يرى القذى في عين غيره و يتغاضى عن الجذع في عينيه
Thursday, 02 April 2015 16:16 Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
اشتهر الفرع السويسري لبنك HSBC ثاني أكبر بنك في العالم من حيث حجم الودائع، اشتهر هذا الفرع بالنشاط في القطاع غير الحكومي وبعد أن تكشفت حقيقة تخصصه في استقبال ودائع المجرمين والفاسدين العالميين من رجال الأعمال والحكام الطغاة في حسابات سرية بدأ يهرول ويتخبط يمنةً ويسرة بحثاً عما يبيض وجهه ويزيل عنه سواد جريمته في غسيل وتبييض الأموال القذرة. بعض الأموال المودعة في هذا البنك تخص المدانين من الأمم المتحدة من مشاهير معتادي الإجرام الدولي المتورطين في قضايا الفساد وتجارة البشر والألماس.
عملاء هذا البنك من كبار حكام وقادة سابقين وحاكمين منهم علي سبيل المثال: مبارك رئيس مصر الأسبق، التونسي الأسبق بن علي، السوري بشار الأسد، ملك المغرب محمد السادس، ملك البحرين، أمراء الأسرة السعودية المالكة....الخ.
وإذا كان ما سبق جائزاً في حق الأغنياء من الملوك والرؤساء وكبار رجال العمل والإجرام المنظم، فإن الغريب الذي يصعب تصديقه أن نجد في هذا البنك ودائع قيمتها 695.2 مليون دولار تخص ارتريا أفقر بلاد العالم قاطبةً. إذاً كيف حصل فرد أو أفراد محدودون علي مبالغ بهذه الضخامة وشعب البلاد يحصل علي معاشه اليومي بالبطاقة التموينية ويعاني من الانقطاعات الطويلة والمتكررة للخدمات الأساسية في المدن والقرى، والشباب الذي أظلمت الحياة في عينيه يتدفق مهاجراً مما ألحق أشنع الأضرار بالإنتاج الزراعي والحيواني وحتى التعديني. لكن المؤكد أن تلك المبالغ المودعة بأسماء رجال السلطات الارترية لن تكون الأخيرة ولا الوحيدة، إلا أن ما تكشف حتى الآن من فضائح نظام اسمرا الدكتاتوري يكفي لإدانة تلك السلطات ويعريها تماماً أمام العدو والصديق.
لقد اتضح كذب وإفلاس الدعاية الجوفاء التي ظل يطلقها زبانية ومؤيدو نظام الهقدف عن خلو البلاد من الفساد وعن اعتماد ارتريا علي نفسها. إن قادة ارتريا الذين كان من المتوقع ألا يكرروا تجربة قادة ما بعد الاستقلال في افريقيا صاروا أنكى من سابقيهم فساداً ودكتاتوريةً وقمعاً.
إن تلك الودائع خاصة القيادات الارترية لا شك حصيلة مصادرهم المشبوهة والمتعسفة مثل ضريبة ال 2%، تجارة المعادن، التجارة عبر وسائل غير شرعية عن طريق شركات النظام مثل شركة (بادو تشعتي) الأخطبوطية، الاتجار بالبشر، دخل الأعمال والمشاريع المنتــَـجــة بالسـُّــخـْــرة. ولا أحد ممن له إلمام بالأوضاع في ارتريا يجهل أن دخل حكومة ارتريا دخل ريعي وليس إنتاجي يعتمد بصورة رئيسية ومباشرة علي مَـصـْـدَرَي تحويلات المغتربين وتجارة التهريب. أيضاً من الطبيعي أن تكون الحكومة التي تحتكر التجارة وسائر النشاط الاقتصادي والخدمي عرضة للفساد. ومع ذلك فإن النظام الذي يتعامى عن القضيب الذي يعترض عينه يشرئب ببصره الي الأقذاء في عيون الآخرين من البلدان والشعوب. ألا يجدر بفضائية ارتريا التي ترفع شعار (تحدث الحقيقة) أن تحدثنا عن هذه الحقيقة التي أصبحت اليوم حديث العالم؟ لكن هذا ليس بالغريب علي نظام إسياس الذي يحارب الصحافة وترتعد منها فرائصه لأنها تكشف حقيقته.
حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري في برنامجه السياسي المقر في مؤتمره الثاني أقر تحت بند إدارة واستخدام التعدين: (حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري يعتبر المعادن من أهم الثروات الطبيعية ذات الأثر الإيجابي العظيم علي تنمية البلاد، لذلك لابد من حماية هذه الثروة من الفساد في جميع مستوياتها بما يجعلها تقوم بوظيفتها الحقيقية في انتشال شعبنا من وهدة الفقر، يجب ألا تكون المعادن وجميع ثروات باطن الأرض مصدر شر وإفساد واقتتال بين الفرقاء كما حدث لقادة البلدان الافريقية، كذلك ظل قادة افريقيا يحتكرون معادن بلاهم طيلة بقائهم علي كراسي السلطة ثم يهربون عند انهيار مسرح السلطة علي رؤوسهم فيقضون بقية حياتهم يتقلبون في لذات ما هربوه من أموال تلك الثروات وأودعوه في بنوك الخارج).
نظام إسياس أفورقي وزبانيته أيضاً سوف يسلكون ذات السيناريو والمسلك اليوم في السلطة وغداً في الخارج، سوف ينفقون تلك الأموال في ملذاتهم وينفقون فائضها في تعكير صفو ارتريا وإرباك مسيرة الحياة بها.
لا تغيير أساسي يتحقق بانتهاك حقوق الانسان ولا بتجاوز مبدأ حكم القانون
Wednesday, 01 April 2015 22:04 Written by اعلام حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
في الوقت الراهن لا يوجد في الساحة السياسية الارترية اتفاق علي تحديد ماهية ما نسميه بالتغيير الأساسي، فالبعض يرى أن هذا التغيير لا يتم إحداثه إلا بالعنف. والبعض يعتقد أن التغيير يحدث عند القضاء علي النظام ومن يناصرونه من المواطنين بالتصفية الجسدية أفراداً وجماعات. بمعنى آخر يرى هؤلاء أن التغيير إنما يتم باستبدال أناس بعينهم بآخرين دون كبير اهتمام بالبديل الفكري المغاير لنهج النظام الدكتاتوري الحاكم، لكن هذا ليس بتغيير.
التغيير الأساسي يعني تغيير المنهج السياسي الاقتصادي الاجتماعي الدكتاتوري الحاكم بنظام سياسي، اقتصادي اجتماعي أفضل، بإيجاز يجب تغيير الدكتاتورية بإبدالها بالديمقراطية. لكن هذه عملية عميقة وبعيدة المدى لا تتم في ليلة أو شهر أو حتى عام. فالمسيرة تبدأ باجتثاث الحكومة الدكتاتورية القائمة ثم إبدالها بحكم انتقالي سلمي ثم بوضع نظام دستوري ديمقراطي يتيح للجميع حرية التنافس السلمي علي السلطة بين الفرقاء السياسيين، وهذه بالطبع عملية محفوفة بالعديد من المخاطر والتحديات، كما أن الوصول لنظام كهذا يتطلب الحوار والوفاق والإنصاف ...الخ، كذلك فإن الديمقراطية نظام يتعزز ويترسخ عبر الأجيال والأزمان وليس مناً وسلوى ينبت تحت أرجلنا فور رحيل النظام الدكتاتوري. كما أننا لا نتوقع أن ترقى الديمقراطية في بلداننا الافريقية الي مستوى الديمقراطيات الغربية التي نبتت ونمت وتعززت عبر مئات السنين واغتنت بالتجارب الثرة.
