What Lessons Can We Learn from the Arab Spring?
Wednesday, 03 December 2014 21:55 Written by EPDP Editorial Board
EPDP Editorial
Over the last two decades and emboldened by the collapse of USSR in the early 90s, we have witnessed a sweeping civil disobedience and grassroots movements branded as orange revolution (Ukraine in 2004), yellow revolution (Philippines in 1986), rose revolution (Georgia in 2003), Jasmine revolution (Tunisia 2011) and many others. Yet, with the exception of few and despite that dictator after dictator was swept away from power across the globe, most grassroots movements and popular uprisings waged under those many revolutionary names (colors) failed to register a marked change in the lives of those citizens who spilled their blood to oust their dictators.
For example, the recent history of the Arab spring that brought down Dictator Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Gaddafi of Libya, Ben Ali of Tunisia, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen turned out to be unfulfilled revolution, and the social, economic, and political transformation that the people of those three countries had hoped and set out to achieve through the revolution is not happening. The fact is three years after the burst of the Arab spring, with the exception of Tunisia, which is barely taking off with the hope to establish a viable political system, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya have lost the revolution.
For example, consider Libya: since the revolution that ousted Gaddafi, Libya finds itself teetering on the brink of instability. The revolution that was meant to transform the country into democracy and freedom has instead bred groups who see the country along tribal, ethnic, sectarian, and religious fault lines. There is no strong central government; the country is being run by a system based on chiefdoms/fiefdoms and Islamic extremists, all competing to assert their aristocratic rule in the country. This multifaceted problem deeply rooted in kinships and tribal political divisions, and which rejects democratic principles and institutions is what stole the Libyan revolution. Now, Libya is edging to a full scale civil war, which can potentially break the country into mini chiefdoms.
Similarly, in Egypt the Muslim Brotherhood under Mohammed Morsi came to power following the removal of Hosni Mubarak. But one year into power, it was ousted by the Egyptian military on the account that the Muslim Brotherhood was sabotaging the Tahrir square revolution and diverting the political system of the country into an Islamic one by marginalizing the vast majority of secular Egyptians. Not only that, but almost immediately, the military designated the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, arresting its senior leaders and forcing some to go into hiding. Such a designation became a pretext for the Egyptian army to arrest anyone “who belongs to Muslim Brotherhood or anyone who involves in anti government protests in support of Muslim Brotherhood.” The army also seized “assets and properties” of the Muslim Brotherhood in a move aimed at weakening the group’s financial stronghold, which the group had for so long depended on to mobilize its members as well as to expand its base of influence. The takeover of power by the army coupled with the absent of an organized force to transform the victory of the Tahrir square revolution into a concrete secular political system left Egyptians to face unending turmoil and violence.
What is the one lesson we Eritreans can learn from last two decades of various movements/revolutions in general (that took place in Eastern Europe and Latin America) and from the recent Arab spring in particular that toppled longtime Middle East dictators from power, but in the process the revolution became stifled from reaching its potential – establishing socio-economic and political change.
Certainly, the Arab spring unleashed unprecedented passion for revolution and drive for change among Eritreans; it can be said that it is bearing heavily on the majority of Eritreans to take a new look on and to openly voice their opposition against the corrupt and repressive regime of Issais in a manner that never seen over the last two decades of our struggle for democracy and freedom. It seems that we may have learned a lesson or two from the Arab spring that the political power of dictators can be short-lived when they face a powerful popular/grassroots movement, and yet the Arab spring experience also shows us how complex it is to institute a viable alternative in the absence of an organized and inclusive political and democratic process.
In addition, the Arab spring or even other revolutions in history show that removing dictatorship is easier than replacing them, which means that there is always a potential for revolutions to be stolen as quickly as they occur. There are few, but important lessons why revolutions fail? One, is the absence of an inclusive, democratic, and organized movement that skillfully stirs the revolution towards the aspiration of the people that is focused on democratic political system, revolutions/uprisings could be hijacked either by groups associated with the old political order or by new forces who would swear by and hide behind the people’s movement. We have seen this in history. Two, well organized extremist forces taking advantage of the social and economic frustration of the public may attempt to establish their own system of governance that overtime marginalizes the vast majority of citizens, like that of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt or the tribal and Islamic militia groups in Libya, or like that of the Yemeni’s Houthi Shiite insurgents who would not accept anything short of controlling the political power either through violence and mayhem or through other destabilizing means, which is all a serious challenge to democratization process - nation building, and establishment of a constitutional form of governance that the whole society could benefit from.
Eritrea is at a crossroad, meaning the dictator is shaking and his fall is imminent either through popular uprising or through a military coup. The question in front of us is whether either means will achieve the vital democratization process that anchors on the diversity and interests of Eritrean society as a whole; or will it undermine the prospect of democracy to take root and lead the country to turmoil and far-reaching destabilization instead?
In the wake of the Arab spring, we have seen how the transition to democracy could be derailed by the emergence of Islamic extremist groups (as in Egypt), rising societal divisions along tribal and ethnic fault lines (as in Libya and Yemen), and by external forces who looks after their own interest.
Having seen the unfulfilled Arab revolutions, it is crucial for Eritreans to learn and avoid those same mistakes from occurring in our country. We must recognize that any revolution is by no means the birth of democracy and peace. For a revolution to be successful, it must be strategically guided by the ideals and principles of democracy that aims at democratizing and establishing pluralistic system of representative government in our country, which must achieve free and fair election, protects fundamental individual rights, exercises rule of law, promotes equitable social and economic justice and other elements of democratic governance…etc.
Finally, what can be done in our country to ensure a smooth transition to democracy? How can we avoid a revolution that can easily falter and become a recipe for violence?
First, we must cement a strong cooperation between the inside and outside opposition, making sure that the primary role and function of these two oppositions is to remove Issais regime and to transition Eritrea to democracy and representative system of governance.
Two, dealing with the inevitable that is, with the religious, ethnic, and regional groups in the opposition and bringing them to the process to avoid undermining democracy, democracy that benefits the whole society and transcends ethnic and religious divisions in our country.
Three, Eritrean experts must play their historical role in mapping the transition to democracy and showing the advantage of democracy to the entire Eritrean society.
Four, Eritrean civil society organizations must remain independent of political organizations and be the voice of democracy and participation by providing solidarity and education among Eritreans in their struggle against dictatorship that can cut across regional, ethnic, and religious fault lines.
All, the lesson from the Arab spring is this: sometimes, the explosion of popular uprising against tyranny does not translate to change. As the ill-fated revolution of Egypt, Libya, and Yemen shows, mass protests are not enough to bring democratic change unless they are grounded on collective, inclusive, and representative leadership that engages the population in the very political processes of the change. It means that we Eritreans must learn from the wealth of experience of the recent Arab and other revolutions, and avoid being another statistics.
