ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጥሪ ናይዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ዓመት ምምሕዳር ኢስያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ካብ ሰላሳ ዘይውሕድ ሓድሽ ገዛውቲ ደቂ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ሰዓት ሕሙሽተ ንግሆ ብሆሊከፕተርን ታንክታትን ዝተሰንዩ ኣፍረስቲ ሊኢኹ ከም ዘዕነወ ኣብ ዜናታት ተቛወምቲ ምልኪ ከም ዝተቓለሐ ዝዝከርዩ። ዓዲ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ካብተን ኣብ ከባቢ ማእከላይ ቤት ጽሕፈት ርእሰ መራሒ ጥፍእት እትርከብ ዓዲያ። ምምሕዳር ማዛጋጃ ቤት ኣስመራ ካብ ሱሳታት ከተማ ኣስመራ እናሰፍሐ ኣብ ዝኸደሉ ዝነበረ ጽርግያን መዛናግዒ ቦታታትን ካልኦት ህዝባውያን ትካላትን ድሕሪ ምቕያስ: ደቂ ዓዲ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ንመደብ ህንጻ ኣስመራ ብምኽታል መሬቶም ኣዋሪዶም ገዛውቶም ክሰርሑ መምርሒ ምስ ተዋህበ: ብሰፊሕ ምርድዳእ ዓድን ምምሕዳር ማዛገጃ ቤት ኣስመራን: መሬቶም ብምክፋል ምሉእ ዓቕሚ ዝነበሮም ቪላታት ሕጽረት ገንዘብ ዝነብሮም ከኣ ፍርቁ ሸይጦም ፍርቂ መሬት ብጺሒቶም ሰሪሖም፡፡ እዚ ጽፉፍ ባህሊ ንምቕጻል ድሕሪ ቀጻሊ ዕብየት ከተማ ብ 2005 ኣብ መንጎ ደቂ ዓዲ ብዝተገብረ ውሳኔ ቀጻሊ ምክፍፋል መሬት ብምግባር ኣብ መሬቶም ገዛውቲ ክሰርሑ እብ ዝተዋፈርሉ: ደቂ ዓዲ ኣይኮንኩምን ዝበልዎም 120 ዝኣኽሉ ሰባት ምንባሮም ምስሓሓብ ተፈጢሩስ ፎዝያ ኑርሑሰን ብዝሃበቶ ፍርዲ ክካፈሉ ኪኢሎም። መሪሒነት ህግደፍውን ንዝቐርብዎም ሰባት ብዶላራት ሸይጦም ዝዓደልዎ መሬት ናይዚ ዓዲ ኣሎ።
ኢስያስን መምሪሑኡን ኣብዚ ጠጠው ኣይበለን። ምርድዳእ ምስራሕ ገዛውቲ ደቂ ዓዲ ኣብ ውሳኔ ምስ በጽሐ ዝኾነ ገዛ ኣብ ኣስመራ ንኸይስራሕ ኣውጁ። ምስራሕ ገዛውቲ ብሕቡእ ግን ዋላ ኣብ ጥቓ ቤት ጽሕፈትን መቐመጥን ኣይተ ኢሳይስ ቀጺሉዩ። ገለ ደቂ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ኸኣ ድሕሪ ነዊሕ ትጽቢት ኣብ መሬቶም ከባቢ ቤት ክርስትያን ኪዳነ ምህረት ክሰርሑ ጀሚሮም። መብዛሕትኡ ዝተሰርሐ ገዛውቲ ቆልዑ ብዘለውዎም ስድራ ቤታት ዝተስርሐዩ። ምዕናው ናይዚ ገዛውቲ እምበኣር ክንደይ ስድራ ቤታት ኣብ ጎልጎል ኣጻጢሑ ምህላው ብሩህዩ። እዚዩ እቲ ማሕበራዊ ኲናት ምልካዊ ስርዓት እሳያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ። ኣብ ምምሕዳር ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዘይተነግረ እምበር ዘይተገብረ የለን።
ብንጹር ድሕሪ ኲናት ዶብ ምስ እትዮጵያ ኲናት ኣብ ልዕሊ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራዩ ዝካየድ ዘሎ። ምስዚ ሕጂ ምዕናው ገዛውቲ ህዝቢ ኣርባዕተ ኣስመራ ንዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ስድራ ቤታት ኣብ ጥመትን ዘርምዘርሞን ስደትን ዝንቖተ ካልእ ፍጻመ ኸኣ ዝስዕብ ዛንታሎ። ኩሉ ህዝቢ ዝፈልጦ ውጽኢት ኲናት ኢትዮ ኤርትራ ብፍሽለት መሪሒነት ኢሳይስዩ ተዛዚሙ። ስዕረቱ ንምጉልባብ ከኣ ኣብ ምእሳርን ምጭዋይን ጠለብቲ ሕግን ቁዋምን ተዋፊሩ። ፍርሒ ኢሳይስ ብጽላሎቱውን ስለዝኾነ ፍሉይን ኣብ ጽንኩር ቦታን ዝበሎ ከጥፍኦም ነይርዎ። ሳይበርያ ኢስያስ። መእሰሪኦም ንህግደፋዊት ኩባንያ ሰገን ኣብ ሰሎሙና መደበር ሃኒጹ: ዋርሳይ ይከኣሎ ዝብል ወፍሪ ሽፋን ገይሩ: ንሱ ዝሃንደሶ መጀር ጀነራል ገርዝጊሄር ዓንደማርያን ዝመርሖ ብብርጋደር ጀነርል ሚኪኤል ዩውሃንስ- ወዲ ሃንስ ዝምራሕ ኣተግባሪ ሰራዊት: ሓደ ብርገድ ኣብ መግኦ ካልኣይ ብርገድ ኣብ ፍልፍል ሳልሳይ ብርገድ ኣብ ሰሎሙና ብምዕራድ መስራሕ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዒራዒሮን መገዲ ሰራዊትን ተሃኒጹ። እዚ ስርሒት ኲናት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ ቅድሚኡን ባዶ ሰለስተ ሰሜናዊ ባሕሪ መናፈሻ ህዝብን፡ንትሩዝምን ክሕዛእዩ ዝብል ኣእምሮ ህዝቢ ዝኸፋፍል መናፍሕ ተኻይዱ። ምስዚ መስርሕዚ ካብ ቢብዮ ጀሚሩ (ቢብዮ ካብ ውኪ ወሪድካ ዓናጉለ ሓሊፍካ ቀራና ቦታ ንሰመናዊ ምዕራብ ማለት ንፍሾይን ምራራን ንሰሜናዊ ምብራቕ ንሞግኦን ሳቡርን ፍልፍልን ካብኡ ቀጺልካን ዘማሓልፍ ቦታዩ)። መስርሕ ዋርሳይ ይከኣሎ ኣብዚ ቦታታትዚ ቀንዲ ስርሑ ምስጢራዊ ተግባራት ንምክያድ ንህዝቢ ካብ ማሕረሱን ጉሱነቱን ኣዛናቡሉ ዝሕረስ መሬትን: ቡንን ካልን ኣትክልትን ዘራእትን ዝቦቕለሉን ንብረትን ዘመናዊ ገዛውቲ ዒላታትን ኣስተሪናታትን ዝተሃንጸሉ ንመፍረን ማሕረድን ዝኾና እንሳታት ዝፈርያሉ ዓድታት: ካብ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ጥልያን ኣትሒዘን ዝናበራሉ ዝነበራ መሬትዩ። መግኦ: ሳቡር: ፋጌና: ፍልፍል: ሰለሙና: መድሓኒት። ካብ 2004-2005 ኣትሒዙ ኸኣ ገባር ወይ ሓረስቶት ኣብዚ ቦታዚ ተወዝ ከይብሉ ስለ ዝተኸልከለ: ሓረስቶት ኣብኡ ተራእዮም ኣይፈልጡንዮም። ዓበይቲ ኣብ ደንቢኦም ተኾርምዮም ዝውለዱን ዝዓበዩን ዝጥምትዎ መጻኢ ሂወት ዝረኣዮም ናብ ሳዋ ብምዃኑ ንስደት ብምምራሕ ዓድታቶም ይጸንትዩ ዘሎ። ሳዕበን ወፍሪ ምልካውነት ምርጻም ህዝቢ ምስ ምልካውነት ኣብዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታትን ከባቢኡን ዝተጋህደ ፍጻመዩዚ። ዝያዳ ኣብዚ መስርሕዚ ዝተሃስየ ህዝቢ ወኪዩ።
ቀጻሊ ምፍንቓል ህዝቢ ብህግደፍ ካብ 2007-2008። ፍልፍል ዋና ቤት ጽሕፈት ብሪጋደር ሚኪኤል ዮሃንስያ ነይራ። ሰሎሙና ኣብ ኣገዳሲ መተሓላለፊት ንሰምሃር: ንሳሓልን ንሰንሒትያ። እዚ ኣብዚ ዝጥቀስ ካብ ታሕታይ ፈልሒት ጀሚርካ ንደብረመዓር ንጸጋም ተጸጊዕካ ንፈልሒት ላዕላይ ሓሊፍካ ነስሓቐት ንገብረምሓረን ደይብካ ንገምኒ ዘውጽእ ንየማን ገዲፍካ ንኽሳድ ኣልገና ንጽጋም ተጸጊዕካ ናብ ዊና: ንምድሪ እምባደርሆን ግራት ኣውሊዕን ሓሊፋካ ንርእሲ ዓዲ ትድይብ። እዚ ቦታታትዚ ካብ ርእሲ ዓዲ ብወገን ምዕራቡ ዝዘንብ ማይ ንሸባሕዩ ዝወርድ። ብወገን ምብራቕ ሰፋሕቲ ናይ ሕርሻ ቦታታት ዘለዎ ኮይኑ ግልዕን ባሕሪባራን ዘለዎ ቦታታትዩ። ካብ ዒራዒሮ ንጎድኒ ክሳብ ድርፎ 50 ኪሎመተር ዝኸወንዩ። ካብ ገማግም ዓድታት ንምብራቕ ማለት ካብ ዓዲ ንፋስ: በለዛ: ኳዜን: ዓዜን: ደፈረ: ዛግር: ወኪ ዘሎ ከም ኣብነት ካብ ዓዜን ተበጊስካ ናብ ባሕሪ ባራ ክትወርድ ብግምት 30 ኪሎመተር ይኸውን። ኣብ ከምዚ ጎድንን ቁመትን ዘለዎ ቦታታት ብማሕረስን ጉስነትን ዝናበሩ ዝነበሩ ካብ ዓድታት ዓዲ ቆንጺ: ሃዘጋ: ዓመጺ: ዕናናላይ: ጨዓረሺ: ገረሚ: እምባደርሆ: በለዛ: ዓድንፋስ: መስፍንቶ: ዓድሸኻ ኳንደባ: ደፈረ: ዛግር: ዓዜን: ዓደንጎዳ: ዓዲረጊትን ደቀጥሮስን ዝኣመሰላየን። ካብዘን ዓድታት እዚኤን ክሳብ 30 ሺሕ ዝኸውን ስድራ ቤታት ብመናባብሮ ሕርሻን ጉስነትን ዝናበሩ ነይሮም ክብሃል ይከኣል። ሂወት ዝነበረን እንሳሳ ዜቤት ከብትን ጠለበጊዕን ንመጽዓኛ ዘገልግሉ ኣእዱግን ዝፈርዩሉን ዝራብሑሉን ኮይኑ ንመናባብሮ ሰባት ሂወት ኣብ ምሃብ ዝዓንገለ ቦታታትዩ። እቲ ኲናት ስርዓተ ምልኪ ኣብ መንባብሮ ናይዞም ሰባት ፈጢሪዎ ዘሎ በሰላ መዐቀኒኡ ኣብዚ ብቓላት ክግለጽ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። እቲ ስጉምቲ ምስጓጒ ክውሰድ ከሎ ቅልጡፍን ግዜ ዘይህብን ብምንባሩ: እቶም ሓረስቶት ዝነብረኦም ከብትን ጠለበጊዕን ዓርቢ ንዓዶም ኣእትዮም ንጽባሒቱ ኣብ ዕዳጋ ቀዳም ዝሸጡ ብዙሓትዮም ነይሮም፡፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ዝብላዕ መግቢ ኣይነበረን ነተን እንስሳታት፡፡ እዚ ሕሱም ተግባርዚ ብ 2011ዩ ተዛዚሙ፡፡ እዝን ግፋ ንሳዋን ተሓዋዊሱ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ እርባዕተ ዓመታት ካብዘን ዕድታትዚኤን ሃጽ ኢሎም ናብ ወጻኢ ሃገራት ዝተሰዱ መንእሰያት ኣሽሓትዮም፡፡ ገለ ኸኣ መገዲ ተቓውሞ ክሓስቡ ጀሚሮም። ንኣብነት ሸውዓተ መንእስያት ደቂ ዓዜን ንህግደፍ ብሓበረታ ይምግቡዮም ኢሎም ንዝሓሰብዎም ደቂ ዓዶም ብለይቲ ኣብቲ ቀልቀል ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ገማግም ንዝነበረ ግዛውቶም ኣቃጺሎም ዘራእቶምውን መንቁሶም፡፡ እዚ ሓበረታዚ ዝሰምዐ ምምሕዳር ምልኪ ኮለነል ሓረጎት ፍርዙን ዝመርሖ ሰራዊት መጺኡ ንደቂ ዓዲ ኣኪቡ: ነዞም ከምዚ ዝገበሩ ደቅኹም ኣረክቡኒ እንተዘይኮይኑ ዝወስዶ ስጉምቲ ኣሎ ይብሎም። ዓዲ እዚ ዝብሃል ዘሎ ተግባር መን ከም ዝፈጸሞ ኣይንፈልጥን ኢና፤ ይኹን እምበር ተገይሩ ምህላው ስለ እንፈልጥ ነቶም ንብረቶም ዝጠፍኦም ክንክሕስ ድልዋት ኢና። ኣብ ምንጎ ደቂ ዓዲ ዝተፈጸመ ስለዝኾነ ኸኣ ብምምሕዳር ዓድና ክንፈትሖ ቁሩባት ኢና እኳ እንተበሉ: ዓበይቲ ናይ ጽዕነት መካይን ኣምጺኡ 420 ደቂ ዓዲ ካብኦም 70- 80 ዓመት ዝገበሩ ናብ ምትካልኣቤት ዝበሃል ምብራቕ ካብ ደብሪመዓር ዝርከብ ኣጻምእ ቦታ ከም ዝእሰሩ ገይሩ። ዝብላዕን ዝስተን ኣይነበረን: ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ተዓገስ ተኽለግርጊሽ ዝብሃል ሰብ ይመውት። ኣብ ኣስመራ ዝነብሩ ደቂ ዓዜን ብዝዋጽእዎ መግብን መስትን ከኣዮም ክድሕኑ ዝኸኣሉ። ድሕሪ 40 መዓልቲ ነቶም ኣረግቶት ንዓዶም ክምለሱ ኣፍቂደሙሎም: ዝተርፉ ግን እቶም ገበርቲ ዝበልዎም ረኺቦም ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዓዲ ኣቤቶ ምስ ዳጎንዎም ነቶም ብጃምላ ሒዘሞም ዝነበሩ ድሕሪ 6 ወርሒ ለቒቖሞም። ኣብዚ ኩነት ንህግደፍ ኣውራ ዘሻቐሎን ቀረባ መጽናዕቲ ዝገበሩሉን ካብ ሰራዊት ብሕቡእ ኣብቲ ተግባርን ሓሳባትን ከይህሉውዩ ዝነበረ።
ነዚ ዝተባህለ ህዝቢ ዘባሳብስ ተግባር ዝእዝዝ ኢስያስዩ። ላዕለዋይ መራሒ ናይ ኣተግበርቲ መጀር ጀነራል ገረዝጊሄር ዓንደማርያም፡ተወላዲ ኣፍደይዩ ዝነበረ። ኣተግባሪ ምፍንቃል ሓረስቶት ሰመናዊ ባሕሪ ብርጋደር ጀነራል ሚኪኤል የውሃንስ ተወላዲ ዓዲ ንፋስዩ: ኮለንል ሓረጎት ፍርዙን ተወላዲ ኳዜንዩ። እዚ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ ዓድታትን ዝነብርሉ ዝነበሩ ዝተጠቕሰ ቦታታትን ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንህዝባዊ ሓይልታት ድሓር ህዝባዊ ግንባር ምስ ኩሉ ዝወርዶ ዝነበረ በደላት መብዛሕቱኡ ንቓልሲ ዘበረከተን ብዓቕሙ ዘገልገለን ልዕሊ ኹሉ ግን ሰላምን ፍትሕን ምዕባለን ክመጽእዩ ኢሉ ዝኣመነዩ ነይሩ። ጠላም መሪሒነት ምልካውነት ኢስያስ ኣፍወርቂ ግን ዋላውን ንዝኣምኖ ኣብ ትሕቲ ፍጹም ምቁጽጻሩ ክረግጾ ንጥመትን ድንቁርናን ሕማምን ማሕበራዊ ምብትታንን ከም መሳርሒ ከዘውትሮ ኢና ንዕዘብ ዘለና። ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ምወዳእታ ዓመትሞ ምልስ ኢልና ንዘክር: ”ዘራእቲ ጽቡቕዩ ነይሩ ኢሉ ኢሳያስ ሽማግለታት ሰባት ክሰርሑ ምርኣየይ” ብምባል ”ዝተኣከብ ቂሚጦ ርእየ: ክኽየድ ግን ኣይኮነን ሒዝናዮ ዘለና መደብ ምልመላዩ ቀዳምነት ዘለዎ: ርግጽዩ ካብ ማይ ሕዳር እንበጣ ሕዳርዩ ዝምረጽ” ከኣ በለና። ነዚ ዕርቃኑ ዝወጸ ጸላእ ሕግን ቁዋምን ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ገምገም ጥፍኣት ኣብጺሒዎ ዘሎ ዕሉል ምልካዊ ስርዓት ብሓደ ዓይኒ ክርእዮዩ ዝግባእ። ፍታውየዩ ዝብሎ ወገን የብሉን። ምሕዝነቱ ምስ ዘይዓግብ ስልጣን ጥራዩ።
ንባራበር።
Issais’ New Year Interview: The Production of More Manipulations and Lies
Wednesday, 28 January 2015 04:44 Written by EPDP Editorial Board
EPDP Editorial
Part 2
The question is not to count the dangers, betrayals, and evils of Issais to our people because we already know those. The question should be why all these dangers and evils of the regime are not setting off a firing revolution and lead to a deep sense of national and united opposition against the regime?
[For Part 1, please click here http://www.harnnet.org/index.php/news-and-editorial/epdp-editorial/item/1289-issais-new-year-interview-production-of-more-manipulations-and-lies-1]
Apart from the constitution talk, Issais also roared a lot of things in his New Year interview,among ofwhich were the so-called development plan for 2015, human resources development, five-year plans…etc. These were all rehashed Issais’ tyrannical policies from last year and the year before, and presented as if they were new. No new thing, unfulfilled promises and declaring further promises that would not be fulfilled, a scheme designed to manipulate Eritrean people into thinking that something good will take place in their lives next year.