التغيير الأساسي لا يتحقق فور زوال النظام الدكتاتوري، فهناك أيضاً تجارب من حولنا استبدلت دكتاتوراً بدكتاتور، فالتغيير يجب في المقام الأول أن يغير الحياة المعيشية للمجتمع ويغير ويطور وعيه وتفكيره. علماً أن التعليم هو الذي يقود عملية التغيير الاجتماعي وليست الحرب، التغيير أيضاً لا يأتي استجابة لتمنيات وأحلام أفراد أو حتى جماعات ضئيلة العدد فاقدة القدرة. عملية التغيير لها قوانينها الداخلية، التغيير يحتم تغيير عقلية المجتمع تغييراً كلياً، أيضاً لا يتحقق التغيير إلا بالإيمان بدور الشعب الجذري في إحداثه، إن تحرير ارتريا من قبضة الاحتلال الأجنبي لم تتم بقوة وإرادة قلة من الأفراد أو المجموعات، بل هي عملية طويلة المدى تحققت بقوة واتفاق وتعاضد جميع قطاعات الشعب الارتري.
السلم والعنف بدورهما يرتبطان بعملية التغيير، فبدون السلام والاستقرار لن يكون هناك عمل ولا بناء ولا تقدم ولا ديمقراطية، كما لا ننسى أن الشعب دائماً ما يميل الي المسالمة. ذلك أن الحرب ترتبط دوماً في الأذهان بالفقد والموت والدمار والتشرد والجوع. فشعبنا اليوم وقد اكتوى بنار الحروب لا يحارب إلا دفاعاً عن نفسه أو بلاده، إنه ليس مستعداً لخوض الحروب لاسترداد حقوق الآخرين أو انتزاع أراضي غيره من الشعوب والبلدان. لذا يجب أن نعلم أن الحرب خيار الحكام الدكتاتوريين المجرمين المتعجرفين وليست خيار الشعوب المحبة للعدالة والسلام والانعتاق.
في الحرب غالباً ما يدفن الآباء أبناءهم وهم في رونق الصبا، أما في السلم فيغلب أن يدفن الأبناء الشباب أو الكهول آباءهم الشيوخ. بمعنى آخر بينما يرتفع معدل الوفيات في السلم في أوساط المسنين يرتفع معدلها في الحرب وسط الشباب والقادرين علي العطاء والقتال. إذاً فالحرب لا شك حاصدة الشباب وقوى الإنتاج والبناء. وبالطبع لا بناء ولا تعمير ولا تقدم بدون الشباب والتعليم وبلادنا خير شاهد علي ذلك. فكلما اشتعلت فيها الحرب أجبر الشباب علي إغلاق المدارس والكليات والمتاجر والمصانع وسيقوا قطعاناً الي جبهات وخنادق الحرب.
حكم القانون واحترام حقوق الانسان من أهم عوامل التغيير الأساسي، فإذا لم يتمتع الناس بحقوقهم وكرامتهم الانسانية لن ينشطوا في المساهمة في بناء بلادهم. كذلك فإن المجتمع الذي يسوده الكبت والعنف لن يحقق تغييراً أساسياً. المقهورون والمقموعون لن يشاركوا في شيء يتعلق ببلادهم بأريحية ونشاط.
العنف، الاضطهاد، انتهاك حقوق الانسان، الحرب، هذه أمور لا تتواءم والتغيير الإيجابي الأساسي، فمثلاً إنما تحقق في ليبيا من إسقاط نظام القذافي الدكتاتوري عبر انتفاضة شعبية تم اختطاف مكاسبه عبر التنظيمات القبلية والطائفية فتحولت البلاد الي ساحة لواحدة من أشرس الحروب الأهلية. والحال ذاته ينسحب بصورة أو بأخرى علي الحرب الداخلية في سوريا التي تحولت لساحة يتقاتل فيها أمراء الحرب الآتين من كل حدبٍ وصوب.