ወዮ ዘይጋልባስ ደርጓዕ ኣብለለን - ርእሰ ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
Saturday, 29 November 2014 08:34 Written by EPDP Editorial Board
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ
ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ምጥቃስ፡ ምናልባት ከም መእተዊ ክትጥቀመሉ ናይ ግድን እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ሎሚ ንኹሉ ኣብ ርሑቕን ቀርባን ንዘሎ ፈታውን ጸላእን ብሩህ ከም ጸሓይ ቀትሪ ስለ ዝኾነ ዝርዝር ዘድልዮ ኣይኮነን። በብግዜኡ፡ በቲ ኣብ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎ ድኽነትን ምብኳር ፍትሕን፡ በቲ ንህዝብና ዘጋጥሞ ዘሎ ተነጽሎ፡ በቲ መንእሰያትና ሃገር ገዲፎም እግሮም ነናብ ዝመርሖም ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ዝዛሪ ዘይመስል ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት… ወዘተ መምስተሰከፍና ኣውያትናን ምሕጽንታናን ከነስምዕ ጸኒሕና ኢና። ስለ ዝፈራሕና’ኳ ደፊርና እንተዘይበልናዮ፡ ብዙሓት መጽናዕትና መሪሑና ዝብሉ ወገናት፡ ንኤርትራ “ዝወደቐት፡ መንግስቲ ዘይብላ ዝበረሰት ሃገር” ዝብል ቅጽላት ክህብዋ ካብ ዝጅምሩ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ሎሚ ሎሚ ድማ ”ኤርትራስ ሞይታ እያ” ዝብሉ ገለጻታት ይቀላቐሉ ኣለዉ። እነሆ እምበኣር ካብቲ ዝፈራሕናዮ ኣይወጻእናን ኣብዚ ተበጺሑ። እንተኾነ ሕጂ እውን ተስፋ ቆሪጽና “ድሕሪ ሞት ጥዕና ቅበጽ” ኢልና ትንሳኤ ኤርትራ ኣረጋጊጽካ ለውጢ ናይ ምምጻእ ኒሕና ኣይክዓርብን እዩ።
ኤርትራ ናብዚ ዘላቶ ኩነታት ንክትወድቕ ጠንቂ ዝኾኑ ምኽንያታት ብዙሓት ክኾኑ ከም ዝኽእሉ’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ ተሓታቲ ግና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ስለምንታይ እዩ ንሃገርናን ንህዝባን ብኸምዚ ንሕስያ ዘየብሉ ኣገባብ ዝድህኮም ዘሎ? ዝብል ሕቶ መሰረታዊ ኮይኑ፡ ውዱእ መልሱ ንምርካብ ግና ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። ኣጸጋሚ ዝኸውን መልሲ ስለ ዘየብሉ ዘይኮነስ ንሕና እቶም ንህግደፍ ምስ ሓተትና እሞ ካብኡ ውዱእ መልሲ ስለ ዘይንረክብ፡ ነናትና ናይ እማመ መልሲ እነቕርብ ኣካላት፡ በቲ እማመ ክንሰማማዕ ከቢድ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ። ካብቲ ነዚ ሕቶ ንምምላስ ዝፈላልየና ቀንዲ ምኽንያት እቲ ጉጅለ ናይ ብምሉኣ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ጸላኢ ምዃኑ ንጹር ክነሱ፡ ገሌና ነቲ ጉጅለ ከም ናይ ሓደ ትሕቲ ሃገራውነት ዝመሰረቱ ኤርትራዊ ጉጅለ ወኪልን ተሓላቓይ ጌርና ከነቕርቦ ስለ እንፍትን እዩ። ንሓንሳብ ናይ ክርስትያን፡ ንሓንሳብ ናይ ትግርኛ፡ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ናይ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ተሓላቒ ብምምሳል። ብርኢቶና እዚ ነዚ ጉጅለ ምስ ኩሉ ሓጥያቱ ንሓደ ክፋል ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ወይ ድማ ንሓደ ከባቢ ካብ ኤርትራ ምጽግዑ፡ ምስቲ ተወጢሕዎ ዘሎ ናይ ከፋፊልካ ምግዛእ ተንኮሉ ተደሪቡ ጠቓሚኡ እምበር ጐዳኢኡ ኣይኮነን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ድማ ሰልፍና ኣብቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ጉባአኡ ዝወሰኖ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነ፡ “ሰደህኤ፡ ህሉው ስርዓት ህግደፍ፡ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ ንምንዋሕ ዝጥቀመሉ፡ ህዝቢ ናይ ምክፍፋል ሜላ እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ንዝኾነ ክፋልካ ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝቐርብን ዝርሕቕን፡ ወይ ከኣ፡ ብፍሉይ ዝውክሎ ከምዘይኮነ እምነቱ ይገልጽ፣” ብዝብል ኣስፊሩ ዘሎ።
ብዛዕባ ኤርትራ ክንዛረብ እንከለና ብዛዕባ ብዙሕነት ምዝራብና ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ ኩለመዳያዊ ብዙሕነትና ብግቡእ ክመሓደር እንከሎ መልክዕናን መሰረት ሓያልነትናን ምዃኑ ሓቂ እዩ ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ሓቅነቱ ኣብቲ እንሕበነሉ ታሪኽ ቃልስና ምእንቲ ነጻነት ኤርትራ ተረጋጊጹ እዩ። ብዙሕነትና ብዝተጸንዐን ሓላፍነታውን ኣገባብ እንተዘይተመሓዲሩን እንተዘይተቓንዩን ከዓ ብኣንጻሩ ክፋእናን በታኒናን ምዃኑ እቲ ሎሚ ኣብ ሕልና ኩላትና ዘንጸላሉ ዘሎ ስኽፍታ ምስክር እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንሃገርና ኣብቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ መራግእቲ ዘየብሉ ሕማቕ ነገር ከም እትወድቕ ዝገበረ፡ ነቲ ኣይፋልካን ዝሓዝካዮ ኣተሓሳስባ መንገዲ ደሓን ኣይኮነን ክብሎ ዝግበኦ ዝነበረ ህዝቢ፡ ዘዝጥዕሞ መፈላለዪ ዘንጊ ማለት፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ብሄር፡ ዕድመ፡ ተሳልፎ ኣብቲ ዝሓለፈ ቃልሲ፡ ጾታ፡ ከባቢ … ወዘተ እንዳመዘዘ፡ ነቲ ብሓባር ኣንጻሩ ወቒዑ ከድምዕ ዝግበኦ ቅልጽምን ተዛሪቡ ከስምዕ ዝግበኦ ልሳንን ኣብ ነንሕድሕዱ ከተፋንኖ ተንኮላት ክኣልም ስለ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። እንተኾነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንደገ ብዝስማዕ ድምጺ’ኳ “ምትፍናን ንረብሓይ ኣይኮነን” እንተዘይበለ ብውሽጡስ መጻወድያ ህግድፍ ንጥፍኣቱ እምበር ንልምዓቱ ከምዘይኮነ ኣይሰሓቶን። ካብቶም ህግደፍ ናይ ምፍልላይ መርዚ እንዳነስነሰ መናውሒ ዕድመ ስልጣኑ ክገብሮም ዝፍትን ኣካላት ህዝቢ፡ ብዘይካ ኣዝዮም ውሑዳት ሕርጓቶ ህግደፍ ዘራኸቦም ውልቃውያን ኩሎም ተረባሕቲ ኣይኮኑን።
እሞ ትንፋስን ቀጻልነትን ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ከምዚ ዝተገልጸ ዘይእሙን ባይታ ዝተሰረተ ካብ ኮነ፡ ንሕና እቶም ምእንቲ ድሕነት ህዝብን ትንሳኤን ሃገርን እንቃለስ ዘለና ኣካላትከ ኣብ ዓወት ንክንበጽሕ ኣየናይ መንገዲ ኢና ክንመርጽ ዝግበኣና?። ብዓይኒ ቅንዕና እንተርኢናዮ እዚ ሕቶ እዚ ምሉስ እዩ። ንሕና ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ በቲ ንሱ ዝጽበየና ሜላ ቃልሲ ኣይኮናን ክንገጥሞ ዝግበኣና። ብኣንጻሩ በቲ ስሙ ክለዓል እንከሎ ጥራይ ዘንጸራርዎ ሓድነት ዝመሰረቱ ኣገባብ ኢና ከነጥቀዖ ዝግበኣና። ህግደፍ ረብሓኡን ቀጻልነቱን ኣብ ምርሕሓቕን ምትፍናንን ናይቲ ተሰሚሩ ከጥፍኦ ዝኽእል ህዝቢ እንተኾይኑ፡ ንሕና ድማ ነቲ ህግደፍ ዝሰግኦ ሓድነት ናይ ኩሎም እቶም ኣብ ውድቀቱ ዝረብሑ ኣካላት ከነውሕስ ኢና ክንሰርሕ ዝግበኣና። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ ዘይቅዱስ መፈላለይ ቀጥዕታት ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ዝድረት። እንተላይ ናይ ውድባት ድዩ ናይ ማሕበራት ምፍንጫላት እውን ንረብሕኡ እዩ። ንረብሕኡ ካብ ኮነ ከዓ ዓቕሙ እንተዘይደሪትዎ፡ ደድሕሪ ዝኾነ ፍልልያት እንዳኸደ ከምዘይዕረ ካብ ምግባር ድሕር ከም ዘይብል ኣይንዘንግዕ።
