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ነገልግል ከም ዘለና ክንርዳእ ይግባእ።ካልእ ብሓቂ ንፍትሒ ንቃለስ እንተኰናስ በበይንና ከነዐውቶ ከምዘንኽእል ኣሚንና ይንዋሕ ይሕጸር ክንራኸብ ምዃንና ተረዲእና ፍልልያት ክመጽእ ከሎ ከምቲ ‘‘ካብ መርዓ በዓለገስ ፍትሕ ጭዋ ይሓይሽ‘‘ ዝበልዎ ተኸባቢርካ ምፍልላይውን ልቦና ኢዩ እቲምንታይሲ ጽባሕውን ክንራኸብ ስለዝኾንና።ስነ-መጎት ዘይብሉ ጸርፍን ልቅባትን ድማ፡ መግለጺ ዋናታቱ ካብ ምዃኑ ሓሊፉ፡ ዝለግብ ከምዘይኮነ ክእምት እፈቱ።

መዓሾ ኣስራት 

ጀርመን 11 ለካቲት 2018

The process towards unifying all the forces for democratic change in the Eritrean Opposition Camp failed in all its efforts in the past two decades. The struggle from dictatorship to democracy requires skills and knowledge about the identity rooted divisions and their management.

In this article, I will delve on addressing the real causes of conflict in the opposition political and civic organizations and what is the root cause that they split every time now and then. The Eritrean internal conflict is deep-rooted conflict based on identities This deep-rooted conflict has never got the right solution from the very beginning of Eritrean political struggle for self-determination and later during the armed liberation struggle and now at this time of struggle from dictatorship to democracy. Eritrean leaders has inherited violent and destructive conflict management and this authoritarian and totalitarian culture of excluding, ignoring or attempting to eliminate each other has never brought peace inside and outside Eritrea. The Eritrean political elites must learn the past violent conflict resolving methods and adopt the new democratic methods based on mutual respect and leading towards peaceful co-existence.

 Developing  a national awareness requires objectivity, tolerance of cultural difference and knowledge of the diverse Eritrean people's history and their struggle for independence and freedom. Tolerance and resilience- the properties we all lack to solve our internal and external conflicts. It is disappointing that every now and then that the Eritrean political organizations split in groups because of personal chemistry. The recent split inside EPDP was not based on political program or national principles according the two groups arguments and counterarguments, it was simple resolve it by sitting together and negotiate on the issues of conflict.

What we experience inside the our political leaders their incapability of solving their internal conflict and reminds us that still they lack the skills of managing conflicts. What can we the grass-roots do in order to help them come together. What we need is open mind and heart and discuss the issues of conflict in the Eritrean political arena.

What we see and experience in the opposition camp in the social media is not constructive but destructive in all aspects. The political leaders have been manipulating and exploiting the unawareness of our people for their narrow benefits, this is the main cause of multiplication of  political organizations now and then. The Eritrean people must be aware of such elements who preside their personal interests before the people's interests. The people must rise against such leaders and warn to change their destructive attitude of conflict management and search new tools for conflict management suitable to our case in Eritrea. We must say now enough is enough no more walls of hate and disintegration but building bridges for peace and harmony to win the dictatorship inside Eritrea and transfer the power to its owner- the Eritrean people.

Tools for conflict management in the opposition camp

The Eritrean internal conflict is identity -driven and emotionally charged mobilized to violence instead of building trust and harmony. The situation of the Eritrean Forces for democratic change( political and civic organizations) is in crisis. We failed to resolve our internal conflicts in the past 15 years. Let us learn from our failures search for new methods of conflict management.

What we need is a new range of flexible and adoptable tools that can take consideration of the interests that helps us solve the personality-related conflicts. The aim of this article is to concentrate on developing the resources and materials by assisting the construction of the process of negotiation/ dialogue and its outcome. Designing good conflict management based on the democratic values is criteria to come together and negotiate. Democracy itself is not a panacea itself but if we in the opposition camp believe in democratic principles we must first resolve our internal conflicts peacefully without external intervention. We must own the process. An imposed solution cannot resolve our internal conflict, such imposed or coerced conflict management failed is not sustainable.

In this article I would like to propose that Negotiation/ Dialogue is the only possibility and in this case we must assist the opposition leaders to:

- enter the process of negotiating a political settlement by helping them generate creative scenarios for progress towards an acceptable outcome.

- provide them with a wide range of political options both for designing the most appropriate negotiations process for them and selecting the democratic structure suitable to our situation

- assisting them in developing solutions which are acceptable and appropriate with our situation

- provide information on the range of varied approaches to building sustainable democracy inside the opposition camp  to gain the people's trust and legitimacy.