حرب أمريكا علي العراق وإن نجحت في إسقاط صدام حسين إلا أن البديل الذي خلفته صار حرباً أهلية متعددة الأطراف لا تبدو لها نهاية قريبة في الأفق. اليوم حتى الامريكان يعترفون بخطأ إقدام امريكا علي حل وبعثرة الجيش العراقي النظامي الذي أغرق حله العراق في أنهارٍ من الدماء العراقية البريئة.
أما انتفاضة تونس الشعبية التي أطاحت بنظام بن علي الدكتاتوري ثم أحلت مكانه نظاماً انتقالياً نقل البلاد الي مرحلة نظام ديمقراطي قوي ومستدام فيجب أن تكون المثال المحتذى والذي يجب حمايته من كل متغول عسكري أو مدني.
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ:-
ኣብ መስርሕ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልሲ፡ እቲ ቀዳማይ ተመራጺ ኩልኻ ዕዉታት ክትኮነሉ ዘኽእል ማእከላይ ፍታሕ ምርካብ እዩ። እዚ ኣብ ዘይተኻእለሉ ግና፡ ናብ ሓዴኻ ሰዓሪ ሓዴኻ ድማ ተሰዓሪ እትኾነሉ ናይ “ንሓዴና እያ” ቃልስን ህልኽን ክትኣቱ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ናብቲ ምዕቡል ኩልኻ ሰዓሪ እትኾነሉ ኩነታት ምብጻሕን ዘይምብጻሕን ብሓደ ኣካል ናይቶም ተወዳደርቲ ዝውሰን ዘይኮነስ ናይ ክሎም ቅሩብነት ዝሓትት እዩ። ክልቲኦም ወይ ሓዲኦም ንናይ ሓባር ተዓዋትነት ቅሩብ ኣብ ዘይኮነሉ ከምዚ ሎሚ ኣባና ኤርትራውያን ወሲኽካ ኣብ ብዙሕ ኩርነዓት ዓለም ዝረአ ዘሎ ናይ መን ሰዓረ ውድድር ኢኻ ትኣቱ።
ኣብ ኩነታት ኤርትራ እቲ ዘሎ ፍልልይ ብናይ ክልቴኻ ተዓወቲ እትኾነሉ ንክዛዘም ዝተገብረ ጻዕርታት ኩሉ ብሰንኪ “ብውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን” ዝሕመረቱ ስስዑን ነጻግን ባህርያት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክትግበር ኣይተኻእለን። ከም ውጽኢት ናይዚ ድማ እነሆ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ህልውና ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት’ኳ ክቕበል ቅሩብ ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ርኡይ ኤርትራዊ ተቓውሞ ንሓንሳብ ብጉልባብ ወያነ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ብኢድ ኣእታውነት ምዕራባውያን ከጐልብቦ ይጽዕር ኣሎ። እቲ ብዘይካ ከምኡ ምግባር ካልእ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ድማ፡ ነቲ ጉጅለ ኣወጊዱ ኣብ ቦታኡ ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ንምትካል ይቃለስ ኣሎ።
እቲ ኣዝዩ ዘተሓሳስብ ድማ እቲ ናይ ምንጽጻግን፡ ክልቴኻ ዕዉታት እትኾነሉ ኩነታት ዘይምፍጣርን ኣብቲ ኣብ መንጎ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ኤርትራዊ ተቓውሞን ዘሎ ምትፍናን ከይተደረተ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሕድሕድ ተዋሳእቲ ደንበ ተቓውሞ’ውን ዝተላብዐ ሕዱር ሕማም ምዃኑ እዩ። ኩልና ከም ዘይንስሕቶ፡ ሎሚ ህዝብና ካብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝጽበዮ ርህሩህ ልቢ ከም ዘየብሉ ኣረጋጊጹ እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ድማ ክጠፍኣሉ ጥራይ እዩ ዝቃለስ ዘሎ እምበር፡ ሓሳቡ ክቕይር ኣይጽበዮን እዩ። ካብ ህግደፍ ሕማቕ ዜና ክሰምዕ እንከሎ ድማ ዝተጸበዮ ስለ ዝኾነ ኣይሕደሶን እዩ። ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ብዝፍጠር ምኽንያቱ ብዘይርደኦ ፍልልያትን ተቐራሪብካ ዘይምስራሕን ዝሓድሮ ሻቕሎት ግና ኣዝዩ ዓሚቕ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ናይቲ ዝተጸበዮ መጻኢ ብሩህ ተስፋ ምልክት ይርኢ ስለ ዘየለ።