ንሕና ነቲ ኣካቢ ኣገባብ ክንመርጽ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ክንመርጽ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ነዚ ዝመረጽናዮ ከነተግብር ድማ ዋጋ ክንከፍል ይግበኣና። ኣብ ዓወት ንምብጻሕ ንተቐራሪብካ ምስራሕ ዘራጉድ እንተዘይኮይኑ ዝትክእ ምርጫ የብልናን። እዚ ክንብል እንከለና ምኽኑይ ናይ ርኢቶ ፍልልይ ኣይሃልወና፡ በዚ ናይ ርኢቶ ምፍልላይና ተደሪኽና ብዙሓት ውድባት ወይ ማሕበራት ኣይሃልዋና ማለትና’ውን ኣይኮነን። ህላወ ኣብዘሓ ውደባ እሞ ከም ሓደ ደሞክራሲያዊ መሰል ተቐቢልና እንሰርሓሉ ዘለና እዩ። እዚ መሰል እዚ ግና ንኩነታት ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ዘይገናዝብን ብሕጊ ውደባ ዘይግዛእን ፍኑው መሰል ኣይኮነን። ምኽኑይነት ኣብ ኩሉ ስጉምትታትና ቦታ ክረክብ ዝግበኦ ቀላሲና እዩ። እቲ ከነስተውዕሎ ዝግበኣና፡ እዚ ብዙሕነትና ነቲ ኣንጻር መላኺ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክንገብሮ ዝግበና እሞ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብመንጽር ባህጊ ህዝብና ዘየዕወትናዮ መኸተ ብዘዳኽም ወይ ብዘዕንቅፍ መንገዲ ክተሓዝ ከም ዘይግበኦ’ዩ ። ምፍልላይና ዓቕሚ ጥራይ ኣይኮነን ዘስእነና። ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ እውን ተኣማንነት የስእነና። “ንርእሶም ዘይኮኑስ ህዝቢ ክእክቡ” ንበሃል። እዚ ኣበሃህላ እዚ ስንብራቱ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ጸገም ህዝብና ክንገልጽን ደገፍ ክንሓትትን እንከለና እውን ክብደትን ተሰማዕነት የስእነና። ናይ’ዚ ሓቅነት ንምርግጋጽ ኣብ ርእሲ እቲ ብሓባር ብሰንኪ ዘይምምራሽና ዘጋጥመና ዘሎ ዕንቅፋታትን ዝሕተላን ካብ ናትና ክውንነት ወጻኢ እውን ብዙሕ ክንመሃረሉ እንኽእል ናይ ከባቢ ተመኩሮታት ኣለና። ዝምኮረሉ ዘይረኸበ ተሞኩሮ ግና መኻን ኮይኑ እዩ ዝተርፍ።
ኣብ ምንጽጻግን ተመዓዳዲኻ ምርእኣይን ኩነታት ምህላውና ኣዝዩ ዘተሓሳስብ እዩ። ነዚ ዘተሓሳስብ ገፍጣዕ ኣተሃላልዋ ግቡእ ፖለቲካዊ መልክዕ ኣትሒዝና ክንጐዓዝ ብዘይምኽኣልና ሰንከልከል ኣብ ንብለሉ ዘሎና ኩነታት፡ ከምቲ “ንበዓል ነጐዳ ሓዊ ደብሶ” ዝበሃል ካልእ መሊሱ ናይ ሓባር ሓይልኻ ዝርምስ፡ ብኽንድኡ ደረጃ ድማ ህግደፍ “መጺኻለይዶ ክጽበየካ” እንዳደረፈ ሓንጐፋይ ዝብሎ ሓድሽ ቅዲ ምፍልላይ ክቀላቐል እንከሎ፡ እምበርዶኸ ሃለዋት ህዝብና ይስቆረና ኣሎ እዩ የብለካ። ንኣብነት ሓድሽ ቅዲ “ብደረጃ ኣውራጃ ንወደብ።” ኣብ ርእሲ ዘላታስ ተወሰኸታ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ኸዓ “ወዮ ዘይገልባስ ደርጓዕ ኣብለለን” ንብል ዘለና። እቲ ኣቐዲምና ዝጠቐስናዮ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነ ሰደህኤ ንኣውራጃዊ ምምሕዳር ምስቲ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ብዘይፈቓድ ህዝቢ ኣተኣታትይዎ ዘሎ ዞባዊ ምምሕዳራት ብምውድዳር “ጠለብ ህዝቢ ምክፍፋል ኪግበር፤ ወይ ሓድሽ ምምሕዳራዊ ምክፍፋል ኣድላይነት ከም ዘይብሉ ድሌት ህዝቢ ምስዝኸውን፡ ቅድሚ 1995 ዝነበረ ስርዓተ- ኣውራጃታት ዳግም ክስርሓሉ፡ እምነትን ድሌትን ሰዲህኤ ምዃኑ ጉባኤ ኣስሚሩሉ።” ዝብል ኣስፊሩ ኣሎ።
ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ስለምንታይ እዩ ምርባሕ ውድባት ከም ሓደ ሕዱር ሕማም ዝረኣ? ዝብል ሕቶ ካብቲ ብጻዕቂ ናብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ዝለዓል ሕቶታት እዩ። ነቲ ዘሎ ብዝሒ ውዳበታት ዘይምኽኑይ ፍልልያቱ ገሊፍካ ናብ ቅርጥው ዓቐን ንምምጻእ ቃልሲ ኣብ ዝካየዱ፡ ሓድሽ ማሕበር ወይ ውድብ ተመስሪቱ ክውረይ እንከሎ’ውን ከምኡ እዚ ሕቶ ይለዓል። ገለ ወገናት ነዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ዝህብዎ መልሲ “እቲ ዝቐደመ ውዳበ ስለ ዘየድመዐ እዩ ሓድሽ ውዳበ ዘድልይ” ይብሉ። እቲ ዘይምድማዕከ ካብቲ ግኡዝ ውዳበ ድዩ ወይስ ካብ ዘይምብቃዕ ናይቶም ኣብቲ ውዳበ ዘለዉ ተዋሳእቲ? ዝብል ሕቶ ክስዕብ እንከሎ ከዓ መልሲ ንምርካብ ውጥይጥይ ይኸውን። ኣብዚ ከነስተውዕሎ ዝግበኣና እምበኣር፡ ውድብ ናይ ብዙሓት ሰባት ጥራይ ዘይኮነስ፡ ናይ ብዙሓት ኣተሓሳስባታት መዋስኢ ሜዳ ምዃኑ እዩ። ውድብ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ግንባራትን ልፍንትታትን’ውን ከምኡ ናይ ብዙሓት ውዳበታትን ኣተሓሳስባኦምን ናይ ሓባር መዋስኢ እዩ። ኣብዚ ሜዳዚ ካብቲ ዝምዝገብ ዓወታትን ዘጋጥም ፍሽለታትን ምስቶም መዋስእትኻ እትካፈለሉ እምበር በይንኻ ተዓዋታይ ከም ዘይትኸውን ኣሚንካ ኢኻ ናብቲ ሜዳ ትወርድ። ነቲ ሜዳ ቃልሲ ናይ ግድን ናይ በይነይ ክገብሮ እየ ኢልካ ምስ እትብገስ’ሞ ውጽኢቱ ከምቲ ዝተጸበኻዮ ኣብ ዘይኮነሉ ከዓ ፍልልያት ይፍጠር። ምናልባት’ውን እዚ ፍልልይ ናብ ምፍንጫል የምርሕ። ኣብዚ እቲ ጸገም ናይቲ ኣቐዲምካ ዝመረጽካዮ ሜዳ ቃልሲ ዘይኮነስ ናይቶም ተዋሳእቲ ዘይጸዋር ኣቀላልሳ እዩ። ውጽኢት ከም ዝደለኻዮ ኣብ ዘይኮነሉ እቲ መፍትሒ ኣብ መስርሕ ንጉዳያት ናብ ረብሓኻ ከተምጸኦ ስንኻ ነኺስካ፡ ካብ ተመኩሮኻ እንዳተመሃርካ፡ ክኽፈል ዝግበኦ ዋጋ እንዳኸፈልካ ምቕጻል እምበር፡ ሓድሽ ሜዳ ቃልሲ ምቕያር ኣይኮነን። እቲ ዝሃደምካሉ ምዕባለ ኣብቲ ዝተዓቖብካሉ ወይ ከም ሓድሽ ዝፈጠርካዮ መድረኽ’ውን ክጸንሓካ ስለ ዝኽእል እሞ ኣብ ህድማ ክትነብር ስለ ዘጸግም።
29 ሕዳር 201
Eritreans Stand Tall with the Commission of Inquiry (COI)
Wednesday, 19 November 2014 05:46 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
There is a light at the end of the tunnel. Eritrean people are on the path to defeating the wrong; they are on the way to achieving justice. Yes, because of the relentless fight by many brave Eritreans in the corridors of the UN and other international venues, finally the international community heard our voices and concerns, and this time they heard us right. In June of this year, the United Nations Human Rights Council established a Commission of Inquiry (COI) on Eritrea to investigate the crimes being committed against Eritrean citizens by the PFDJ regime, pursuant to or as established in the “Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court.” The “Rome Statue” is a treaty that established the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has the power to indict and convict groups/individuals/head of states believed to have committed crimes against humanity. Eritrea is a signatory to the Rome Statue of the International Criminal Court.
For the justice loving Eritrean people, the establishment of the COI is one step in our struggle towards establishing constitutional system, which among other things will enshrine both the protection and respect of human rights of Eritrean citizens in post PFDJ Eritrea. Not only is it a positive development in the struggle against the PFDJ regime, but also it opens a new front that would enable Eritrean Diaspora opposition to garner international support.
Without delving into the legal aspect of the COI, it should be realized that this investigation of crime against humanity is not an easy endeavor. But first is first: we must expose the human rights violation denialists of the PFDJ, with their continued deception and double talk, and the rest of their conspiracy theorists who believe human rights violations and abuses in Eritrea are simply western ploys to undermine Eritrea or to effect regime change in Eritrea. These are the PFDJ elites who have utterly failed on their intellectual and moral duty to defend the truth; intellectuals who failed to serve their own people with honesty and fidelity. And we know these PFDJ enablers will continue to sabotage any and all efforts that they think will bring justice and democracy to Eritrea. And this is the greatest crimes they are committing on their own citizens. Therefore, this is one front we must challenge during the investigation of the COI.