In conclusion, I would like to remind all the forces for democratic change focus on issues not on personalities.

References:

1. SIDA/ Sweden International Development Agency, " Democratization and Armed Conflicts.

2. IDEA/ International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, " Building Trust and Cooperation

 

ሰልፊ ማለት ብሓደ ስነ ሓሳብ መትከል ተኣሳሲሩ ዝሰርሕ ፖሊቲካዊ ምትእኽኻብ ናይ ሰባት ኢዩ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ወይ ዘይዲሞክራሲያዊ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ሰልፈይ ዲሞክራሲያዊ  ድዩ ኣይኮነን ንምፍላጥ ኣነ መሰለይ እንታይ ኢዩ ምስ ፈለጥኩ ጥራሕ ኢየ ክመዝኖ ዝኽእል። ብኣከያይዳ ናይ ሰልፈይ ዕጉብ ክኸውን ከይከውን  ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባይ ኢዩ ዝምርኮስ። እንተደኣ ብወገን ብዓሌት ብቢሄር ብሃይማኖት ብጥቅሚ ተወዲበ ደላይፍትሒ ኣይኮንኩን ዲሞክራሲ እውን ትርጉማ ኣይፈልጦን ኢየ ማለት ኢዩ። ኣብ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ  ኩሉ ብድምጺ ኢዩ ዝውሰን፡ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ  ኣብ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ እንተኾነ እውን  ብድምጺ ኢዩ ዝውሰን ዝነበረ። ውሽጣዊ ናይ ስልጣን ቁርቁስ ከም ዝነበረ ግን ምስተተኮሰ ኢኻ ትፈልጥ። ብህዝቢ ንክምረጽ ዝንቀሳቀስ ሰልፊ ኣብ ውሽጡ ብደሞክራሲ ዘይምራሕ እንተደኣ ኮይኑ ነቲ ብህዝቢ ዝካየድ ምርጫ እውን ክኣምነሉ ስለዘይክእል ክዕምጽ ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዝኽእል። ንሓንቲ ሰልፊ እንታይነታ ንምፍላጥ መትከላታን ኣከይይደኣ ንምክትታል ወሳኒ ኢዩ።

 ኣነነትዶ  ዲሞክራሲ !!!   ኣብ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ብጉዳይ ባይቶ ኣዋሳ ንካፈልዶ ኣይንካፈል ምስ መጸ ብባይቶ ይኹን ብኣብዝሓ ኣባላት ኣይንካፈልን ዝብል ድምጺ እንተሰዓረ፡ ብናይ ሓሶት ጥሩምባ ክፍንጨሉ ደኣ መረጹ!!!  ብድምጺ ክምእዘዙ ኣይደለዩን ፡ ቀዳመይቲ ኣስተምህሮ ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ድምጺ ምእማን ኢዩ።

ዝኾነ ሓላፍነት ንምውሳድ  ካብ ጨናፍር ኢዩ  ተመሪጹ ዝኸይድ፡ ዝኾነ ተግባር እውን ኣባላት ክፈልጥዎ ይግባእ፡ ናብቲ ዝመረጸካ ተመሊስካ ተማኺርካ ደኣምበር ቢኢደዋኒንካ እትወስዶ ስጉምቲ ዘይዲሞክራሲያዊ  ኢዩ። ናይ ውልቆም ሓሳብ ተቀባልነት ዝሰኣኑ ሓለፍቲ ሃንደበት ካብ ሰልፊ ክወጹ ከለዉ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ውልቀሰባት በብውልቆም ዝተገራጨውዎ ደኣ እምበር ኣብ ኣባላት ወሪዱ ብድምጺ ኣባላት ኣብ ምፍንጫል ዝብጽሐ የለን። እቶም ኩሎም በብውልቆም ዝኸዱ ብድምጺ ስዒርና ከሎና ዝብል የብሎን።

       ኣማኑአል መንግስቱ  እውን እንተኾነ ስልጣን ዘይምርካቡ፡  ብድምጺ ኣባላት ክምእዘዝ ስለ ዘይደለየ ጥራሕ ኢዩ። በቲ መትከላት ናይ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ንኾርዕ ኢና እንዳበሉ ኣብቲ እምነ መሰረት ናይቲ መትከል ማለት ድምጺ ኣባላት ዘይምእማኖም ዘስደምም ኢዩ። ነዚ ከነኽብሮ ኣሎና ንምሓልከ እንታይ ኣምጽኦ።