For example, when asked…on realizing the objectives associated with making Eritrea a prosperous country…how do you assess our capacity to realize our aspirations? Do we have the human and material resources required to accomplish the tasks ahead? Issais said, “Human and material resources are what you can create. For example, everybody wants to live peacefully. However, peace is not something that is a heaven sent opportunity. Rather, one has to work hard to bring peace. We need to clearly identify the resources required for achieving our objectives. There are different resources such as technology, machinery, different raw materials, etc. However, human resource is the key of all the resources…work culture is also very important for materializing what you aspire (Eritrean Profile, January 14, 2015).
The above response is Issais’ fixative prayer for preserving his power. No matter how evil, atrocious, or deceptive the ends are as long as they justify the means, it is what Issais is doing – recklessly and without hesitation assault Eritrean people to empower his tyrannical power. Think about this: every year, Issais tells Eritrean people that they will be better off next year than the year before. He declares the problems and uncertainties of today will not be repeated next year. He claims that Eritrean people have learned lessons from past year and they would use those experiences to achieve their goals in the coming year. We will overcome them next year…etc. How many next years have Eritrean people gone so far without realizing their dreams - exactly over two decades now and still continuing. Simply put: by using unending promises and running a cynic campaign (usually in the name of Eritrean people), Issais managed to run an absolute system in the country for over two decades.
The fact is Issais can claim prosperity and development, but the reality is Issais is running one of the bloodiest governments on this planet: forced hundreds of thousands of Eritrean youth to exile; destroyed many Eritrean lives; altered Eritrean polities and institutions; eroded the living standard of the people; and committed widespread violation of human rights. Issais has it all, except freedom and democracy. Today, the Eritrean people are suffering from chronic shortages of basic consumer goods, water, electricity and fuel.
When asked … about the mass exodus of Eritrean youth…and if there are any tangible plans regarding their compensation or their future? Issais said, “I don’t want to talk about something that doesn’t exist. Many have been plunged into quagmires in consequence of their actions (motivated by their families and environments) to go somewhere where they would supposedly find riches and change their lives…Generally speaking, those who have gone to these “dream lands” will eventually regret their actions. Many of them mistakenly fled because their desired state of affairs didn’t come overnight in this country…” (Eritrean profile January 10, 2015). The content of the above statement simply recalls Issais’ contemptuous mockery when he said, “they are going for a picnic” in reference to the mass exodus of Eritrean youth few years ago. So, Issais did not shift ground on this; nothing new. He just doubled it down on his crusade to annihilate the Eritrean youth in order to continue his grip on power. Remember that this comment is made against the backdrop where hundreds and thousands of Eritreans are being forced to work in Party and military-owned businesses as unpaid laborers. The reality is that the mass exodus is the result and consequence of this form of forced labor imposed on the Eritrean people for the last two decades by Issaias and his dictatorial regime. The bigger picture here is that the exodus of Eritrean youth represents a major threat to Eritrea’s integrity and continuity as a nation. A country without a young generation has no future.
At this juncture, though, Issais and his cronies can roar as long as they want regarding drafting new constitution, development promises, foreign forces, war hysteria …etc. Eritrean people know the promises are empty and the development plans/projects are nonexistent; the war hysteria is a lie to keep Eritrean people in a state of war. The point is all this barrage of lies can no longer reverse the multitude crisis unfolding in Eritrea although Issais will continue to exploit such lies as a necessary strategy to muzzle and reduce the whole population to slavery. We know Eritrea is now a dilapidated, stagnated, and hungry place, with a life standard plummeting to abyss every day. Maybe this time the era of Issais’ manipulation is coming to an end. Eritrean people seem to be waking up because they are increasingly realizing that the entire edifice of Issais’ politics is based on lies and perpetual manipulations. In fact, we are witnessing Eritrean people slowly detaching if not divorcing their susceptibility to the regime’s unending lies and manipulations. They see it; and they are not buying it anymore. And there is nothing more inspiring than seeing Eritrean people finally searching their souls and beginning to withdraw their support from the PFDJ regime.
At the end, we should ask ourselves what is the lesson we can learn from Issais’ New Year long tirade and menacing interview against our citizens:
- One, Issais is spinning such an endless catalogue of lies and manipulations regarding drafting constitution, development plans, aggression of foreign forces, and others because of the increasing erosion of support base to his regime that began as a result of the crackdown on pro democracy decedents within his leadership and on journalist in 2001. This was reinforcedby the January 2013 (Forto mutiny), followed by the Eritrean Catholic priests (Where is Your Brother), and finally amplified by the excommunication declaration issued by the clergy of the United Eritrean Orthodox monasteries.
- Two, the above revelations are reinforcing Eritrean people’s confidence both in challenging and rejecting the propaganda that the mad dictator has been roaring like a wild animal for years on one hand, and in leading to a collective and united action on the other, all making Issais’ lies and unending promises more and more fragile, especially inside the homeland. We need to understand and exploit such development, and break it open to reveal the danger of Issais’ regime to our country.
- Three, we must understand that the strategy of Issais’ interview is to stifle the evolving internal opposition by conditioning Eritrean people to his own reality – a reality of fear and conformity that he knows would enable him to continue enslaving Eritrean people. Our role should be to deconstruct those realities as they are designed to perpetuate tyranny and submission to the power of Issais.
- Four, there is nothing that scares Issais than the emergence of factions within his own inner circle. We must target such a unity of the inner circle in a manner that amplifies the blunder of Issais and leads to the demise of his system. This is the major task of establishing and nurturing internal opposition.
- Fifth, we should understand that Issais will continue to lie in the face of mass exodus of the Eritrean youth. This is not an ordinary lie; this is a threat to the existence of our country. The message here is that whether ignorance or weakness not shattering such dangerous policy of Issais is strengthening his rule in Eritrea. The sad thing is there is nothing Issais has said or done that we do not know. The problem is every time, we encounter Issais’ speech, we denounce his insanity and we become delusional instead of systematically and collectively challenge it.