Second, it is clear that the formation of the COI is a big blow to the body politics of the PFDJ regime. And the opposition must capitalize on it, and that it should view the COI as a boost that will potentially help Eritrean people in their struggle to uproot dictatorship on one hand and an opportunity for the opposition to recast itself in the eyes of the Eritrean people on the other. One might even say we are halfway through to put the rope around the neck of the dictator and his cohorts, but this only becomes reality if we work more effectively and jointly than ever, and meticulously chart out a strategy on how to assist the COI.
Third, believing in its usual political ploy, which is making and remaking of falsehoods, PFDJwill continue to raise the national security, foreign enemies...etc in an effort to thwart the work of the COI even though we know the core problem of the country lies with the dictator. In the Diaspora, it will instruct its rogue elites to campaign and attack the COI as a threat to Eritrea. Inside the country, we will see PFDJ’s TV station and networks feeding a carefully crafted lies to the public about the COI. The aim is simply to cement a message that PFDJ believes resonates with the Eritrean people, and that is to show that the COI is against Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence, which we know is false. But the PFDJ will push on twisting facts in order to survive. Not only is PFDJ going to distort facts and plunge itself in its usual gross misrepresentation, but also it will brand all its victims as well as those who witnessed its crimes as criminals and money-grubbing souls in order to shift the debate, muzzle the innocent, and in the process stifle the work of the COI. But time is different now because the center of gravity in Eritrea is shifting to the opposition. PFDJ may not see it but the legitimacy once it had commanded is on the path of extinction.
EPDP strongly values the weight and contribution of the COI. But in the end, it is up to the opposition to make the job of the COI successful. Hence, our primary function must be to encourage victims and witnesses to come forward and testify in front of the COI. All said, however, the opposition must recognize the fear of victims and the possible reprisal against their family members back home by the PFDJ as a result of their testimony. This is the main element that the opposition in general and those Eritreans working closely with the COI in particular should address. Nevertheless, we must push that the victims have the duty to testify because it was during exercising their rights and their freedoms as citizens that they became victims of injustice like hundreds and thousands of Eritreans, and that they were imprisoned and tortured, and that they were forced to leave their country. For them, testifying would be the most historic national duty they have ever done to the country of 5 million people who are dying under the yoke of an absolute tyranny. Not testifying is not an option. The victims and witnesses know more than anybody else that Issais is not only a dictator, but a mad man and he needs to be stopped before he turns Eritrea into an uninhabitable and barren land. Again the point is that, the opposition must tighten its belt in assisting the COI. Meaning now is the time to act, and that we in the opposition must bear the onus of demonstrating the knowledge and responsibility of networking and assisting the COI in its tasks for which it is mandated to carry out – holding Issais regime accountable on the crimes it committed against the Eritrean people – that is crime against humanity. This is not the time to duck our heads.
Burkina Faso: Some Dub it the Beginning of African Uprising
Friday, 07 November 2014 23:57 Written by EPDP Editorial
EPDP Editorial
After 27 years of dictatorship and brutality, the dictator of Burkina Faso, Blaise Campaore who came to power through coup d’état in 1987, fled in disgrace to the neighboring country of Ivory Coast on October 31 following massive protests and unrests that went to the extent of storming and burning his Party’s Headquarters and other government buildings in the capital city of Ouagadougou. The popular uprising was set off by Blaise’s attempt to amend the two term limit provision stipulated in the country’s constitution in order to prolong his reign, which is unconstitutional. But nothing is new here; when things do not go in their favor, it is a common practice for many African authoritarian leaders to repeal term limit, amend it, or come up with a new one in order to stay in power for life.