      ኣድሓኖም ገና ከመጽእ ከሎ፡ ብኣባላቱ ኣይተደምጸሉን፡ ሕጊ ውድቡ ጢሒሱ ይመጽእ ኣሎ ኢሎም ድምጺ ዘይሃቡ ብኣብዝሓ ኣባላት ንኽኣቱ  ስለዝተደምጸሉ፡ እቶም ዝተሳዕሩ ኣሜን ኢሎም ተቀቢሎምዎ። ኣመል ግን ምስ መግነዝ ስለዝኾነት ኣብቲ ዳሕራይ ኣብ ባይቶ ንእቶዶ ኣይንእቶ ብድምጺ ኣባላት ተሳዒሩ ክነሱ ኣሜን ኢሉ ስለ ዘይተቀበሎ ከኣ ተፈንጨለ። ኣብ ገዛ ፓልቶክ ብድምጺ ተሳዒርኩምዶ ኢሉ ምስተሓተ እወ ደኣ በለ --፠፠--- ኣብ ድምጺ ዘይትኣምን ውድብዶ መስረቱ? ንግሉጽነት ተኣማኒነቲን ከይጎድል ዝኾነ ባይቶ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ተሰኒዱን ረኮርድ ተገይሩን ኢዩ።

መስፍን ሓጎስ ክመጽእ ከሎ እውን እቲ ብዝሒ ኣባላት ኣለዎ ኢሉ ዝተተንበሃሉ ውድቡ፡ ብድምጺዶ ነይሩ ይኸውን፡ ካብ ጉጅለ ኣድሓኖምን ጉጅለ ኤፍረምን ጉጅለ ዓብደላ ኣደም ጉጅለ መስፍን ጸሃየንዶ ኣይተፈናጨለን፡ ብድምጺ ዘይኮነስ ኣነ ዝበልክዎ ዘይተቀበልኩም ዶ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ ናይ ሒጂ ጉዕዞ እውን መስፍን ኣብ ቲቪ ሰነድ ዝበሎ ዋላ ውሑዳት ንኹን ግን ኣገደስት ዓበይቲ መን ከማና በሃላይ ዘይኮነን። እዘን ቃላት እዚኤን ከኣ ኢየን ነቲ ሓሶት ናይቲ ሓዲሽ ኣዋጅ ዘቃልዖ---ማለት፠፠1. መርሕነት ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ነቲ ዝኣትዎ ውዕል ሓድነት ሰልፊ ጠሊሙ፡ ውሑዳት ደገፍቱ ኣከቲሉ፡ ሰልፊ ገዲፉ ከምዝኸደ`፠Fake News

ብተደጋጋሚ ውዕል ተጠሊሙ ይብሉ፡ ዝኾነ ውዕል ክሳብ እቲ ተሰማሚዕካ  ሰልፊ መስሪትካ ስም ምስሃብካ ካብኡ ንንየው መትከል ኢዩ ዝመርሓካ። ኣብ መትከል ክልተ ድሕሪ ባይታ ዘለዎም ዝብል የብሉን፡ ሰልፊ ብኣብዝሃ ድምጺ ዝምራሕ ካብ ኮነ እቶም ከሰስቲ ግን ውልቀሰባት ዘተዛረቡዎ ከም ውሳኔ ምውሳዶም (ናይ ሞት ፍርዲ ፠፨ ጋሽ ሰቲት ወዘተ.) ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ  ኣብ ዝኾነ ጽሑፋቶም ኣነ  ኣነ   ኣነ  ከምዚ በልኩ እምበር ብድምጺ ብመሰረታት ዝብላ ቃላት ፈጺሙ ኣይርከቦን። እቲ ህግደፍ እውን ኢንተኾነ ድሕሪ ባይታኡ ክልተ ድሕሪ ባይታ ዘለዎም ኢዮም ካልእስ ይትረፍ እቶም ዝበዝሑ ኣባላት ቅያዳ ዓማ ኣብ ህግደፍ ኣለዉ። ስለዚ ናይ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ምትእኽካብ ደኣ ንበል እምበር ብዛዕባ ድሕሪ ባይታ ክንዛረብ እነተኮይና ቅድሚ እዚ ሰልፊ ምምስራቱ ድሕሪ ባይታኦም እንታይ ነይሩ ኢልካ ምሕታት ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ። ብዘይ መትከላዊ ግርጭት ከምዛ ሕጂ ዝገብርዋ ዘለዉ እንተደኣ ነይሩ ኣመል ምስ መግነዝ ጥራሕ ምባል ኣኻሊ ኢዩ። ሕጂኸ ክልተ ድሕሪ ባይታ ዘለዎም ካብ ኮኑ ነታ መርየት ናይ መንግስቲ  ትብልን: ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣይንኣቱን : ብጎነጽ ኢየ ዝኣምን; ወዘተ. ዝብላ  ክውሕጥዎ ዲዮም።  