- Sixth, now the issue is no more about Issaias and his regime. Issaias’ contempt to the collective wisdom of the Eritrean people is boundless. His disrespect and disregard to the interest of the Eritrean people is deep and profound. His declaration of the 1997 Eritrean Constitution as “dead and nonexistent” is another in a series of blunders that exposed issais’ inner motive and evil intent. The real culprit and enemy are known and it is up to the opposition and the people what to do with it. As the saying goes, ‘snake at your feet, a stick at your hand’ “በትሪኣብኢድካተመንኣብእግርኻ.”
Last, Issais does not care about democracy, constitution, and development in Eritrea. Why should he? After all, being democratic or accepting the sovereign right of Eritrean people denies his power. He is a malignant narcissistic dictator and that is the nature of dictators, conditioning the people to their own reality and fighting for their power until they are booted out from power. The question is not to count the dangers, betrayals, and evils of Issais to our people because we already know those. The question should be why all these dangers and evils of the regime are not setting off a firing revolution and lead to a deep sense of national and united opposition against the regime? Where is our collective action?
دعك من القفز، بل لم نقدر علي الحبو!!
Sunday, 25 January 2015 18:23 Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتريلجميع الدكتاتوريين في التاريخ العالمي سمات مشتركة تتلخص في التالي:
1- يحرصون علي أن يكونوا مرهوبي الجانب
2- تحت الزعم بوجود أعداء للأمة يعمل الدكتاتور علي إسكار الشعب بسيمفونية الوطنية (nationalism)
3- لا يسمحون بوجود أي رأي مخالف لهم، كما يشجعون ويعطون الأولوية للانضباط والطاعة والإخلاص لهم.
4- يميلون الي العزلة وإخفاء كل شيء يتعلق بهم.
تلك السمات تنطبق علي إسياس أفورقي ونظامه بنسبة مئة بالمئة، وكأن الجيش الحالي قليل وغير كافٍ نراه في خطابه التلفزيوني السنوي الأخير في الثلاثين من ديسمبر 2014م يقول: إن كل الشعب جيش، وبالتالي يعرب عن نيته السافرة في تجنيد وتسليح كافة أفراد الشعب، ليس هذا فحسب، بل ورغم إبداء حيرته إزاء تزامن فصل الشتاء وحملة التجنيد الحالية إلا أنه لم يخف إعطاءه الأولوية للتجنيد والتدريب. إن إسياس لا تهمه أوضاع الشعب بقدرما يهمه الإبقاء علي سلطته. لا يهمه من أمر الشعب إلا أن يبقيه ساهراً قلقاً بحجة حماية الوطن من الأعداء والغزاة.
بل برر إسياس سياسته للعسكرة الشاملة التي لا تستثني أحداً بأن أنكر علي الشعب النوم في الأسرّة مشنعاً عليه ذلك بالمقارنة الظالمة وغير المنطقية بين الشعب الذي ينام علي سرير وبين الجيش الذي يفترش التراب ويلتحف السماء علي حد زعمه، لقد ساق كل تلك الأحاجي والألغاز المربكة عن وضع الجيش والشعب لتبرير العسكرة الشاملة حتى ينام الجميع في الخنادق وتخلو المدن والقرى والحقول والمراعي من الناس. وحتى تشمل العسكرة الجميع، شيباً وشباباً، أقفل أبواب الجامعة الوحيدة في البلاد وكل مؤسسات التعليم العالي والثانوي وأبدلها بثكنات التدريب العسكري، إنه يستهدف بهذه العسكرة بث الرعب في قلوب الشعب الارتري وقلوب حكومات وشعوب الدول المجاورة وإقلاق راحة المنطقة بأكملها.
وعن سؤال عن إنفاذ الدستور أجاب الرئيس قائلاً: ( نسبةً لأن الكل يعلم أنه كان هناك دستور لن أقول لك: نعم كان لنا دستور لكنه مات أو بعث من جديد...الخ، كما لا أود تعليق الأمور علي شماعة ما واجهنا خلال الخمس عشر عاماً الماضية من تحديات، حيث كنا مهددين في وجودنا، سيادتنا، نمونا وتنميتنا، ولكن ولأن معظم حقب مسيرتنا السياسية كانت غالباً ما تعاق بالكثير من المعوقات والتدخلات الخارجية في الأغلب من عواصف وأمواج وأنواء، لذلك كله مضت وثيقة الدستور الي حال سبيلها بغير إنفاذ ولا إعلان ).
إن الزعم بموت الدستور أو اهترائه بهذه اللهجة المستترة واللا مسئولة إنما هو استخفاف بالأموال والجهود التي أنفقت علي إعداد وإنفاذ تلك الوثيقة من قبل الشعب وبرلمانه والدول والحكومات الصديقة، وإذا افترضنا أن الأموال قد فقدت ولن تعوض وأن الوثيقة قد تآكلت فهل الشعب والبرلمان المصادقان علي الوثيقة والشاهدان الحيان عليها أيضاً قد هرما وفارقا الحياة، أم أصبحا عنده نسياً منسياً؟؟؟!!! إنه لأمرٌ يدعو الي الرثاء والخجل.
إنه بينما حاول أن ينزه نفسه عن تبرير تأجيل عملية إنفاذ الدستور بالعوامل الخارجية، إذا به يناقض نفسه زاعماً أن عملية تأجيل أو موت الدستور لا تعود اليه بقدرما تعود الي عوامل وتدخلات خارجية، وكأنما دستور البلاد هو دستور الأمم المتحدة أو دستور حلف الأطلنطي!!
إن الدستور وثيقة عقد اجتماعي(social contract) بين الشعب والحكومة، لذلك وبحكم أن الشعب هو الطرف الأول والأهم في ذلك العقد فمن صميم حقه أن يعلم بأي تعديلات تجرى عليه أو ما يتعرض له من تأجيل أو وفاة كما زعم الرئيس. قرار الحرب هو الآخر قرار سيادي يعود للشعب أو برلمان يمثله وليس فرد أو جماعة حاكمة، لذلك كان من العبط والاستعباط الجدل حول ضرورة قرار الاعلان من عدم اعلانه، إن من يسعون سراً هذه الأيام لتمهيد الطريق لدستور إسياس يحاولون إقناعنا بأن نتناسى ونتجاهل الجدل حول اعلان الدستور ومن وضعه. إن الدستور لا يمكن إعداده أو إجازته أو إنفاذه في الظلام والغرف المظلمة كما يفعل أفورقي الآن، لا يتم شيء حول الدستور إلا بواسطة الشعب صاحب القرار الأول في التشريع.
عودنا إسياس أفورقي نهاية كل عام، أن يزعم أن العام المنصرم قد أنجز مهاماً تستشرف القفز الي إنجازات العام القادم، كما تعود إلهاءنا بالآمال والأحلام والتمنيات والوعود في كل عامٍ جديد. واليوم أيضاً كرر في هذا العام مزاعمه المعهودة كل عام، فهو قد رفع قفاز التحدي والرهان أمام المشاهدين والمستمعين بكل غرور عندما قال: انظروا الي ما أقول لكم خلال ثلاثة أشهر فقط لا ثلاث أعوام، وجعل يعدد الإنجازات الموعودة خلال العام الحالي 2015م في مجالات الزراعة، الثروة البحرية، الصناعة، التعدين ....الخ. ولكن الواقع يكذب ذلك كما ظل يكذب كلَّ عام كلَّ المزاعم الإسياسوية المتكررة، لذلك لن نستطيع تحقيق شيء من وعود هذا العام دعك من أن نستشرف أو نقفز الي منجزات العام القادم، بل العكس، فنحن إما أن نظل حيث كنا وإما أن نتراجع الي الخلف خطواتٍ وخطوات.
إن نظام إسياس الدكتاتوري الذي يتلون كالحرباء يلبس أمام حكومات العالم لبوساً وأمام شعبه لبوساً آخر، فهو لكي يخرج من عزلته العالمية والاقليمية يعد حكومات الغرب بإنفاذ الدستور، تحديد مدة أداء الخدمة العسكرية الإجبارية ب18 شهراً، إتاحة الحقوق والحريات الانسانية ...الخ. وعلي العكس من تلك الوعود المعسولة للأجانب فإنه قد توعد كل من هاجر وترك بلاده دون إذن بأشد وأفظع العقوبات والتهديدات، إنه زعم أنه أعز نفساً وشموخاً من زعماء الغرب، كما أن تلفزيونه لا يعرض إلا سوءات الآخرين موارياً النظر عن سوءاته.
إن من يعرف غدر إسياس وكذبه لن يصدق تلك الوعود التي يسوقها عاماً إثر عام، بالأمس قال إنه أقرَّ بالنظام التعددي قبل أن يصبح موضة عالمية كما هو اليوم، واليوم ابتلع وعوده السابقة وتنكر لكل من ناضل أو عمل أو انتظم يوماً خارج حزبه الهقدف، وتحدى من خالف الهقدف الرأي بان يبحث عن مكان لرأيه في االفضاء لا في الأرض. وبعد أن أرهق كاهل الشعب والعالم ضجيجاً بوضع وإنفاذ الدستور ها هو اليوم يعلن أمام الملأ موت ذلك الدستور قبل أن يعلن، كأنه يقول لنا: إنه مات قبل أن يولد. إنه بعد أن ظل يشبع الشعب وعوداً وردية بالحرية، العدالة، الديمقراطية والأمن والاستقرار ها هو اليوم قد تحول الي دكتاتور جلاد يذيق شعبه الذل والهوان، ويبقي رفاق نضاله ومن توجوه رئيساً عليهم وعلي البلاد رهن السجون بلا إدانة ولا محاكمة. إذاً فليس مستبعداً أن يتناسى وعود عامه هذا ويفاجئنا بأقوالٍ أو أفعالٍ مناقضة تماماً لما وعدنا.
Issais’ New Year Interview: Production of More Manipulations and Lies
Monday, 19 January 2015 13:15 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
Part 1
Issais Afeworki made himself a laughingstock overnight again in his New Year interview with his egotistic and misleading accusations/claims that because of the external challenges, provocations, and plots waged against Eritrea, his regime was unable to implement the constitution of the 1997 and that the constitution is now dead, end of history. Issais said, “As everybody knows, there is no constitution, I cannot say there was a constitution that existed or died, the constitution could be taken as an already dead document before it was declared; since we have learnt too much in the last 15 years, the new one should be better and that serves for the future (Eritrea Profile Saturday 10, 2015 edition). What Issais told us was that the 1997constitution is no longer useful; it is dead; a lot of things changed over the last fifteen years; the constitution does not reflect Eritrea’s reality today; we have gained a lot of experiences that we did not know when we wrote the constitution …etc.This is not the first instance of Issaisostracizing the constitution.Back in Independence Day in 2014, he echoed the same thing, and on numerous occasions he has oozed his deep-rooted disrespect to the collective wisdom of the Eritrean people.
Reading his interview, the dictator did not give a reason as to why the constitution of the 1997 is dead, or the reason why it was not implemented, or what specific experiences of the last two decades contributed to trashing the constitution. Nothing, what the dictator spewed was a confused, mismatched, and disorderly speech to justify something unjustifiable, with one idea in mind, and that is to systematically continue to impose his tyranny and assault on Eritrean people on the account of drafting a new constitution. After all, Issais could not tell us why because he did not have one. The fact is history shows that there is no constitution that gets discarded in a span of less than two decades, but in the worldview of Issais it does. Not only that, how could one scrap an entire constitution even before it gets implemented? Only malignant narcissist dictators like Issais who are drunk with power and tyranny do.
In his interview, Issais was not only denying reality but also pathetically lying. His message was one of manipulating the public, camouflaging his malevolent agenda, and even sometimes appearing to be very normal and seemingly a loving person. And yet, he is very skilled both at entrancing and putting others under his spell, not to mention portraying every trait of a narcissist leader such as lying, creating false propaganda, presenting exaggerated and dubious claims, and instilling fear into the minds of his followers as a ‘controlling techniques’.
The reality is that, despite some limitations/controversies and this is normal because no constitution is perfect, to the majority of the Eritrean people, still the 1997 Constitution is democratic in content, nationalist in vision, and secular in its politics, not to mention that the constitution contains an amendment provision in it. It has a ballot box, too, which scares Issais to death.
The other far-reaching historical ramification that needs to be emphasized here on discarding the constitution of 1997 is this: the erosion of the ideals of the EPLF as a nationalist organization. As we know the constitution of 1997 reflects EPLF’s vision for Eritrea, and if it had been implemented, it would have been the living legacy of the EPLF as a nationalist force in the Eritrean liberation history. But Issais has no history and by declaring to bury the constitution, he has reached the final stage of eliminating the “foot print” of the EPLF, including the Eritrean people, and its fighters. PFDJ members have the opportunity now to turn the page and stand against their vicious and cold-blooded tyrant who is betraying Eritrean people by stacking up lies on top of one another. For example, compare the following quote with that of Issais’ New Year 2015 interview: The constitution is the supreme law of the land and the government is implementing it, including the holding of democratic elections at the local, sub-regional, and regional levels…national elections will be held once the threat to national security and the country’s sovereignty is irrevocably removed (Issais regime response to UPR on Eritrea, Geneva, 2009).For PFDJ members, this should spark frustration if not opposition against their boss.
If people can decipher, and we are sure most can, there is no qualification in his latest interview on the constitution except a chain of lies: everything is him, everything is right, everything is absolute, everything is PFDJ; and everything is positive in Eritrea and that Eritrea is high on the top. Whether exploiting foreign forces or other entities, Issais throws passion over reason and emotion over reality, a stratagem dictator Issais perfected over the years on how to condition Eritrean people into his own reality - a reality of fear and conformity that would allow him to control and enslave the Eritrean people for eternity.
The fact is that the call for drafting and adopting a new constitution is irrelevant for the Eritrean people. Eritrean people know the constitution has been swept into the dustbin of history by Issais a long time ago, but it does not mean that the constitution is not a living document; it is. What is relevantis the motivation of Issais. You see, Issais does things that can be best described as manipulating the public by pretending that change is going to happen in the lives of Eritrean people by drafting a new constitution while beneath all these efforts lie the maintenance and perpetuation of his fate and power. What is different now is that Issais is at the end of the road and he has to distort reality; his power is increasingly being threatened, and he must come up with something that he thinks should slow down the threat to his power. You might call this: Issais’ hodge-podge of winning strategy by hiding behind the wall of Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We want to leave you with following crucial messages:
- Eritrean people must continue on opening their eyes, and own an accurate reading and understanding of Issais’ lies when he uses, for example, patriotism and nationalism as a method to manipulate the public into serving his tyrannical government, and not to the interest of the people. Remember, Issais knows what patriotism means to the people and Eritrean people must distinguish between patriotism to their nation and patriotism to the service of Issais’ tyranny. We have seen this for two decades and continuing.
- Drafting new constitution is being presented by Issais as a development and potential change in the lives of Eritrean people. But remember Issais and his elites have been telling Eritrean people all along that they would not implement the constitution until the border was demarcated. Now, what has changed? Nothing, the border is not demarcated and the status quo of “no war no peace” continues. The fact is we know whether the border is demarcated or not, the constitution could have been implemented and an elected democratic government could have been established in our country. There are many countries that have border problems, and yet they are democratic. For example, India and Pakistan; Israel and Palestine; Cameroon and Nigeria, Senegal and Mauritania...Etc.
- Eritrean people must understand the doublespeak and detachment of facts that the Issais regime is spewing to control the thinking of Eritrean people. For example, when Issais says we have to continue to have over 300,000 youths in the trenches to protect our sovereignty and independence and to maintain our liberty and freedom, it is all a complete fallacy to keep the people united under fear of war and never questions his power. We must ask: where is the liberty and freedom that he is talking about? We need to stop Issais from rewriting our history and controlling our future every New Year.
Second Part will follow.
Constitution or No Constitution: Issais Afeworki is Gearing up to Become a Tyrant for Life
Thursday, 15 January 2015 05:02 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
Editorial note: This article first appeared in June 2014, and it is being reposted because of multiple requests from our readers.
After twenty-three years of dictatorship and eighteen months into the operation of Forto, and in the midst of a wave of Eritrean worldwide grassroots movement that is sending shivers through the PFDJ dictatorial establishment, Issais Afeworki is looking for a new route to prolong his dictatorship in Eritrea. And he thinks he has found one, which is to draft a new constitution, “a constitution drafting process will be launched in order to chart out the political road map for the future government structure” (in his televised speech he gave on May 24).
Needless to say, for years the tyrant has been calling constitutional democracy or democratic governance an illusion and an invention of western countries that does not work not only in African societies in general and in Eritrean society in particular, but also in western countries that practice democracy. We have an expression in Tigryina, “one who does not have a chicken ridicules those who have a donkey.” (ደርሆዘይቡሉስንባዓልኣድጊይንዕቕ).
We also know on several occasions Issais was asked by Ajezzira journalists and by many others as to the chance of having a multiparty system, democracy or free election in Eritrea, Issais emphatically said, “Free election will not happen in Eritrea for the next 30 years or 40 years. I have no plan to leave my position regardless what you say or you do. Remember I did not sign any contract with you or anyone. Any one hoping for multiparty system can go to the moon. Only daydreamers believe in alternatives to the ruling of the PFDJ. Only daydreamers can think about ‘constitution and constitutional governance in Eritrea…etc.” Unless conveniently forgotten, this is Issais’ worldview that revolves around an absolute power at the cost of brutalizing and repressing Eritrean citizens. And if one asked the majority of Eritrean citizens where the power lies, the answer would be all power lies in the hands of Issaias who exercises such a power ruthlessly through his army and state security machinery.
Now, after all these years, why is the tyrant proposing a new constitution? What is wrong with the 1997 constitution that Issaias himself monitored and gave his blessing for its ratification in March 1997, but later dishonored it and put it aside for two decades? Certainly, Issaias knew then and knows now, if the constitution (despite all the critics surrounding it) of 1997 had been implemented, among other things, it would have laid down a ground for a democratic system of governance in our country that would have allowed political parties/political pluralism, individual liberty, fair and free election, peaceful change of leadership, accountable government, citizens’ participation, rule of law…etc., a vital for peace and sustainable development for a country ravaged by a 30-year war of independence. But like all dictators, Issais hates rule by the people and that is why he and his elites took a barbaric action, and subverted the implementation of the ratified constitution back in 2001, exposing the country into a protracted socio-economic and political disaster. The fact is Issaias’ talk of new constitution is nothing, but another scandalous manipulation with the most fundamental document a country can own, a constitution.
In history, we know many dictators who banned constitutional system of governance, and some who drafted their own new constitution or created a version of any existing constitution to stay in power for life. For example, the late Hugo Chaves of Venezuela (2012), Paul Biya of Cameroon (2008), Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua (2011), Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (2005), as well as many other dictators who either got rid of limits on presidential terms or made severe restrictions and changes on their countries’ constitution in order to stay in power. Recently, Paul Kagame of Rwanda in power since 2000 is campaigning to change the term limit, a means to dig in power for life.
Issaias is unelected president who is ruling Eritrean people with iron-fist since independence after having either imprisoned, tortured, arbitrarily arrested or murdered thousands of Eritrean citizens because they demanded constitution and freedom. Ever since undeterred, Issais’ continued to violate human rights and commit civilian killings for over two decades. And his power of legitimacy has been rested for the last two decades on continued repression and brutality. But this is not enough for this menacing dictator. Now after having banned the ratified constitution of the 1997, he is poised to draft his own new constitution with one an unambiguous mission: and that is to crown himself as a dictator for life with the intention of using the new constitution as a legitimate instrument to stamp any and all emerging popular struggles. And he is doing this by shifting the debate from “implementing the already ratified constitution to drafting a new one”, again a sinister move aimed at deceiving Eritrean people into thinking that he is ready to pay homage to democratic principles while he continues to undo everything we have earned as we know it. This is an old trick of getting Eritrean people to support him under the guise of a new constitution. But Eritrean people know that Issaias is a dictator, and constitutionalism and dictatorship do not go together.
In summary, what kind of constitution is Mr. Issaias, who hates democracy or government of the people, talking about? Well, the kind of constitution that Issaias is talking about is one that would prepare new ground for extending his tyranny indefinitely, if he survives the fire power of the ongoing popular resistance; he is talking about prolonging his reign for life, that is if he sails through the ever simmering popular uprising across the Eritrean political landscape. EPDP knows that only very few Eritreans will be deceived by the so-called drafting constitution saga. The truth though, Issaias should by now know that the majority of Eritreans know that the call for “drafting new constitution” under the auspices of his PFDJ regime is nothing, but a continuation of terror and injustices of his rule in Eritrea. And if at all he ventures to write one, Eritrean people should know that he will use it as a facade to enable him to legitimize his vicious grip on power- all nothing to do with the will and true democratic aspirations of Eritrean people. No Eritrean, in a true sense of the world, believes Issaias can hold free and democratic elections because he knows the Eritrean people would reject him. Therefore, new constitution or no constitution, there should not be any confusion here: this is the PFDJ tyranny in black and white, a tyranny that knows no bounds. EPDP calls on all Eritreans to stand up and unconditionally reject Issaias’ call for new constitution, understanding that the reason for his call is to permanently subvert the ongoing opposition and prolong his despotism. Eritreans should take it seriously that this is the despot’s mockery of constitution at its extreme, which won’t stand as Eritrean people are saying enough and willing to fight for the rule of law, human rights, and political freedom. But it suffices to remember the old adage: “If you fool me once, shame on you; if you fool me twice, shame on me.” Finally, it is important to underscore that Issais may be on his last legs, but he is not defeated. He is determined to fight to the last; he is determined to fight for his own life. Yet, the paradox is that while the PFDJ is hanging on the cliff, the Eritrean opposition has yet to figure out on how to go about forming a coherent leadership and opposition against the PFDJ regime and its evil system of governance. EPDP says it is time that we must go beyond staging protests and narrating the crimes of the PFDJ regime.
Response to the Critique on “State Failure and Identity Politics: Is Regional Mobilization the Answer?” by Eritrean Afar State in Exile (EASE)
Monday, 12 January 2015 22:40 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
First, we would like to express our appreciation for the comments and critiques given by EASE. But, the writer has missed the context and the essence of the EPDP Editorial Article. Here is why:
The Context:
- EPDP believes that Eritrea, as a nation-state, is the result of a common and long history of the social, economic, and political struggle by the people (the different ethno-linguistic groups, including Afar) who inhabited and constituted the present day Eritrea. In essence, Eritrean is a shared identity that was more enhanced and solidified during the 30-year war of liberation for which Eritrean people from all walks of life: all ethnic and nationalities/social groups, young and old, men and women came together and died in search of their freedom, liberty, and national sovereignty. Thus, Eritrea is a pluralistic society that belongs to all Eritreans (individuals, ethno-linguistic groups, etc.) equally. Furthermore, EPDP believes that the proper management of Eritrea’s diversity in post PFDJ Eritrea is a critical determinant factor for the continuity and sustainability of Eritrea as a nation-state and for a durable peaceful coexistence among its diverse ethno-linguistic groups.
- EPDP recognizes that the struggle against foreign occupiers was not waged in the name of one nationality or social group, nor was it waged by one nationality or group. It was a cumulative force of Eritreans whose loyalty to their own social group was never at variance with their country, Eritrea.
- EPDP understands and knows the fact that, instead of establishing democratic governance structures and resources allocation system that allows all population groups full participation, the regime from the outset adopted extractive and exclusionary laws that allow it to capture absolutely all the benefits of our independence. As a consequence, many population groups in our country were and are marginalized politically, socially and economically. Here, the Eritrean Afars are no exception.
- For EPDP, Regionalism in the Eritrean context is not the same as ethno-linguistic affiliations. Regionalism or “Awrajawinet” (Serewetay, Akeleguzetay, Hamasienetay, Barketay, Senhitetay, etc.) is the result of regional self-awareness or regional self-identification ascriptions and the bases for these kinds of cleavages in Eritrea are the Italian colonial legal administrative regions that had been developed solely to serve Italian interests. The Editorial Article used the term “regional mobilization” in this context.
- EPDP believes that the major culprit for generating regionalism and identity politics in the Eritrean political landscape is primarily the undemocratic nature of the Eritrean regime, which suffocates the political space. Hence, indisputably, the solution for Eritrea’s ills squarely lies in dismantling the kleptocratic regime and replacing it with a democratic system of governance in which real power lies in the hands of the people of Eritrean and in which justice and rule of law with all its features become the solid foundation of Eritrean life. It is very legitimate to argue about how best this noble aim can be achieved.