Yet, for the people of Burkina Faso, the term limit was only a catalyst in the ouster of president Blaise from power; the protest was against the three decades of absolute rule of president Blaise that brought poverty and inequality, political repression, as well as deprivation of fundamental social and political rights. Again, tens of thousands protesters showed up in the streets of Ouagadougou, and the popular rage instantaneously reached a level of no return and forced Campaore to flee the country. They chanted liberty; they chanted justice; they demanded constitutional democracy; they told their leaders to stop manipulating their country’s constitution.
Yes, the people of Burkina Faso won; their revolution toppled the one-man dictatorial rule that lasted for 27 years in just few days. Yes, the downfall of president Blaise also brought thrills and new hopes in Burkina Faso. However, despite the excitement and enthusiasm, what we are witnessing in Burkina Faso is not uniquely different from the recent uprisings that brought dictatorships down, and ended up facing power vacuum, political crisis, and instability, especially in African countries - because of the absence of an organized opposition that can pave the way for democratic transition through adopting a constitutional democracy. True, the Burkina Faso’s army, using such a political vacuum and opportunity, and on the pretext of order and stability of the country, it moved in and seized power by dissolving the General Assembly and suspending the constitution. And it declared it formed a transitional government led by one of its own, Lt. Col Isaac Zida, even though the constitution of Burkina Faso states that “the president of the Senate should take over after the national president resigns and an election should take place between 60 and 90 days afterwards.”
In the midst of all this, the African Union and UN are warning of an imminent sanction against the military - an attempt to force the army to form a civilian transition body until elections are held in the country. But these are all toothless threats. It didn’t work in Egypt and in many other countries that recently toppled dictatorial regimes. The brute fact is majority of African leaders are throwing in such a threat of sanction (a provision adopted by African Union few years ago) not out of commitment to democracy and freedom, but out of fear of similar changes and popular uprising that may happen in their own countries.
History has repeatedly shown that African opposition forces are either weak, operate along ethnic and tribal fault lines, easily forced into submission by the army, or cooperate with the military for self enriching, a fundamental reason why popular uprising is always at risk of being hijacked in Africa by self-serving groups, mainly the military establishment and extremists. This is an area where African opposition forces in general and Eritrea’s oppositions in particular need to address at the level of building institutions from bottom up, empowering citizens, and creating a cohesive and united leadership.
Nevertheless, the people of Burkina Faso are holding their ground for now by rejecting the army’s takeover of power. They are aggressively demanding the army to give power and return to its barracks. Time will tell if the opposition forces of Burkina Faso will continue to galvanize the people against the army’s illegal seizure of power by forging unity among various forces under the banner of one message and one cause – an uprising for establishing constitutional democracy. Only then can we dub it an African uprising.
For Eritreans, the lesson from the uprising of Burkina Faso is this: popular uprisings are unpredictable; they are quick and unstoppable like a powerful tsunami given an opportune circumstance. And they can bring down the most powerful dictator in a matter of days. It is also true that in the wake of popular uprising, chaos, instability, and power vacuum is possible. In our country resistance is simmering against the PFDJ regime. And this resistance will explode in the form of popular uprising; it is a matter of time. The question is where are we? And are we doing enough to prevent power vacuum when the day comes to our country. EPDP knows one thing, and that is disorganized and fragmented popular uprising is more dangerous than anything else for our country.
The Call is We Are not Going to Take it Anymore!
Thursday, 30 October 2014 09:05 Written by EPDP Editorial BoardEPDP Editorial
We are not going to take it anymore is the imperative of the letter written by the clergy of the Union of the Eritrean Orthodox Church monasteries last week. It is timely and one could see the ripple effect of the “Where is Your Brother” document authored by our Catholic Church pastors few months back, all a sign of an impending demise of the lawless regime and its anti democratic apparatus. Nothing seems to fall through the cracks this time provided the opposition capitalize on it prudently and strategically.
The long and disastrous road that the PFDJ took the country for the last two decades is being challenged by the people that have an ecclesiastic power on moral, cultural, and social authority in our society. Their action is not an intervention or calling for excommunication of the notorious personalities who have been running the Orthodox Church per se; it is a declaration that calls for the church to reclaim its authority, that religious faith in Eritrea is not the domain of the PFDJ regime, that the PFDJ should stop its endless violations of religious freedom, and that the PFDJ must cease using its anti democratic practices to command and cater religion and its institutions to prolong its repressive regime in Eritrea.
Call it a radical revolution if you will, but these foremost spiritual leaders have introduced a new dynamic that adds a positive weight to the ongoing revolt against the PFDJ regime. Implicitly, we are witnessing Eritrean spiritual leaders rebelling against the legitimacy of the PFDJ regime for the sake of their peoples’ welfare and faith. Simply put it, our spiritual leaders are saying you cannot have a healthy society without having a religious freedom. Yes, the context of the message is not an obscured one, nor is it limited to religious freedom only; largely, it is a protest and condemnation against the PFDJ’s domination that poses a perpetual threat to all Eritrea’s religious faiths, which are essential to nourishing social, traditional, cultural cohesion, and solidarity amongst our society.
As we know the principle that religion should be free and independent of any politics or government has been hollowed out and nullified by the PFDJ regime for the last two decades. The devolution of church authority, order, and all forms of religious power has been seized by the PFDJ regime through its puppet political elites in order to perpetuate its power. Not only that, but also the PFDJ has used and continues to use national security and foreign enemies as a pretext for stripping the right of religious practices and freedoms in Eritrea.
More importantly, the underlying message is deeper and wider that targets the PFDJ’s state of monopolization and total control of the country and its people’s life: the message is about how the PFDJ regime is obliterating our religious faith, mores, and communal culture and virtues, which is the hallmark of cohesion, strength, and perseverance of Eritrean society; how it is stamping out dissent and voices of reason; how it created hundreds of detention centers where Eritrean citizens are languishing every day; how it enforces conformity, fear, brutality, and physical repression; how it created a culture of organized corruption to divert the focus and resolve of Eritrean people from asserting their rights and empowering themselves, in essence a tool PFDJ uses to prevent a critical mass from rising against its power and misrule.
PFDJ is fundamentally a lethal force because in order to survive it has to continually eliminate everything it considers a threat to its power. PFDJ wants a society subservient to its political order, and it must use all forms violent measures to keep Eritrean people under its control. But after two decades, the coercion and intimidation of PFDJ is falling apart. There is a perfect storm of discontent and unrest in the country. With no exaggeration, PFDJ is losing all the means and tools it once used to own. The people with the most religious and moral authority in Eritrea are speaking the truth in ways never seen before, and Eritrean people are listening.
But history also shows even as the public discontent and opposition against dictators grows, so does the repression and brutality. Hence, PFDJ regime will continue to increase its state of terror and onslaught on Eritrean citizens as long as it can afford. Our job is “to cut the umbilical cord”, as the saying goes, meaning we must intensify our struggle against the PFDJ regime in a manner that goes beyond a mere talk of strategies and road maps, measures attuned to action taking.