ከምቲ ገዓሪ ፍሹል ዶክቶር  ባዕሉ ሓዊ ጽልልቲ ዝተጠመቀ ፡ ኣማን ብኣማን ሓዊ ጽልልቲ ዝበሎ ወያ ሕብእቲ ሰልፊ ኣንጻርና እንዳበለ ሃለውለው ዝበሎ፡ ኮር ተገምጠል ጽሩይ ሓሶት ኢዩ ምኽንያቱ መስፍን ሓጎስ ብዝለዓለ ድምጺ ተመሪጹ ክነሱ እታ ሕብእቲ ሰልፉ ወይ ሕቡእ ተልእኮኡ ንምፍጻም ኣይፋልካን ስለ ዝበለቶ ነቲ ሓላፍነት መሪሕነት ክቅበሎ ኣይደለየን። ነዊሕ ከይጸንሐ እውን ካብ ባይቶ ምንስሓብን መጋራጨዊ ዝኽኖ  ሃሰስ ምባልን ዝተዋፈረ፡ ካብዚ ተበጊሱ ከኣ ኢዩ ሃይለ መንገሻ ዑቅበ ንቁሕ ኣስተብህሎ ብልክዕ  ኣቀሚጥዎ ዘሎ ፡ ስኮመሳ ክስዕር ምዃኑ ዝተኣማመነ። ኣንጊሁ ህዝቢ እውን ኣይኣመነን እምበርዶ ብቅንዕና እዩ እናበለ ስክፍታኡ ብቀጻሊ ይዛረብ ነይሩ። ምኽንያቱ ህዝቢ ኣይሕሱን እዩ ። እቲ ንቡር ሙኩሕ ንዕቀቱን ሓሶትን ኣብ ድምጺ ዘይምእማን ጸረ ዲሞክራሲ ሕማም ስለዝኾነ ንምሉእ ህይወቶም ኣብ ሓንጎሎም ከም ቁርዲድ ለጊቡ ከሸግሮም ስለዝኽእል ቀልጢፎም ዝጻረፍ ዘይኮነ ደላይ ፍትሒ ዝኾነ ዶክቶር ከናድዩ ምምዓዶም ኢዩ። ገለ ካብቲ ብድምጺ ዝተቀርጸ፡ ኣብ ወርሒ 6/ 2017 ዳዊት ሰለሙን ፡ መስፍን  ካብ ዝበሎም ክደግም ከሎ `` ወዲእኩም እንተኾንኩም ከይቀደምኹም ተፈንጨሉ `` ወልዱ ነጋሲ ዋላ ተቃውሞ እንተቀረቦ፡ኩሉ  ዶክቶር ዝብሎን ዚገብሮን ናትና ሓሳብ ምባሉ  ኣብ ሊንክ ጠዉኩም ስምዑ። 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x9HEHiRBJyY&feature=youtu.be

 ሓንትስ ድምጺ ዝኸብረሉ መሰረት ዝኾርዓሉ ሰልፊ ይኹን እምበር ጻዕዳ ይጽናሕኩም ኣብ መንገዲ ክንራኸብ ኢና። ታሪኽ ኣይምሕርን እዩ፡ ህዝቢ ከኣ ኣይጋገን እዩ ፡ ምትህልላኽ ገዲፍኩም ጥዑይ ጥራሕ ስርሑ ደላይ ፍትሒ ኣይተሃላለኽን ኢዩ።  ዚኾነ ሰልፊ መሰል ንክህብ ኢዩ ክሳብ ዝምረጽ ዝመባጻዕ፡  ክሳብ ሽዑ ግን መሰል ናይ መሰረታቱ ምሕላውን ምኽባርን ብድምጺ ከምዝምእዘዝን  ከመስክር  ምስዝኽእል ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዋሕስነት ደሞክራሲ ሃልዩዎ ህዝቢ ክስዕቦን ኣባላት ከጥርን ዝኽእል።

ዓውት ንፍትሓዊ መተከላትና  ክንዕወት ኢና                                                                   

ተስፋይ ባይረ ጥሪ 2018