ኣብ መንጎ ክልተ ሓይልታት፡ ከምዚ ኣብ መንጎ ደንበ ተቓውሞናን ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ቃልሲ ክካየድ እንከሎ፡ ነቲ ቃልሲ ፍሉይ ቆላሕታ ሂቦም ውጽኢቱ ዝጽበዩ ኣካላት ንዓቕሚ ናይቶም ተተፋነንቲ ሓይልታት ከወዳድርዎ ዝተለምደ እዩ። ከም ውጽኢት ናይዚ ምውድዳር ድማ ”እዚ ካብቲ ይሕይል ወይ ይሓምቕ” ዝብል ሓሳብ ይሕዙ። ኣብ ቃልስና እቲ ቀንዲ ዋናን በዓል ዋኒንን ናይቲ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ስለ ዝኾነ ከምቲ ቀደም ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንውድባት ኤርትራ ዘወዳድሮም ዝነበረ፡ ሎሚ እውን ንደንበ ተቓውሞን ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ከወዳድር ናይ ግድን እዩ። ኣብቲ ውድድር ዝተፈላለዩ ኣወዳደርቲ ኣካላት ነናቶም መወዳደሪ መዕቀንታት ኣለዎም። ከከም እምነቶም፡ ንኣጽዋር፡ ብዝሒ ሰዓቢ ወይ ሰራዊት፡ ናይ ግዳም ሓይሊ ደገፍን ገንዘባዊ ዓቕሚን ከም ናይ ብቕዓት መምዘኒ ክወስድዎም ይርኣዩ። እቲ ዝያዳ ቆላሕታ ክወሃቦ ዝግባእን ግና ግቡእ ክብደት ክወሃቦ ዘይንርእዮን፡ ሓደ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይሊ ዝምረሓሉ ፖሊሲ ወይ ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ። ናይ ሓደ ሓይሊ ብቕዓት ኣብ ምምዛን እዞም ዝተዘርዘሩ ካለኦት መስፈርታት፡ ቦታ የብሎምን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ኣገዳስነቶም ከከም መድረኹ ከም ዝፈላለ ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግባእን። ንኣብነት ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንብዝሕን ዓይነትን ተዋጋኢ ሓይልን ኣጽዋርን በሪኽ ቦታ ክወሃቦም ባህርያዊ ነይሩ። ከምዚ ሎሚ ኣተሓሳስባ ቅድሚት ይሰራዕ ንብሎ ዘለና። ንሓደ መዕቀኒ በሪኽ ቦታ ክወሃቦ እንከሎ እቶም ዝተረፉ እውን ብደረጀኦም ክዝንግዑ ኣይግበኦምን ኢልና ኣለና። ንኣብነት ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልስና ንኣጽዋርን ዓቕሚ ውግእን ቀዳማይ ደረጃ ክወሃቦ እንከሎ፡ ነቲ “ድሕሪ ዓውት ኣብነጻ ኤርትራኸ ነየናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ኢና ከነሰስን?” ዝብል ቆላሕታ ክንፈጎ ኣይመነበሮን። ብሰንኪ ሽዑ ኣርሒቕካ ዘይምርኣይ ኢና እምበኣር ሎሚ ዋጋ ንኸፍል ዘለና።
ኣብዚ ሎሚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ እምበኣር እቲ ቅድሚት ክስራዕ ዝግበኦ ጉዳይ ምጥራይ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ’ኳ ርእይዎን መዚንዎን እዩ። ድሕሪ ሕጂ ካብኡ ዝጽበዮ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ የብሉን። ንኣካላት ደንበ ተቓውሞ እውን ብመንጽር ኣተሓሳስባኦም እዩ ክመዝኖም ዝግበኦ። እቲ ካልእ መምዘንታት እውን ኣይረሳዕ፡ እንተኾነ ካልኣዊ እዩ። በቲ ካልእ ወገን ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ እውን ንዓቕሙ ብመንጽር ዝሓዞ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ለውጢ እዩ ክመዝኖ ዝግበኦ። ኣብ መንጎ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞን ኣብ መንጎ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ዘሎ ፍልልይ፡ ሓደ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ እቲ ሓደ ድማ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብምህላዉ ኣይኮነን ክምዘን ዝግበኦ። ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲኡ ወገናት ዘሎ ናይ ፍልልይ ርሕቀትዩ ብመንጽር ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ ክርኣይ ዝግበኦ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ውድቀት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝጽበዮ ሓድሽ ገጽ ዘይኮነስ ሓድሽን ምዕቡልን ኣተሓሳስባ ምዃኑ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን።
ንሕና ውድባት በቲ ሓደ ወገን ምስ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ድማ ኣብ ነንሕድሕድና ኣብ ቃልስን ውድድርን ኢና ንነብር ዘለና። ቃልስን ውድድርን ፈላሊኻ ክረኣዩ ስለ ዘይክእሉ። ዝኾነ ኮይኑ ኣብ ውድድር ካብ ሃለና “እዚ እዩ ሓያል ናይ ውድድር ጐድነይ” እንብሎ ክህልወና ናይ ግድን እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ክንየተሉ ዝግበኣና ዓቕሚ፡ ብረት፡ ገንዘብ፡ ናይ ግዳም ደግፍን ዕርክነትን ዘይኮነ፡ ዘጥረናዮ ጽባሕ ኣብ ኤርትራ ተዘሪኡ ሰናይ ዘፍሪ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ እዩ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ። ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣብ ውሽጥኻ ብዝካየድ ረቂቕ ናይ ለውጢ ቃልሲ ዝምዝገብ እምበር ብሓገዝ ዝትኮብ ኣይኮነን። ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ስዒርናዮ እንብል ብኣካል ከነወግዶ እንከለና ኣይኮነን። እቲ ሓቀኛ ዓወትና ነቲ ሕጂ ናይ’ቲ ጉጅለ ኩሉ እኩይ ተግባራቱ መንጠሪ ኮይኑ ዘሎ ጸረ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኣተሓሳስባ ዳሕራይ ከም ዘይምለስ ከነብርሶ ክንክእል እንከለና እዩ። እዚ እንተዘይጌርና ግና፡ እቲ ጉጅለ እንተወደቐ’ውን፡ እቲ እከይ ኣተሓሳስባኡ፡ ብሓደስቲ ኣሳሰይቲ ዳግማይ ናይ ምጥጣዕ ዕድሉ ዕጽው ኣይክኸውንን እዩ። እዚ ድማ ብናይ ጉልበት ዘይኮነስ፡ ብናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ቅልጽም’ዩ ዝረጋገጽ። “ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ዓቕሚ” ምምዕባል ሰፊሕን ኣብ መስርሕ ዝረጋገጽን ኮይኑ፡ ንኹሎም እዞም ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞና ዘሳቕዩና ዘለዉ ድኽመታት ዝዓጽፍ እዩ።
ስለ'ዚ፡ ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባናን ፖለቲካዊ ንቕሓትናን ለውጢ ከንገብር እንተደኣ ዘይክኢልና፡ ኣብ ጸቢብን ኣዕናውን ናይ ሕድሕድ ቃልስታት ዕንክሊል ክንብል ክንግደድ ኢና። እዚ ድማ፡ንዕምሪ ናይ'ቲ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ዘናውሕ ዕድል ክፈጥር ኢዩ።