In conclusion, for the first time we are seeing the readiness and willingness of Eritrean people to face the evil regime in our country. EPDP sees the opposition inside Eritrea is heading to become a critical mass, a sign that the respect for PFDJ power and legitimacy is falling apart. Yet, EPDP strongly believes that without a real political structure and leadership, all the ongoing mobilization against the PFDJ may not materialize much. EPDP also understands that PFDJ is broken, but dangerous in terms of producing violence and chaos when it falls. Therefore, the opposition inside and outside Eritrea must take concrete measures with the understanding that the struggle against the PFDJ regime will be successful not out of unorganized opposition (which is the case now), but out of a vision that is collective, strong, and democratic that produces substantive and meaningful transformation in the lives of our people in post PFDJ Eritrea. Inside Eritrea the support and power is on the side of the opposition as is evident in the letter of the union of the Eritrean Orthodox Church monasteries and in the “where is your brother” document, including the January 2013 operation Forto. The Diaspora opposition needs to match it by a similar measures and actions by moving from the current paralysis and cynicism to a broad-based political organization essential to developing a formidable and organized force against the PFDJ repressive system.
Lampedusa: The Site of PFDJ Injustice and Dictatorship
Monday, 20 October 2014 13:07 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
October 3, 2014 marked one year of the loss of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa. Diaspora Eritreans held memorial on the loss with profound grief and mourning. They lit vigil candles, conducted prayers, and placed grief flowers on the area where the 368 Eritreans drowned. Others who couldn’t travel to Lampedusa remembered the loss in their respective countries and regions with the same zeal of love and respect, the way we Eritreans treat and honor our dead whether it is back home or in the Diaspora. The memorial was also notably public: it was attended by many European government officials, Eritrean humanitarian rights advocates, EPDP, including the representative of his Holiness Pope Francis of the Roman Catholic Church who addressed Eritreans on the tragedy, giving his consolation to the grieving families and close relatives and friends.
The memorial was a somber expression on Eritrea’s picture in general, and on the larger social, political, and economic dictatorship that is gripping the country and its people under the PFDJ regime in particular. In a point, what the Lampedusa memorial reminds us is that the unending death of hundreds of Eritrean youth, women, and children in high seas and in the Sinai desert stems from the total absence of fundamental freedom and justice in our country being caused by the PFDJ regime whose policies are designed to cause the maximum affliction possible on our people to the degree of annihilating the entire population like an uncontrollable plague.
Whether those who died in the island of Lampedusa or in other places, we must hold them as victims of the PFDJ dictatorship and injustice: they were jailed, tortured, harassed, and persecuted before they left their country - because they opposed the PFDJ’s tyrannical political order and demanded justice and rule of law in their country, like the thousands of our citizens who are either languishing in the PFDJ dungeons or already gave their lives for freedom and change. Hence, their sacrifice for justice and freedom is a national hallmark, meaning resistance and refusal to be governed by a repressive state.
Among other things, we must continue to challenge the narrative and depiction of the PFDJ that those hundreds of Eritreans fleeing their country and dying all over the world are victims of foreign forces who work to undermine Eritrea’s independence and sovereignty. Although the facts we know is that there is no entity other than the PFDJ regime so determined to subvert and undermine Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence, and its national unity, simply in pursuit of its ruthless power and tyranny in our country. If we do not tackle such a false narrative of PFDJ, it would continue to create a false sense of insecurity and fear among Eritrean citizens rather than fuelling a collective opposition against the PFDJ.
EPDP strongly believes that the memorial of Lampedusa victims should not be about wailing and weeping, or outcry over their death as the tragedy stems from the dictatorial system we have in our country. Although it is our revered tradition and culture to honor and remember them, we should not view them as tragic victims as this will disenable us from focusing and addressing the root cause facing our country and our people, removing the PFDJ tyranny, which is solely responsible for the plight of the entire country by producing an endless state sanctioned violence, terror, and fear that is paralyzing the lives and future of Eritrean people.
The point is the Lampedusa memorial should be seen as a political one, i.e. as a fight for the principles of freedom and democracy for which successive Eritrean generations paid enormous treasures, bled, and died for it for over half a century. It should be a memorial as a reminder of the total absence of fundamental human rights and the perpetual misery in Eritrea, which resulted and continues to result not only in the death of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa on October 2013, which we are observing, but also a tribute for all those who died in Sudan, Ethiopia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, as well as those who perished in places of no man’s land at the hands of gangs and human traffickers and never gotten the proper burial as the areas they died are beyond the reach of governments or human rights organizations.
Last, the memorial observance of Lampedusa must translate into action. As we pay tribute to those who perished in the island of Lampedusa and in other places, we must look to what is happening in our country and what should we do as an opposition. The country is paying a high price. The tyranny being perpetuated by the PFDJ regime is fundamentally shredding the social fabric of our society, our values, our morals, our ideas, our cultures, our politics, and atomizing the public good so as to perpetuate its corrupted political power. And this is a moment in which we must change the dynamics essential to developing a broad-based political opposition that provides a real alternative to the PFDJ regime. But for this to happen, it is crucial that the opposition develops a strategy that captures the aspiration and dreams of the Eritrean public so that Eritrean people can invest in the struggle against the PFDJ regime. So, Lampedusa memorial must used to remind us our patriotism, our pride, and our historical resolve as Eritreans. Lampedusa victims and others died for us; they died for the sake of justice and we must not settle for anything short of launching a radical transformative struggle that should establish a democratic Eritrea by establishing a collective struggle and strong opposition leadership that is capable of destroying and shattering the power of PFDJ that is currently wielded by Issaias and his elite. This is the time for Eritrean forces opposed to the PFDJ regime to face the tough road ahead; it is-make-it-or-break-it time. Again, we can either roll our sleeve and crush the wall of PFDJ tyranny, or fold our cards and give up. And the latter is not an option.
Lampedusa: The Site of PFDJ Injustice and Dictatorship
Monday, 20 October 2014 12:08 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
October 3, 2014 marked one year of the loss of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa. Diaspora Eritreans held memorial on the loss with profound grief and mourning. They lit vigil candles, conducted prayers, and placed grief flowers on the area where the 368 Eritreans drowned. Others who couldn’t travel to Lampedusa remembered the loss in their respective countries and regions with the same zeal of love and respect, the way we Eritreans treat and honor our dead whether it is back home or in the Diaspora. The memorial was also notably public: it was attended by many European government officials, Eritrean humanitarian rights advocates, EPDP, including the representative of his Holiness Pope Francis of the Roman Catholic Church who addressed Eritreans on the tragedy, giving his consolation to the grieving families and close relatives and friends.
The memorial was a somber expression on Eritrea’s picture in general, and on the larger social, political, and economic dictatorship that is gripping the country and its people under the PFDJ regime in particular. In a point, what the Lampedusa memorial reminds us is that the unending death of hundreds of Eritrean youth, women, and children in high seas and in the Sinai desert stems from the total absence of fundamental freedom and justice in our country being caused by the PFDJ regime whose policies are designed to cause the maximum affliction possible on our people to the degree of annihilating the entire population like an uncontrollable plague.
Whether those who died in the island of Lampedusa or in other places, we must hold them as victims of the PFDJ dictatorship and injustice: they were jailed, tortured, harassed, and persecuted before they left their country - because they opposed the PFDJ’s tyrannical political order and demanded justice and rule of law in their country, like the thousands of our citizens who are either languishing in the PFDJ dungeons or already gave their lives for freedom and change. Hence, their sacrifice for justice and freedom is a national hallmark, meaning resistance and refusal to be governed by a repressive state.
Among other things, we must continue to challenge the narrative and depiction of the PFDJ that those hundreds of Eritreans fleeing their country and dying all over the world are victims of foreign forces who work to undermine Eritrea’s independence and sovereignty. Although the facts we know is that there is no entity other than the PFDJ regime so determined to subvert and undermine Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence, and its national unity, simply in pursuit of its ruthless power and tyranny in our country. If we do not tackle such a false narrative of PFDJ, it would continue to create a false sense of insecurity and fear among Eritrean citizens rather than fuelling a collective opposition against the PFDJ.