The Essence:
As stated in the Editorial Article, EPDP wishes to reiterate that the single solution to the Eritrean quagmire is to dismantle the dictatorial regime and to replace its absolutist and extractive political and economic institutions by a pluralistic and inclusive political and economic system through establishing a united front of the democratic forces of Eritrea in the opposition, including the Afars, both inside the country and in the Diaspora. In this, the Political Program of EPDP stipulates a decentralized system of governance where political and economic power is devolved to the lower levels of administrative units (province, district, and village) with self-governing authorities (for a detailed information, see the Political Program of EPDP). The key vision here is to establish a system of governance that guarantees a constitutionally protected decentralized self administration in which Eritrean regions and/or nationalities will have greater power to administer their localities by maintaining and protecting Eritrea’s full sovereignty and territorial integrity. For the convenience of our readers, Article 2.7 and Article 4.2 of the Political Program are reproduced below as follows:
2.7 Decentralized Administration
Well aware of the plurality of cultures and traditions in the Eritrean setting, EPDP believes that decentralizing and spreading power down to the provinces, districts, sub-districts and villages will prevent the concentration of state power and wealth in the hands of a few, a phenomenon which can jeopardize national unity. In order to apply decentralized administration, the following must be fulfilled: a) proper socio-economic and historical/geographical study on the condition of the settlements; b) the willingness of the people to create the new administrative divisions; c) and approval of the plan by constitutionally established organs of the state. Until then, EPDP shall support the continuation of the administrative divisions/provinces that existed before the independence of the country.
4.2 EPDP Policy for Equitable Economic Development of Eritrean Provinces
- Give special attention to underdeveloped provinces,
- Struggle for every province to develop its own economic administration, that the province administers by itself, which is in line with the general economic policy of the country:
- Struggle for the establishment of an all inclusive relationship and support system in all levels of government (province, district, and village) based on national constitution.
Unlike what the writer’s comments and the critiques try to allude, EPDP neither represents Ethnic Tigrigna nor is the flip side of PFDJ regime. This is fundamentally a gross misrepresentation and mischaracterization of EPDP. Again, EPDP is well aware of the motivation, and the negative interpretations, descriptions, and tendencies that float now and then against it by some quarters in the opposition. Two, EPDP neither condones nor ascribes to PFDJ’s policies and actions and hence should not be blamed for the actions of the current regime. The writer is directing his/her political grievances against a Political Party that struggles on his/her side, ‘barking at the wrong tree’ as they say. Three, the political orientation and the composition of EPDP reflect the diversity of Eritrea more than any political group in the Eritrean opposition, and that EPDP through its official positions made it clear that its primary objective is to make Eritrea a country where ethno-linguistic diversity is properly managed (for example, minority rights are recognized, respected, protected and even promoted) and that the unity and mutual trust between Eritrea’s social groups is nurtured, and that the growth of equitable and fair economic development as well as social and political equality is part of the system we establish in post PFDJ Eritrea.
Another, EPDP has never ever said it is planning to implement the 1997 Constitution as is if it were to come to power. This is another misrepresentation of EPDP’s official stand on the 1997 constitution. The fact is EPDP understands the controversies surrounding the 1997 constitution, and it is within this understanding that it adopted the following resolution in its first Merger Conference:
The Merger Conference, having considered and discussed the relevance of the Unimplemented constitution of Eritrea, resolved that the question on what to do with the 1997 constitution finds ground only after the fall of PFDJ. The option of discarding the document or accepting it in any form shall be left to the people to decide: either through a popular referendum or through its elected representatives.
From EPDP stand point, the constitution of 1997 is not a bone of contention, and dwelling on it not only gives the dictatorial regime a space to exploit and benefit out of it, but also it misplaces the priority of our struggle against the PFDJ regime.
The author of the critique is advised to rectify his/her facts and redirect the critique to the regime, which is the “mother of all evils” in Eritrea. Population displacements and the exodus of Eritreans, including Afars, are well chronicled and they are squarely the result of the brutal tyranny of PFDJ, and we must join hands to eliminate PFDJ from the face of Eritrea, rather than engaging on issues that polarizes us as an opposition.
Yes, we agree with the writer that Dankalia is one of the cradles of modern Eritrea and there is no Eritrean nation-state without Dankalia, or without any of the other components of Eritrea for that matter. A democratic and prosperous Dankalia is impossible without a democratic and prosperous Eritrea. EPDP firmly believes that modern Eritrea is a pluralistic and diverse society and that the integrity of Eritrea as a nation-state must be preserved by anchoring it on the pillars of peaceful coexistence of its diverse social cleavages. We know the current regime continues to mismanage and abuse indiscriminately this diversity to perpetuate its misrule, and reversing all these problems will be an uphill battle in the aftermath of its fall. Therefore, to throw some light, in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Issaias regime, the most challenging issues will be numerous, but the key ones are these: One, the establishment of effective and good governance that allows access to fair and equitable socio-economic development, wealth distribution, and equal political representation as a necessary condition for ensuring a durable peaceful coexistence among Eritrea’s diverse groups. Two, organization of government institutions and structures that can effectively manage and accommodate the diversity of Eritrea’s social groups in a manner, for example, that defines the relationship between the national government and its local government bodies. Last, EPDP knows that it is not alone in the Eritrean political landscape and cannot achieve this noble objective by itself. Instead, EPDP strongly believes that it must strive to work with other Eritrean compatriots, including the Eritrean Afar State in Exile to dismantle the dictatorial regime in Eritrea and replace it with a constitutional and inclusive governance structure. Hence, we would like to take this opportunity to call upon the Eritrean Afar State in Exile to join hands with us in this endeavor.
Harnnet Editorial Board
ኵሎም ናይ ዓለም ዲክታቶርያውያን ዝልለዩለን ናይ ሓባር ረቛሕቲ ኣለዋ። ንሳተን ከኣ፡
1ይ. ተፈራሕቲ ክዀኑ ይደልዩ፤
2ይ. ጸላእቲ ኣለዉና ብዝብል ምስምስ ንህዝቢ ብሃገራዊ ስምዒት የስክሩ(Nationalism)፤
3ይ. ካብ ናቶም ፍልይ ዝበለ ርእይቶ ክህሉ ኣይፈቕዱን። ንስነስርዓት፡ ተማእዛዝነትን ተወፋይነትን ኢዮም ዘተባብዑ ወይ ድማ ቀዳምነት ዝህቡ፤
4ይ. ምስጡራት ክዀኑ ይደልዩ።
ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቅን ስርዓቱን ምስ'ዚ መግለጺታት'ዚ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ይሳነዩ ኢዮም። ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቂ ኣብ'ቲ ብ30 ታሕሳስ 2014 ምስ ተለቪዥን ኤርትራ ዝገበሮ ቃለ-መሓትት፡ እቲ ዘሎ ሰራዊት ውሒድዎስ፡ ህዝቢ ብምሉእ ሰራዊት ኢዩ ብምባል፡ ንዅሉ ህዝቢ ከዕጥቕን ክዕስክርን ዘለዎ ድሌትን ሕልናን ብዘይ ሕብእብእ ኢዩ ደርጒሕዎ። እዚ ጥራይ እውን ኣይኰነን። ናይ ሎሚ መጸዋዕታ ናይ ህዝቢ ንታዕሊምን ቀውዒን ብሓደ ምምጻኡ ኣብ መቐራቕሮ ዘእቱ ኵነታት ምዃኑ ድሕሪ ምግላጽ፡ ካብ ኣብ ዓውዲ ዘሎ ቅሚጦ ኣኺድካ ምእካብ፡ ታዕሊም ቀዳምነት ክውሃቦ ከምዝመርጽ ሕንኽ ከይበለ ገሊጹ (trade off)። ንኢሳያስ፡ ህዝቢ ይጥመ፡ ይሰደድ፡ ይሕመም ብዙሕ ዘገድሶ ኣይኰነን። ዘገድሶ፡ ስልጣኑ ኢዩ። ንህዝቢ ጽቡቕካ ዘይደልዩ ጸላእቲ ኣለዉኻ፡ ኣይትደቅስ፡ ኣይትቕሰን እናበለ፡ ንሃገራዊ ስምዒታቱ ብምቕስቓስ ኣንጻሩ ከይልዓል ይገብሮ።
ብተወሳኺ፡ ኢሳያስ፡ ኣብ ዝህቦ ዝነበረ መልሲ፡ ሰራዊት ኣብ ድፍዓት ክሓድር ከሎ፡ ንስኻ ጥዒሙካ ክትነብር ወይ ኣብ ዓራትካ ክትድቅስ መን ዝሃበካ ሓለፋ ኢዩ ብምባል ንህዝቢ ብመላኡ ብማዕረ ክዕስክሮን ከድክዮን ከምዝደሊ ከይሓብአ ሃህ ኢሉ ኢዩ ተዛሪቡ። እወ፡ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ካብ'ዚ ኣተሓሳስባ።ዚ ተበጊሱ፡ ንዩንቨርሲቲን ላዕለዋይ ደረጃ ትምህርትን ከይተረፈ ናብ ወተሃደራዊ መዓስከርን ዲሲፕሊንን ዝቐየረ (regimentalize ዝገበረ) ስርዓት ኢዩ። በዚ ኣቢሉ ክበጽሖ ዝደሊ ዕላማ ድማ፡ ንህዝብን ጐረባብትን ኣፈራሪሑን ኣማእዚዙን ጐብለል ኰይኑ ዝድላዩ እናፈጸመን ዝድላዩ እናረኸበን ምንባር ኢዩ።
ቅዋም ብዝምልከት ንዝቐረበሉ ሕቶ ክምልስ ከሎ ድማ "ቅዋም ከምዘየለ ኩሉ ሰብ ስለዝፈልጦ፡ ናይ ቀደም ቅዋም ነይሩ፡ ሞይቱ፡ ተንሲኡ... ክብለካ ኣይደልን እየ። ኣብ ውሽጢ እዚ ዝሓለፈ 15 ዓመታት ኣብህላወና፡ ሉኣላውነትና፡ ዕብየትናን ልምዓትናን ከጋጥሙና ዝጸንሑ ብድሆታት ኣልዒለ’ውን መመኻነዪ ከምጽእ ኣይደልን እየ። መብዛሕትኡ ናይ ፖለቲካ ገስጋስ ጉዕዞና፡ ብኸም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ዕልቕልቓትን ናይ ደገ ምትእትታዋትን፡ ሓንሳብ ብህቦብላ ሓንሳብ ብማዕበል ሓንሳብ ብሓጹራት እናተዓንቀፈ ስለዝኸደ፡ እቲ ሰነድ ከይተኣወጀ ሞይቱ እዩ" ኢሉ።
ክንደይ ገንዘብን ጕልበትን ህዝብን ፈተወቲ መንግስታትን ዝባኸነሉ መስርሕ፡ ብባይቶ ኤርትራ ጸዲቑ ተባሂሉ ዝተኣወጀን ዝተዘመረሉን ሰነድ ብኸም'ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ናይ በጋሚንዶ ኣገባብ ሞይቱ'ዩ ተቐቢሩ'ዩ ኢልካ ምዝራብ ብሓቂ ዘስደምምን ንኽትርድኦ ዘጸግምን ጕዳይ ኢዩ። ነቲ ነዚ ሰነድ ዘጽደቐ ባይቶን ህዝብን ድዩ ረሲዕዎም ወይስ እዚኦም ውን የለውን፡ መይቶም ኢዮም ኢዩ ክብለና ዝፍትን ዘሎ?!!!! ከም'ዚ ምስ ተረኽበ ድማ ኢዩ "ኣብ ክንዳኺ ሓፊረልኪ፤ ወይ ኣብ ክንዳኻ ሓፊረልካ" እናተባህለ ዝዝረብ።
ቀጺሉ፡ "...ኣብ ልዕሊ ልዑላውነትና፡ ዕብየትና፡ ልምዓትና ብናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ዝተገብሩልና ዕንቅፋታት ከም መማኻናዪ ከምጽኦም ኣይደልን'የ..."ክብል ጸኒሑ፡ ተመሊሱ ድማ ከም'ዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ዕልቕልቓት፡ ሓንሳብ ህቦብላ፡ ሓንሳብ ድማ ማዕበል ኰይኖም ስለዓንቀፉና ኢዩ ቅዋምና ከይተኣወጀ መይቱ ዝብል ተጋራጫዊ መግለጺታት ክህብ ተሰሚዑ። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ፡ ቅዋም ኣነ ዘይኰንኩስ፡ ናይ ግዳም ምትእትታውን ዕልቕልቕን ኢዮም ቀቲሎሞ ኢዩ ክብለና ዝፍትን ዘሎ።