EPDP strongly believes that the memorial of Lampedusa victims should not be about wailing and weeping, or outcry over their death as the tragedy stems from the dictatorial system we have in our country. Although it is our revered tradition and culture to honor and remember them, we should not view them as tragic victims as this will disenable us from focusing and addressing the root cause facing our country and our people, removing the PFDJ tyranny, which is solely responsible for the plight of the entire country by producing an endless state sanctioned violence, terror, and fear that is paralyzing the lives and future of Eritrean people.
The point is the Lampedusa memorial should be seen as a political one, i.e. as a fight for the principles of freedom and democracy for which successive Eritrean generations paid enormous treasures, bled, and died for it for over half a century. It should be a memorial as a reminder of the total absence of fundamental human rights and the perpetual misery in Eritrea, which resulted and continues to result not only in the death of 368 Eritreans in the island of Lampedusa on October 2013, which we are observing, but also a tribute for all those who died in Sudan, Ethiopia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, as well as those who perished in places of no man’s land at the hands of gangs and human traffickers and never gotten the proper burial as the areas they died are beyond the reach of governments or human rights organizations.
Last, the memorial observance of Lampedusa must translate into action. As we pay tribute to those who perished in the island of Lampedusa and in other places, we must look to what is happening in our country and what should we do as an opposition. The country is paying a high price. The tyranny being perpetuated by the PFDJ regime is fundamentally shredding the social fabric of our society, our values, our morals, our ideas, our cultures, our politics, and atomizing the public good so as to perpetuate its corrupted political power. And this is a moment in which we must change the dynamics essential to developing a broad-based political opposition that provides a real alternative to the PFDJ regime. But for this to happen, it is crucial that the opposition develops a strategy that captures the aspiration and dreams of the Eritrean public so that Eritrean people can invest in the struggle against the PFDJ regime. So, Lampedusa memorial must be used to remind us our patriotism, our pride, and our historical resolve as Eritreans. Lampedusa victims and others died for us; they died for the sake of justice and we must not settle for anything short of launching a radical transformative struggle that should establish a democratic Eritrea by establishing a collective struggle and strong opposition leadership that is capable of destroying and shattering the power of PFDJ that is currently wielded by Issaias and his elite. This is the time for Eritrean forces opposed to the PFDJ regime to face the tough road ahead; it is-make-it-or-break-it time. Again, we can either roll our sleeve and crush the wall of PFDJ tyranny, or fold our cards and give up. And the latter is not an option.
EPDP Editorial
The Context
From the get go, in an effort to consolidate his dictatorial regime, Issaias engaged in a scheme of depriving political rights and atomizing the Eritrean society by introducing a series of draconian measures that overtime brought the breakdown of our families and communities, erosion of our values and freedoms, and depletion of our cultural strength and perseverance.
Moreover, in order to ensure the success and continuity of his dictatorial rule in Eritrea, he pursued a divide-and-rule strategy, and consequently over the last two decades steady changes have taken place in our country that gravitated towards separating and creating conflict between the older and younger generation. We know this has benefited nobody, but the regime of Issaias whose survival depends on pushing societal conflicts and divisions to the edge, be it among Eritrean social groups or among Eritrean youth.
In the same vein, the disunity and fracture we witnessed over the last two decades between the different actors in the Eritrean opposition political space has resulted in the loss of trust and confidence in their ability to deliver results, which further contributed to the atomization of the Eritrean society as well as a sense of defeatism and loss of hope in the psyche of Eritrean society. The fact is though these different and seemingly competing actors are in reality interdependent, in that they can neither do without one another nor unilaterally impose their respective preferred solution on others if they are to achieve their respective preferred objectives. It is with this understanding that EPDP has been calling upon the sprouting grass-root movements, Eritrean intellectuals and artists, human rights organizations, religious groups and institutions, and above all the Eritrean youth to extend guarantees not to undermine one another’s vital interest, but to cooperate and support one another’s efforts and coalesce into a “united front” against the dictatorial regime.
Against this backdrop, the Bologna festival 2014 is right on the currency and should be commended for its timely courageous stance. More than anything else, it has attempted to reverse the tide of generational and political differences, which is a positive headway in changing whatever negative perceptions had existed before between the two generations, and/or among the various forces who are engaged in the great battle to uproot the system of tyranny in our country.
Spearheaded and organized by various Eritrean youth groups and joined by a number of political organizations, civil society groups, and individual Eritreans, the Bologna festival of 2014 was a success in that it brought the older and the younger generation together for the first time, it brought new forces, and transcended the division that had seemingly existed between the liberation era generation and the present generation. The festival was also a loud voice and a strong reminder that our country and our people cannot be set free by a single group alone, but by a combined strength and concerted effort of everyone. In essence, the message of the festival was that we must all be (those who advocate for freedom and democracy) the owners of our democratic struggle by rejecting the virtue of uniqueness of one group over another or the act of praising of one generation over another; we must work together and inspire democracy, and ensure the continuity of our country that we love and paid very dearly for it.
The Bologna festival was an eye opener on a number of national issues:
The Shift
By all reasonable measures, the Bologna festival 2014 has registered a shift in attitude, meaning the way we should understand one another; a shift in emphasis, meaning examining the approaches and views we have on the struggle. A shift in our politics, meaning understanding and learning the challenges and complexities of the Eritrean political map and how we address ourselves to the big task in front of us; a shift in the inter-generational communication/relationship, meaning sharing experiences and gaining a spur of positive changes and preparing our present generation to play its role in the establishment and defense of democracy, and continuity of our country, and above all a shift in the trajectory of our current struggle, meaning how we collectively should work towards formulating a comprehensive strategy to defeat the PFDJ dictatorship.
The New Reality
The Eritrean younger generation, without exaggeration, is more sophisticated than many of us think. This generation: values the uniqueness and culture of its older generation, understands building intergenerational bridge that ensures the continuity of the country and its people’s unity for generations to come. This generation, like its predecessors, finally stepped in and began to take ownership of its future not by rejecting its older generation, but by forging ties and sharing experiences, which will greatly benefit our people as well as inspire the struggle for democracy and freedom in our country that would serve our future generations.
Eritrean Women in the Festival
Unlike in the era of liberation for independence, in post independence of our country, Eritrean women’s participation and their role in the country has rapidly diminished under the regime of Issaias. What they achieved and died for during the liberation has been reversed and taken away. On the opposition side, the room for expanding the participation and representation of Eritrean women in the struggle has not been successful; in fact, there has been little effort and focus to date by the majority of Eritrean opposition forces to bring Eritrean women to the fore and make them part of the decision-making in the struggle against the PFDJ regime. The Bologna festival of 2014 has changed that and accommodated a large number of Eritrean women. This is a significant shift on the part of the opposition that amplifies the fundamental role of Eritrean women, as well as a long due recognition that Eritrean women represent half of Eritrea’s population, and that they must be visible in the fight against the evil regime in our country. The youth in particular and the opposition in general must continue to open the field for Eritrean women in a manner that the Eritrean women can assert their role for their political rights and civil rights, women’s rights, and equality in post PFDJ Eritrea.
The Declaration of the Festival
The Bologna festival has presented a wide range of central issues, covering the opposition strategies, the basis for forging unity among the Eritrean opposition forces/groups, the role of Eritrean women, and the unanimous endorsement of the May 2014 ‘Pretoria declaration and Bologna 2013”, and others. All the projects, the wealth of presentations/coverage of the state of affairs of our country that we have witnessed in the festival, as well as the incisive analysis and researches that resulted in a road map formulation are a groundbreaking shift in our struggle. In addition, the adoption of policies on how to follow up and implement the road map is another positive that indicates that this time we mean business. EPDP believes, now more than ever, the drive for change among Eritrean people is high. Hence, what we do next is very critical in that it could either further strengthen our struggle for democracy or not. Our option is to aim higher because as a country we are in much deeper crisis than most us recognize.
Conclusion
It is important to remember that no single gathering will change the suffering of our people, though gathering is crucial and a starting point. In addition, EPDP understands from 20 years of experience that resolutions/declarations hardly prevail by themselves. But we have begun somewhere. The Bologna festival has articulated ideas, strategies, and visions that we think will accomplish the job - to get rid of the brutality and repression in our country. The big question is, unlike in the past two decades, are we ready this time to follow suit and translate our visions and ideas into concrete actions. EPDP believes that we cannot afford to pay witness to our repeated losing any longer; it is of no use articulating the evils of the PFDJ, and losing the battle all together. Bologna gathering must address such a fundamental recurring failings by wielding the will, determination, and commitment to achieving what was agreed in the festival, the road map. EPDP is determined to play its part.
Constitution or No Constitution: Issais Afeworki is Gearing up to Become a Tyrant for Life
Wednesday, 10 September 2014 08:41 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
After twenty-three years of dictatorship and eighteen months into the operation of Forto, and in the midst of a wave of Eritrean worldwide grassroots movement that is sending shivers through the PFDJ dictatorial establishment, Issais Afeworki is looking for a new route to prolong his dictatorship in Eritrea. And he thinks he has found one, which is to draft a new constitution, “a constitution drafting process will be launched in order to chart out the political road map for the future government structure” (in his televised speech he gave on May 24).
Needless to say, for years the tyrant has been calling constitutional democracy or democratic governance an illusion and an invention of western countries that does not work not only in African societies in general and in Eritrean society in particular, but also in western countries that practice democracy. We have an expression in Tigryina, “one who does not have a chicken ridicules those who have a donkey.” (ደርሆ ዘይቡሉስ ንባዓል ኣድጊ ይንዕቕ).
We also know on several occasions Issais was asked by Al
.jezzira journalists and by many others as to the chance of having a multiparty system, democracy or free election in Eritrea, Issais emphatically said, “Free election will not happen in Eritrea for the next 30 years or 40 years. I have no plan to leave my position regardless what you say or you do. Remember I did not sign any contract with you or anyone. Any one hoping for multiparty system can go to the moon. Only daydreamers believe in alternatives to the ruling of the PFDJ. Only daydreamers can think about ‘constitution and constitutional governance in Eritrea…etc.” Unless conveniently forgotten, this is Issais’ worldview that revolves around an absolute power at the cost of brutalizing and repressing Eritrean citizens. And if one asked the majority of Eritrean citizens where the power lies, the answer would be all power lies in the hands of Issaias who exercises such a power ruthlessly through his army and state security machinery.
Now, after all these years, why is the tyrant proposing a new constitution? What is wrong with the 1997 constitution that Issaias himself monitored and gave his blessing for its ratification in March 1997, but later dishonored it and put it aside for two decades? Certainly, Issaias knew then and knows now, if the constitution (despite all the critics surrounding it) of 1997 had been implemented, among other things, it would have laid down a ground for a democratic system of governance in our country that would have allowed political parties/political pluralism, individual liberty, fair and free election, peaceful change of leadership, accountable government, citizens’ participation, rule of law…etc., a vital for peace and sustainable development for a country ravaged by a 30-year war of independence. But like all dictators, Issais hates rule by the people and that is why he and his elites took a barbaric action, and subverted the implementation of the ratified constitution back in 2001, exposing the country into a protracted socio-economic and political disaster. The fact is Issaias’ talk of new constitution is nothing, but another scandalous manipulation with the most fundamental document a country can own, a constitution.
In history, we know many dictators who banned constitutional system of governance, and some who drafted their own new constitution or created a version of any existing constitution to stay in power for life. For example, the late Hugo Chaves of Venezuela (2012), Paul Biya of Cameroon (2008), Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua (2011), Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (2005), as well as many other dictators who either got rid of limits on presidential terms or made severe restrictions and changes on their countries’ constitution in order to stay in power. Recently, Paul Kagame of Rwanda in power since 2000 is campaigning to change the term limit, a means to dig in power for life.
Issaias is unelected president who is ruling Eritrean people with iron-fist since independence after having either imprisoned, tortured, arbitrarily arrested or murdered thousands of Eritrean citizens because they demanded constitution and freedom. Ever since undeterred, Issais’ continued to violate human rights and commit civilian killings for over two decades. And his power of legitimacy has been rested for the last two decades on continued repression and brutality. But this is not enough for this menacing dictator. Now after having banned the ratified constitution of the 1997, he is poised to draft his own new constitution with one an unambiguous mission: and that is to crown himself as a dictator for life with the intention of using the new constitution as a legitimate instrument to stamp any and all emerging popular struggles. And he is doing this by shifting the debate from “implementing the already ratified constitution to drafting a new one”, again a sinister move aimed at deceiving Eritrean people into thinking that he is ready to pay homage to democratic principles while he continues to undo everything we have earned as we know it. This is an old trick of getting Eritrean people to support him under the guise of a new constitution. But Eritrean people know that Issaias is a dictator, and constitutionalism and dictatorship do not go together.
In summary, what kind of constitution is Mr. Issaias, who hates democracy or government of the people, talking about? Well, the kind of constitution that Issaias is talking about is one that would prepare new ground for extending his tyranny indefinitely, if he survives the fire power of the ongoing popular resistance; he is talking about prolonging his reign for life, that is if he sails through the ever simmering popular uprising across the Eritrean political landscape. EPDP knows that only very few Eritreans will be deceived by the so-called drafting constitution saga. The truth though, Issaias should by now know that the majority of Eritreans know that the call for “drafting new constitution” under the auspices of his PFDJ regime is nothing, but a continuation of terror and injustices of his rule in Eritrea. And if at all he ventures to write one, Eritrean people should know that he will use it as a facade to enable him to legitimize his vicious grip on power- all nothing to do with the will and true democratic aspirations of Eritrean people. No Eritrean, in a true sense of the world, believes Issaias can hold free and democratic elections because he knows the Eritrean people would reject him. Therefore, new constitution or no constitution, there should not be any confusion here: this is the PFDJ tyranny in black and white, a tyranny that knows no bounds. EPDP calls on all Eritreans to stand up and unconditionally reject Issaias’ call for new constitution, understanding that the reason for his call is to permanently subvert the ongoing opposition and prolong his despotism. Eritreans should take it seriously that this is the despot’s mockery of constitution at its extreme, which won’t stand as Eritrean people are saying enough and willing to fight for the rule of law, human rights, and political freedom. But it suffices to remember the old adage: “If you fool me once, shame on you; if you fool me twice, shame on me.” Finally,it is important to underscore that Issais may be on his last legs, but he is not defeated. He is determined to fight to the last; he is determined to fight for his own life. Yet, the paradox is that while the PFDJ is hanging on the cliff, the Eritrean opposition has yet to figure out on how to go about forming a coherent leadership and opposition against the PFDJ regime and its evil system of governance. EPDP says it is time that we must go beyond staging protests and narrating the crimes of the PFDJ regime.