ቅዋም ኣብ መንጐ ህዝብን መንግስትን ዝእቶ ማሕበራዊ ውዕል ወይ ኪዳን (social contract) ኢዩ። ስለዝዀነ ድማ፡ ክንደፍ፡ ክጸድቕ፡ ክመሓየሽ፡ ወይ ከም'ዚ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዝገበሮ ክቕተልን ክቕበርን ከሎ ህዝቢ ብእዉጅ መንገዲ ክፈልጦ ይግባእ። ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝግበር ውግኣት ውን ከምኡ፡ ብዘይኣፍልጦ ናይ ህዝቢ ወይ ህዝቢ ዝወከሎ ትካል ክካየድ የብሉን። ነዚ ሓቅታት'ዚ ንምድፋን... ክእወጅ ነይርዎ'ዶ ኣይነበሮን ዝብል ሕቶታት ወይ ክትዓት ንህዝቢ ምድንጋር እንተዘይኰይኑ ካልእ ትርጕም የብሉን። ነዚ ሕጂ ብምስጢር ዝዳሎ ዘሎ ናይ ኢሳያስ ቅዋም ባይታ ንምምድማድ ተባሂሉ ኢዩ እምበኣር ክእወጅ ነይርዎ'ዶ ኣይነበሮን? መን'ዩ ነዲፍዎ...ወዘተ ናብ ዝብሉ ቈይቊታት ክንኣቱ ኣይንደልን ኢና ዝብሃል ዘሎ። ቅዋም ከም'ዚ ኢሳያስ ዝገበሮ ዘሎ ኣብ ጸላም ወይ ኣብ ዕጽው ገዛ ኰይንካ ኣይንደፍ፡ ኣይጸድቕ፡ ኣይትግበር ። ቅዋም ክንደፍ፡ ክጸድቕ፡ ክትግበር እንተተደልዩ ናብ ዋናኡ ዝዀነ ህዝቢ ክምለስ ኣለዎ።
ከም ልምዲ፡ ዝዀነት ዓመት ክትዛዘም እንከላ፡ ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቂ፡ እዛ ዓመት'ዚኣ ናብ ዝመጽእ ዓመት መንጠሪት ንምዃን ዘኽእላ ስርሓት ተኻይዱላ ኣሎ። ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዓመት ዓበይቲ ለውጥታት ክምዝገቡ ኢዮም እናበለ ከይተማባጽዓላን ተስፋ ከይሃበላን ዝሓለፈት ዓመት ኣይነበረትን። ናይ ሎምዘበን ውን ከምአን፡ ድሕሪ ሰለስተ ኣዋርሕ ሕተተኒ፡ ሰለስተ ዓመት ኣይብለካን ኣብ ውሽጢ 2015 ዓበይቲ ስርሓት ክምዝገቡ ኢዮም ኢሉ ንሕርሻ፡ ሃብቲ ባሕሪ፡ ኢንዱስትሪ፡ ማዕድን ... ወዘተ ሓደ ብሓደ ዘርዚሩ። ብግብሪ ግን፡ ምንጣርስ ይትረፈና ፍሑኽ ኢልና ክንከይድ ውን ኣይከኣልናን። ብኣንጻሩ እኳ ደኣ፡ ወይ ኣብ ዝነበርናያ ደውታ፡ ወይ ድማ ንድሕሪት ከም ሽንቲ ገመል ኢና ንኸይድ ዘለና።
ከም ነፋሒቶ መልክዓቱ ምቅይያር ዘይእግሞ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ምስ ህዝቡ ዝብሎ ካልእ ምስ ናይ ዓለም መንግስታት ዝብሎ ድማ ካልእ ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ብሓደ ሸነኽ፡ ካብ ተነጽሎን እገዳን ክወጽእ፡ ንምዕራባውያን መንግስታት ቅዋም ክገብር ኢየ፡ ወተሃደራዊ ኣገልግሎት ኣብ 18 ኣዋርሕ ክሓጽሮ ኢየ፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ከኽብር ኢየ እናበለ ኢዩ ክምሕልን ክጥሕልን ዝውዕልን ዝሓድርን ዘሎ። ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ከኣ፡ ምስ ኤርትራውያን ክዛረብ ከሎ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ንሃገሮም ብዘይ ፍቓድ ራሕሪሖም ዝኸዱ ዜጋታት ተጣዒስና ኢሎም ክልምኑ ኣለዎም፡ እንተዘይኰይኑ ጽባሕ የራኽበና ክፍክር ኢዩ ኣብ ቃለመሓትቱ ተሰሚዑ። ከምኡ'ውን፡ ነብሲ ከምዘለዎ ክመስል፡ ንነብሱ ልዕሊ ሃገራትን መንግስታትን ምዕራብ ገይሩ ክፋላሰፍ ኢዩ ዝፍትን። እታ ተለቪዥኑ እኳ ብዘይካ ሕማቕ ናይ ካልኦት ጽቡቕ ኣይተምጽእን ኢያ።
ጥልመት ናይ ኢሳያስ ዝፈልጥ ሰብ በዚ ኵሉ ብስም ቃለመሓትት ወይ ብስም ሓድሽ ዓመት ዝግበር ዳንኬራን ትያትርን ክደናገር ኣይኽእል ኢዩ። ትማሊ ንስርዓት ብዙሓን ሰልፍታት ፋሽን ኰይኰነ ኢና ተቐቢልናዮ ክብል ጸኒሑ፡ ንጽባሒቱ ብዘይካይ ህግዲፍ ካልእ የለን፤ ካብ ህግዲፍ ዝተፈልየ ርእይቶ ኣሎኒ ዝብል እንተሃልዩ ኣብ ጠፈር ክድለ ኣለዎ ክብል ተሰሚዑ። ተጣባቒ ቅዋም ኰይኑ ትማሊ ንህዝብን ፈተውትን ከድክምን ከህልኽን ጸኒሑ ሎሚ፡ ቅዋም ከይተኣወጀ መይቱ ኢዩ ክብለና ንሰምዖ ኣለና። ነቲ ናጽነት፡ ፍትሒ፡ ሰላምን ዲሞክራስን ከጓናጽፈካ ኢየ ዝበሎ ህዝቢ ጠሊሙ ሎሚ መላኺ ኰይኑ ክጭፍጭፎ ይውዕልን ይሓድርን ኣሎ። ነቶም ትማሊ ናብ ስልጣን ዘምጽእዎ ብጾቱ፡ ብዘይ ክስን ብዘይ ፍርድን ኣብ ማእሰርቲ የብልዮም ኣሎ። ስለ'ዚ፡ ባሻይ መን ኣመኖ፡ ጽባሕ ውን፡ ብዛዕባ'ዚ ሕጂ ዝገብሮ ዘሎ መብጽዓታት ካልእ ክዛረብ ምዃኑ ኣይንጠራጠር።
Reverse-Engineering Regionalism/Identity Politics in Eritrea: Is the Medicine Worse than the Disease?
Monday, 05 January 2015 19:34 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
Eritrea is a plural society characterized by diverse social cleavages that go along linguistic, religious, cultural and regional/geographic divisions. During the long political evolution of Eritrea as a nation-state, these diverse social groups coalesced into one entity in search of freedom, liberty and national sovereignty. Eritreans fought successive colonizers, finally ousted the last vestiges of colonialism, and secured national sovereignty in 1991 after 30 years of bloody war. Not only the prices Eritreans paid during the 30 years active armed struggle was high, but also the loss and suffering that successive Eritrean generations endured before the liberation era and after our independence in search of their nationhood was unparalleled by any account. Sovereign Eritrean is not just a country to an Eritrean, but rather it is the result of the sacrifices of each and every Eritrean family - more than 80,000 martyrs, as well as the complete destruction of villages/properties, infrastructure, and livelihood of every Eritrean. Without distinction of linguistic, cultural, religious, or regional identities, Eritrean lives were sacrificed in search of their sovereign and independent country.
Hence, the most challenging issues that post-independent Eritrea faces concerns the proper management of Eritrea’s diversity, which is a critical determinant factor for the continued existence and sustainability of Eritrea as a nation-state. These include: One, the establishment of effective and good governance that allows access to fair and equitable socio-economic development as a necessary condition for ensuring a peaceful coexistence among Eritrea’s diverse groups. Two, organization of government institutions and structures that can effectively manage and accommodate the diversity of Eritrea’s social groups in a manner, for example, that defines the relationship between the national government and its local government bodies is another crucial element. Instead, what we see in Eritrea today under the PFDJ regime is a “failed/failing state phenomenon” with dire consequences to the survival of Eritrea as a nation state and as a society. The post-independent Eritrean state turned from an intrusive state into an absentee state. Using repressive ideology, policies, and laws, the despotic regime maintains its dominance and controls all aspects of life (political, social, economic, cultural, etc.) in Eritrea, which overtime evolved to become an absolutist and extractive entity. Such a dictatorial power structure continues suffocating the political space in Eritrea and eliminating many political figures, including internal dissents such as G15 who called for political pluralism and constitutional governance in Eritrea. After shelving the 1997 Constitution for the last 15 years, Issaias in his 2015 New Year interview has finally declared that the constitution is dead before even being promulgated( ---እቲሰነድከይተኣወጀሞይቱእዩ።). By killing the constitution before its arrival, Issaias and his regime have been continuing to effectively deny the Eritrean people their rights to have a constitutional government, rule of law, and social and economic prosperity.
The basic economic resources, such as land, labor, capital and natural resources, are mainly under the control of the dictatorial regime in Eritrea. The vast PFDJ’s parastatals, such as construction companies, financial enterprises (insurance, banks, foreign exchange bureaus, smuggling networks, etc.), and trading firms, such as Red Sea Trading Company, are mainly dependent on “forced labor”. Issaias determines who has power in Eritrea and to what ends that power can be used. Hence, for the last two decades, Issaias presided over an extreme set of extractive institutions and runs Eritrea as his own private property; hands over favors and seeks patronage and ruthlessly punishes for any lack of loyalty. There are no formal institutions that place restrictions on politicians’ actions and make them accountable to citizens.
Extractive economic institutions thus naturally accompany extractive political institutions and there is a strong synergy between the two. Furthermore, this synergetic relationship introduces a strong feedback loop: political institutions enable the PFDJ elites controlling political power to choose economic institutions with few constraints or opposing forces. They also enable PFDJ elites to structure future political institutions and their evolution. What Issaias has announced in his recent interview about the secret committee that is mandated with the preparation of “his new constitution” is in line with these kinds of efforts (---- በዚ መሰረት ድማ ንዕኡ [ቅዋም] ክዓምም ዝቖመ ሓደ ኣካል ኣሎ). Extractive economic institutions, in turn, enrich PFDJ elites, and their economic power and wealth that helps consolidate their political power and dominance. Eritrea has suffered heavily under this kind of vicious cycle for the last 24 years.
Today, the Eritrean state has failed and is absent from the lives of the Eritrean people in the sense of providing public goods (protection/security, education, health, justice, welfare, and national identity). When the state fails to provide basic public goods and continues to pursue reckless policies that transfer a large fraction of resources from the population to the ruling cronies (becomes a kleptocratic state), people look for support from neighbors, friends, families, local groups (communities). It is also widely known that the Eritrean Diaspora population is the main provider of livelihood in Eritrea (remittances cover a large part of household budgets for the majority of Eritrean families back home). Even with such generous help from its Diaspora population, the average household per capita consumption expenditure in Eritrea has been deteriorating for the last two decades (see the table below). And such a failed state phenomenon breeds a monolithic narrative that believes that the crisis created by PFDJ regime is part of some wicked scheme directed against certain region (s), which we know is not true. Yet, in this kind of space, regionalists are hoping to nurture, deepen, take a more rigid form, accelerate their regional politics, and strengthening parochial consciousness at the expense of national consciousness.
The major culprit for generating regionalism and identity politics in the Eritrean political landscape is primarily the undemocratic nature of the Eritrean regime, which suffocates the political space. The irony is just as the PFDJ regime continues to mete out injustices to the Eritrean people, few people are jumping on their high horses, promoting regionalism instead of being involved in a constructive partnership with the forces of change and advocate for democracy and rule of law in their country. Indisputably, the solution for Eritrea’s ills squarely lies in dismantling the kleptocratic regime and replacing it with a democratic system of governance in which real power lies in the hands of the people of Eritrean and in which justice and rule of law with all its features become the solid foundation of Eritrean life. One can argue about how best this noble aim can be achieved. A good starting point in the search for solutions to this problem is to initiate a discussion among Eritreans about the dynamics and viability of “regional mobilization” as an answer to the quest for democracy and justice in Eritrea.
Let’s start with asking the right question: What would have to be true for regionalism or regional mobilization to be the right and viable answer to the quest for democracy and justice in Eritrea? What would have to be true for regional or identity politics to be the right “medicine for the disease”? The different assumptions that are made by “regional entrepreneurs” in promoting regional mobilizations and the respective validities of the assumptions have been presented in the 25 December 2014 Editorial of EPDP titled: State Failure and Identity Politics in Eritrea: Is Regional Mobilization the Answer? Here, let’s reverse-engineer “Regionalism” and see if it is the right medicine for the disease (decay and disintegration of the Eritrean State). For regionalism or regional mobilization to be the right medicine, it would have to be true that regional or identity politics should promote nationalism, national unity, rule of law, democracy and social cohesion in Eritrea.
History is awash with evidence (Rwanda, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, Mali, Lebanon, Iraq, etc.) that strong regional identification often results in the exclusion and marginalization of some other groups from the mainstream of national politics and the economy. Different groups compete for the control of key political and economic machineries, and once in power they adopt policies and provisions that empower and favor some groups at the expense of others. In the absence of well functioning democratic institutions, the groups that are excluded may engage in violence in an attempt to enter into both political and economic market. The first group may feel threatened with the loss of the previously acquired privilege, may engage in counter violent behavior – the cycle of violence and counter violence continues. Consequently, regional hatred, regional cleansing, and genocide may ensue. In this context, regionalism embraces particular identity and becomes a deeply emotional basis of mobilization that not only distinguishes one group from another, but also demonizes other groups.
Regionalism also promotes regional outbidding and threatens the unity of the nation-state. Since regional identities tend to be invested with a great deal of emotional and symbolic meanings, regional entrepreneurs have strong incentive to harness such identities as a political force, and to use regional demands as the base instigator of constituency mobilization. This often results in the failure of democratic politics because regional outbidding creates centrifugal forces that overwhelm the moderate political center. Moreover, regionalism could act as an instrument of group consciousness (primordial or instrumental) that promotes one’s sense of being and pride over others, which in turn may lead to regional tensions and conflicts. This may increase the regional sensitivities that in turn threaten the harmonious inter-regional relations, the national unity and harmony, progress and the integrity of Eritrean nationhood.
The bases for regionalism or regional groupings in Eritrea are the Italian colonial legal administrative regions that had been developed solely to serve Italian interests. Thus, the basis for the creation of communality is a set of beliefs instead of a biological trait or differences in ancestry, religion or language. There is also a significant crosscutting among the different segmental cleavages (linguistic, religious, and cultural) of Eritrea due to the assimilative power of complex population movements, displacements, and intermingling effects of modernity. What we have in Eritrea today is a mosaic and mixed plural society. Only very few people can claim that they are 100%, say, Serewetay, Akeleguzetay, Hamasienetay, Barketay, Senhitetay, etc. It is difficult to specify boundaries that demarcate regional territories on the basis of these ascriptions. The extent and intensity of regional self-awareness and the level of external ascription also vary a great deal across the different administrative regions (Awrajatat) of the country. Hence, regional mobilization could not be an effective tool to bring justice, rule of law and democracy in Eritrea. Instead, it may endanger peaceful coexistence and proper management of diversity. On a similar note, many of the ethno-linguistic cleavages of Eritrea are too small polities to serve as optimal unity of collective choice. According to the CIA Factbook Demographic Statistics (2010 estimate), the ethno-linguistic composition of Eritrea is as follows: Tigrinya 55%, Tigre 30%, Saho 4%, Kunama 2%, Rashaida 2%, Bilen 2%, others (Afar, Beni Amir, Nara) 5%.
The exercise of reverse-engineering regionalism leads to the conclusion that regional mobilization is a wrong medicine to the disease that is crippling Eritrea and its future. Eritrea is bleeding to death by the day at the hands of a ruthless dictatorial regime. In order to design an appropriate and winning strategy to avert this danger and to reverse the process of societal decay, it is imperative for Eritreans to fully understand the nature and characteristics of the PFDJ regime. The synergies between extractive political and economic institutions of PFDJ have created a vicious cycle, which seems to persist. Breaking this vicious cycle and replacing it with a “virtuous cycle” – synergies between inclusive political and economic institutions – is the solution. EPDP strongly believes that the fundamental contradiction that should take precedence in our struggle for justice, rule of law and democracy in Eritrea is the one between those who want to continue to promote the “vicious cycle” and those who want to break the “vicious cycle” and replace it with a “virtuous cycle” – between the dictatorship and injustice, and pluralism and justice, respectively. Differences that emanate from other societal cleavages, such as religion, culture, language, region, historical background and memories, etc, do not and should not constitute as basic contradictions in the Eritrean society. Since inclusive and plural political and economic institutions allow and encourage the participation of the great majority of the people, and also distribute power broadly in society, such issues (differences) are addressed by the normal process of the democratic transition under the “virtuous cycle”. EPDP wants to underline that the solution to the Eritrean quagmire is to dismantle the dictatorial regime and to replace its absolutist and extractive political and economic institutions by a pluralistic and inclusive political and economic institutions by establishing a united front of the democratic forces of Eritrea, both inside the country and in the Diaspora. No democracy is possible in Eritrea if people associate themselves only with the same region or identity; democracy is possible when we establish a struggle that cut across all forms of regional or tribal or religious identities. Let’s “play to win” instead of “playing to play”.
State Failure and Identity Politics in Eritrea: Is Regional Mobilization the Answer?
Thursday, 25 December 2014 09:45 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
Like any other country in Africa, Eritrea started to evolve as a modern nation state with the advent of European colonialism in Africa. The Italians ruled Eritrea as a unified political and economic entity for about 60 years. During this period, the growth of urban areas, trade, infrastructural development, and the recruitment of “Eritrean soldiers” in the Italian colonial wars in Somalia, Libya and Ethiopia had facilitated Eritrea’s inter-ethnic and inter-religious interactions and communications. In addition, as a result of the “apartheid laws” that Italy employed on all its colonial subjects, Eritreans were summarily subjected to Italian discrimination and segregation. This encouraged the formation and the development of Eritrean Identity, paving the way for revolting collectively against their common enemy (Italian colonial masters) in unison.
After Italian colony was defeated by the Allied forces in 1941, Eritrea was placed under the British Military Administration (BMA), which soon employed its imperial policy of divide and rule tactics to undermine the Eritrean nationality. But by that time, Eritrean national consciousness had already been well established and embedded in the psyche of the Eritrean people. And yet the British continued to employ its divide and rule policy along ethno-religious lines in the years to follow to the extent of partitioning Eritrea, but again that too failed mainly because of the national consciousness. As history shows, in the subsequent years, an organized Eritrean national resistance against colonial rules got momentum (during the 1940’s and the 1950’s), which overtime get transformed into an armed national liberation movement in the 1960’s. Thus, after struggling against successive colonial powers for almost 100 years, Eritrean people won their independence in 1991. Thus, the history of modern Eritrea is the history of this long and arduous struggle in search of statehood and national identity.
In a point, Eritrea (nism) is a shared identity that has been shaped by a common and long history of social, economic, and political struggle by the people who inhabited and constituted the present day Eritrea, a nation-state called Eritrea. This shared identity was further enhanced and solidified during the 30-year war of liberation for which Eritrean people from all walks of life: all ethnic and nationalities/social groups, young and old, men and women came together and died in search of their freedom, liberty, and national sovereignty. So, our national liberation movement was never about a small group or one region, but about all the people who collectively rebelled for 30 years to defend their common identity and shape their own destiny.
However, as we know, independence was not an aim in itself but a means to an end- to have a liberated Eritrean society. That is, independence was a necessary condition not a sufficient condition for liberated Eritrea, meaning establishing a political system that represents the will of the Eritrean people, which upholds justice and equal status of all Eritreans under the rule of law. Unfortunately, the process of liberating Eritrea was hijacked by a group of ruthless homegrown dictators. Because of this, almost 24 years after independence, Eritrea does not have a constitution, has had no elections and no contract between the ruled and the ruler. The regime has failed Eritrea in all its political, educational, cultural and socio-economic policies. Eritrea has become a kleptocratic state. There are no formal institutions that place restrictions on politicians’ actions that can make them accountable to citizens. Instead, the regime has pursued dictatorial policies that transfer resources from the population to the ruling groups. These policies are put in place to maximize the power of the dictatorial regime in which any person or group that opposes the regime is punished while those who remain loyal are rewarded.
Instead of establishing governance structures and resources allocation system that allows all population groups full participation, the regime from the outset adopted extractive and exclusionary laws that allow it to capture absolutely all the benefits of our independence. As a consequence, many population groups in our country were and are marginalized politically, socially and economically. Ever since its inception, the regime has centralized the production and distribution of resources, established patronage and privileges at the expense of all other elements of the nation’s economy. We know, using their political power, the few in PFDJ have accumulated enormous wealth and resources of the state for themselves.
The state power arrangement does not constrain the powers of the government: it does not guarantee economic freedom; it does not provide mechanisms for peaceful resolution of conflicting interests of various groups within Eritrea; it does not advocate for peaceful coexistence in Eritrea. What we have in Eritrea is a “failed state phenomenon” where the regime neither cares for the majority of the people or public good, nor for the people’s right. Again, there are no institutions to fulfill the people’s basic needs in Eritrea–what we have in Eritrea is a bone-deep deficiency of the statehood and representative political system. It is against this background that certain groups, notably regional entrepreneurs are reveling into anarchy and retreating into sectarian enclaves in order to consolidate their political power and enhance their ability to monopolize political space in the Eritrean political spectrum. The relevant question should be this: Is regional mobilization the answer to the quest for peace, justice, democracy, societal stability and national unity in Eritrea?
Critics say we fear talking about regionalism and tribalism because we feel it is sensitive; we rather brush it off as if it is not happening. Even though we know regionalism represents an existential threat to the unity, territorial integrity of our country, and to the diversity of our cultural and political identities as a nation, we tend to believe it will go away at some point. It may not.
We know we have an-all entrenched tyranny that we know cut across all regions, religions, nationalities, and social groups of our country, meaning that we have an equal opportunity dictatorship in our country. And one must ask then why the regional politics is trying to make its presence in the Eritrean political landscape. Is it because the tyrannical regime of PFDJ targets certain regions or nationalities in Eritrea? Or is it because there is a regional ideal that no matter what wants to go against the political reality of Eritrea and aspires to assert some sort of separatism or domination in the future of Eritrean political system? Or are the regionalists simply addicted to embracing destructive hyper regionalism politics? Although there may be many reasons for the recent flurry of regional politics in the opposition, there are few key factors that may help explain why:
One is an erroneous interpretation and misunderstanding of the PFDJ regime in our country. The regionalists believe or would like their supporters to believe that the PFDJ is instituted or constituted to serve one region. Not only that but also the region that they claim PFDJ belongs benefits more than any other regions. Politically, if the regionalists believe that the PFDJ hails from one region, which they do, that region must benefit from the existence of PFDJ, meaning economically, socially, and politically. In a point, that region must cooperate with the PFDJ regime in suppressing and marginalizing other regions. As such, there is no evidence of this sort. Hence, the regionalists are simply grounded on regional politics for their own benefit. But the danger that the regionalists do not seem to capture is that by painting accusatory politics against other regions/nationalities as being collaborators of the Issais regime, they are digging a hole that they cannot dig out of easily. In a point, they are creating a dividing line between the victims of the regime, meaning that they are becoming a major obstacle in the fight against the regime; they are poisoning the true relationship and reconciliation that should exist among Eritrean people in their fight against tyranny in their country.
Two, the regionalists tend to blame the victim (the region that they claim has an upper hand in the current system) for their own political weaknesses. In fact, they go to the extent of associating their claim of regional marginalization and victimization back to the history of our liberation movement. As such they claim that the suppression of their region is not limited to the current regime, but something that dates back to the liberation era, and hence they argue that they have been marginalized and segregated by one region or another for a long time.
Three, the regionalists claim that they were far too many killed and martyred during the liberation era in proportion to their numbers vs. to the rest of other regions in Eritrea. The implication is that they deserve more power in Eritrea. This is quite striking; but leaving aside the martyrdom statistics to history, no doubt Eritrean people, unlike the regionalists, take great pride to the contributions and sacrifices made by every region/nationality to the national independence struggle. Yet, this is one card among many others that they think they can play even though the argument does not hold water. But they know they can easily deceive the few naïve and gullible ones from their own region. The question we have to the supporters of these nefarious and malevolent regionalists/personalities who are trying to destroy the unity, tradition, and patriotic values of Eritrea is this: why are you being bought into this false narrative of the regionalists? Ask yourself this question: are your beliefs and values grounded on your country or on the few who are deceiving you for their own benefit? Why are you allowing the regionalists to control you; influence you; or otherwise affect you to think freely for your country?
Four, the regionalists are taking advantage of the free political field in the Eritrean opposition. By all measures, the opposition has so far failed in creating a functional and organized body that can influence and impact the political field of Eritrea. Simply stated, the regionalists are using the failure and weakness of the opposition as a free ground to promote their regionalist aspiration.
Fifth, the regionalists contend that the zonal divisions (six zones) constituted by the dictatorial regime creates territorial and/or economic imbalance, meaning the new zonal division favors one region over another. Hence, this has been another cause for their advocacy for regionalism. But there is no evidence that the new zonal divisions create unbalanced services and resources to the regions. The dictatorial regime might have come up with these new six-zonal divisions, perhaps to centralize the nation within the framework of its dictatorial ambitions. However, it is also public that the new zonal divisions instituted by the PFDJ may require revision once we get rid of Issais regime. We know there are political differences on this issue. But it is up to the Eritrean people to decide whether to revive the colonial era administrative units or to constitute new administrative units. While this should be the way to go, the disillusioned regionalists are trying to revive such an issue as a strategy to justify their political regionalism. Wittingly or not, the regionalists cannot grasp that to a greater degree Eritrean zones have been extremely diversified over the last century where the zones reflect a mixed multitude of languages and ethnic groups to the extent of becoming transregional and cohesive in terms of culture, boundary, and geography.
In all, we have seen what regionalism does to countries. We have seen it recently in Ukraine; we have seen it in Lebanon, and we have seen it many African countries such as Mali and others. Regionalism is against national integration and territorial integrity. It is against every effort to bridge the gaps between communities that lived and coexisted side by side for centuries like ours. It is obstructive to the creation of a representative political system in Eritrea. The regionalists are exploiting the practices of the dictatorial regime to their own benefit, including accusing other regions of being PFDJ’s collective supporters and shields. In doing so, they are undermining the nationalist ideals and the Eritrean nationalism, and provoking and opening a conflict on a regional level. While these few regionalist elites are espousing regionalism politics and sentiment in Eritrea, we know there is no mass support that would give their struggle a regional dimension. This is good and positive. In short, since Eritrea’s independence, the specter of regionalism has been floating, particularly by PFDJ and the regionalists. We must confront this. We must struggle to defeat the throne of PFDJ regime and address every grievances and political issues/controversies relating to regions/nationalities through legal and constitutional instruments under a representative political system in post PFDJ Eritrea. The bells and whistles of regionalism must stop.
State Failure and Identity Politics in Eritrea: Is Regional Mobilization the Answer?
Thursday, 25 December 2014 09:40 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
Like any other country in Africa, Eritrea started to evolve as a modern nation state with the advent of European colonialism in Africa. The Italians ruled Eritrea as a unified political and economic entity for about 60 years. During this period, the growth of urban areas, trade, infrastructural development, and the recruitment of “Eritrean soldiers” in the Italian colonial wars in Somalia, Libya and Ethiopia had facilitated Eritrea’s inter-ethnic and inter-religious interactions and communications. In addition, as a result of the “apartheid laws” that Italy employed on all its colonial subjects, Eritreans were summarily subjected to Italian discrimination and segregation. This encouraged the formation and the development of Eritrean Identity, paving the way for revolting collectively against their common enemy (Italian colonial masters) in unison.
After Italian colony was defeated by the Allied forces in 1941, Eritrea was placed under the British Military Administration (BMA), which soon employed its imperial policy of divide and rule tactics to undermine the Eritrean nationality. But by that time, Eritrean national consciousness had already been well established and embedded in the psyche of the Eritrean people. And yet the British continued to employ its divide and rule policy along ethno-religious lines in the years to follow to the extent of partitioning Eritrea, but again that too failed mainly because of the national consciousness. As history shows, in the subsequent years, an organized Eritrean national resistance against colonial rules got momentum (during the 1940’s and the 1950’s), which overtime get transformed into an armed national liberation movement in the 1960’s. Thus, after struggling against successive colonial powers for almost 100 years, Eritrean people won their independence in 1991. Thus, the history of modern Eritrea is the history of this long and arduous struggle in search of statehood and national identity.
In a point, Eritrea (nism) is a shared identity that has been shaped by a common and long history of social, economic, and political struggle by the people who inhabited and constituted the present day Eritrea, a nation-state called Eritrea. This shared identity was further enhanced and solidified during the 30-year war of liberation for which Eritrean people from all walks of life: all ethnic and nationalities/social groups, young and old, men and women came together and died in search of their freedom, liberty, and national sovereignty. So, our national liberation movement was never about a small group or one region, but about all the people who collectively rebelled for 30 years to defend their common identity and shape their own destiny.
However, as we know, independence was not an aim in itself but a means to an end- to have a liberated Eritrean society. That is, independence was a necessary condition not a sufficient condition for liberated Eritrea, meaning establishing a political system that represents the will of the Eritrean people, which upholds justice and equal status of all Eritreans under the rule of law. Unfortunately, the process of liberating Eritrea was hijacked by a group of ruthless homegrown dictators. Because of this, almost 24 years after independence, Eritrea does not have a constitution, has had no elections and no contract between the ruled and the ruler. The regime has failed Eritrea in all its political, educational, cultural and socio-economic policies. Eritrea has become a kleptocratic state. There are no formal institutions that place restrictions on politicians’ actions that can make them accountable to citizens. Instead, the regime has pursued dictatorial policies that transfer resources from the population to the ruling groups. These policies are put in place to maximize the power of the dictatorial regime in which any person or group that opposes the regime is punished while those who remain loyal are rewarded.
Instead of establishing governance structures and resources allocation system that allows all population groups full participation, the regime from the outset adopted extractive and exclusionary laws that allow it to capture absolutely all the benefits of our independence. As a consequence, many population groups in our country were and are marginalized politically, socially and economically. Ever since its inception, the regime has centralized the production and distribution of resources, established patronage and privileges at the expense of all other elements of the nation’s economy. We know, using their political power, the few in PFDJ have accumulated enormous wealth and resources of the state for themselves.
The state power arrangement does not constrain the powers of the government: it does not guarantee economic freedom; it does not provide mechanisms for peaceful resolution of conflicting interests of various groups within Eritrea; it does not advocate for peaceful coexistence in Eritrea. What we have in Eritrea is a “failed state phenomenon” where the regime neither cares for the majority of the people or public good, nor for the people’s right. Again, there are no institutions to fulfill the people’s basic needs in Eritrea–what we have in Eritrea is a bone-deep deficiency of the statehood and representative political system. It is against this background that certain groups, notably regional entrepreneurs are reveling into anarchy and retreating into sectarian enclaves in order to consolidate their political power and enhance their ability to monopolize political space in the Eritrean political spectrum. The relevant question should be this: Is regional mobilization the answer to the quest for peace, justice, democracy, societal stability and national unity in Eritrea?
Critics say we fear talking about regionalism and tribalism because we feel it is sensitive; we rather brush it off as if it is not happening. Even though we know regionalism represents an existential threat to the unity, territorial integrity of our country, and to the diversity of our cultural and political identities as a nation, we tend to believe it will go away at some point. It may not.
We know we have an-all entrenched tyranny that we know cut across all regions, religions, nationalities, and social groups of our country, meaning that we have an equal opportunity dictatorship in our country. And one must ask then why the regional politics is trying to make its presence in the Eritrean political landscape. Is it because the tyrannical regime of PFDJ targets certain regions or nationalities in Eritrea? Or is it because there is a regional ideal that no matter what wants to go against the political reality of Eritrea and aspires to assert some sort of separatism or domination in the future of Eritrean political system? Or are the regionalists simply addicted to embracing destructive hyper regionalism politics? Although there may be many reasons for the recent flurry of regional politics in the opposition, there are few key factors that may help explain why:
One is an erroneous interpretation and misunderstanding of the PFDJ regime in our country. The regionalists believe or would like their supporters to believe that the PFDJ is instituted or constituted to serve one region. Not only that but also the region that they claim PFDJ belongs benefits more than any other regions. Politically, if the regionalists believe that the PFDJ hails from one region, which they do, that region must benefit from the existence of PFDJ, meaning economically, socially, and politically. In a point, that region must cooperate with the PFDJ regime in suppressing and marginalizing other regions. As such, there is no evidence of this sort. Hence, the regionalists are simply grounded on regional politics for their own benefit. But the danger that the regionalists do not seem to capture is that by painting accusatory politics against other regions/nationalities as being collaborators of the Issais regime, they are digging a hole that they cannot dig out of easily. In a point, they are creating a dividing line between the victims of the regime, meaning that they are becoming a major obstacle in the fight against the regime; they are poisoning the true relationship and reconciliation that should exist among Eritrean people in their fight against tyranny in their country.
Two, the regionalists tend to blame the victim (the region that they claim has an upper hand in the current system) for their own political weaknesses. In fact, they go to the extent of associating their claim of regional marginalization and victimization back to the history of our liberation movement. As such they claim that the suppression of their region is not limited to the current regime, but something that dates back to the liberation era, and hence they argue that they have been marginalized and segregated by one region or another for a long time.
Three, the regionalists claim that they were far too many killed and martyred during the liberation era in proportion to their numbers vs. to the rest of other regions in Eritrea. The implication is that they deserve more power in Eritrea. This is quite striking; but leaving aside the martyrdom statistics to history, no doubt Eritrean people, unlike the regionalists, take great pride to the contributions and sacrifices made by every region/nationality to the national independence struggle. Yet, this is one card among many others that they think they can play even though the argument does not hold water. But they know they can easily deceive the few naïve and gullible ones from their own region. The question we have to the supporters of these nefarious and malevolent regionalists/personalities who are trying to destroy the unity, tradition, and patriotic values of Eritrea is this: why are you being bought into this false narrative of the regionalists? Ask yourself this question: are your beliefs and values grounded on your country or on the few who are deceiving you for their own benefit? Why are you allowing the regionalists to control you; influence you; or otherwise affect you to think freely for your country?
Four, the regionalists are taking advantage of the free political field in the Eritrean opposition. By all measures, the opposition has so far failed in creating a functional and organized body that can influence and impact the political field of Eritrea. Simply stated, the regionalists are using the failure and weakness of the opposition as a free ground to promote their regionalist aspiration.
Fifth, the regionalists contend that the zonal divisions (six zones) constituted by the dictatorial regime creates territorial and/or economic imbalance, meaning the new zonal division favors one region over another. Hence, this has been another cause for their advocacy for regionalism. But there is no evidence that the new zonal divisions create unbalanced services and resources to the regions. The dictatorial regime might have come up with these new six-zonal divisions, perhaps to centralize the nation within the framework of its dictatorial ambitions. However, it is also public that the new zonal divisions instituted by the PFDJ may require revision once we get rid of Issais regime. We know there are political differences on this issue. But it is up to the Eritrean people to decide whether to revive the colonial era administrative units or to constitute new administrative units. While this should be the way to go, the disillusioned regionalists are trying to revive such an issue as a strategy to justify their political regionalism. Wittingly or not, the regionalists cannot grasp that to a greater degree Eritrean zones have been extremely diversified over the last century where the zones reflect a mixed multitude of languages and ethnic groups to the extent of becoming transregional and cohesive in terms of culture, boundary, and geography.
In all, we have seen what regionalism does to countries. We have seen it recently in Ukraine; we have seen it in Lebanon, and we have seen it many African countries such as Mali and others. Regionalism is against national integration and territorial integrity. It is against every effort to bridge the gaps between communities that lived and coexisted side by side for centuries like ours. It is obstructive to the creation of a representative political system in Eritrea. The regionalists are exploiting the practices of the dictatorial regime to their own benefit, including accusing other regions of being PFDJ’s collective supporters and shields. In doing so, they are undermining the nationalist ideals and the Eritrean nationalism, and provoking and opening a conflict on a regional level. While these few regionalist elites are espousing regionalism politics and sentiment in Eritrea, we know there is no mass support that would give their struggle a regional dimension. This is good and positive. In short, since Eritrea’s independence, the specter of regionalism has been floating, particularly by PFDJ and the regionalists. We must confront this. We must struggle to defeat the throne of PFDJ regime and address every grievances and political issues/controversies relating to regions/nationalities through legal and constitutional instruments under a representative political system in post PFDJ Eritrea. The bells and whistles of regionalism must stop.