31 መጋቢት 2015
ንሰብኣዊ መሰላት ብምግሃስ፡ ንግዝኣተ-ሕጊ ብምጥሓስ ዝረጋገጽ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ የለን
Friday, 27 March 2015 06:21 Written by ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ
ኣብ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሜዳ፡ ኣብ'ዚ እዋን'ዚ፡ ብዛዕባ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ዝብል ኣምር ሓደ ዝዀነ ኣረዳድኣ የለን። ገሊኡ ንመሰረታዊ ለውጢ፡ ብውግእ ወይ ብዓመጻዊ ኣገባብ ጥራሕ ዝመጽእ ለውጢ ገይሩ ይርድኦ። ገሊኡ ድማ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ስልጣን ዘሎ ጕጅለን ደገፍቱን ከም ሰባት ብምድምሳስን ብምቕንጻልን ዝረጋገጽ ለውጢ ገይሩ ክገልጾ ይፍትን። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ፡ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ማለት፡ ነቶም ኣብ ስልጣን ዘለዉ ኣልጊስካ ብኻልኦት ሰባት ምትካእ ገይሮም ይርድእዎ። እዚ ግን፡ እቲ ቅኑዕ ኣገላልጻ ናይ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ኣይኰነን።
መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ማለት ነቲ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቍጠባውን ማሕበራውን ስርዓት ብኻልእን ዝማዕበለን ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቍጠባውን ማሕበራውን ስርዓት ምትካእ ኢዩ። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ፡ ኣብ ህልዊ ኵነታት ኤርትራ፡ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ብዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ምትካእ ማለት ኢዩ። እዚ ከኣ መስርሕ እምበር፡ ብሓደ ለይቲ፡ ወይ ብሓደ መዓልቲ ወይ ብሓደ ዓመት ዝረጋገጽ ኣይኰነን። ካብ ምልኪ ናብ ዲሞክራሲ ምስግጋር ማለት፡ ብምእላይ ምልካዊ መንግስቲ ጀሚሩ፡ ብርግኣት ዝሰፈኖ መሰጋገሪ መድረኽ ኣቢሉ፡ ናብ ቅዋማውን ዲሞክራስያውን ስርዓት ምብጻሕ ኢዩ። እዚ መስርሕ'ዚ ብዙሕ ብድሆታት ዘለዎ ምዃኑ ዘካትዕ ኣይመስለናን። ናብ'ዚ ዕላማ'ዚ ንምብጻሕ ድማ፡ ስኒት፡ ዕርቂ፡ ፍትሒ ....ወዘተ ምንጋስ የድሊ። ዲሞክራሲ፡ ብናይ ወለዶታት ቀጻሊ ቃልስታት እናዓመቘን እናዓዀዀን ዝኸይድ እምበር፡ ከም ቃንጥሻ ጽባሕ ውድቀት መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ በቝሉ ዝሓድር ማና ኣይኰነን። ኣብ ኣፍሪቃ ዝህነጽ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ብሓጺር ግዜ፡ ማዕረ'ቲ ኣማእት ዓመታት ዝወሰደ ህንጻ ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ሃገራት ምዕራብ ክኸውን ክንጽበዮ ውን ኣይንኽእልን ኢና።
መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ብምልጋስ ናይ'ቲ ምልካዊ መንግስቲ ጥራሕ ዝረጋገጽ ኣይኰነን። ንምልኪ ኣልጊስካ፡ ብምልኪ ምትካእ ውን ኣሎ ኢዩ። እቲ ለውጢ መሰረታዊ ክኸውን፡ ናይ ህዝቢ ወይ ሕብረተሰብ መነባብሮ፡ ንቕሓትን ኣተሓሳስባን ውን ክቕየር ክኽእል ኣለዎ። ሕብረተሰብ ንምቕያር ዘገልግል ቀንዲ መሳርሒ ድማ፡ ውግእ ዘይኰነስ ትምህርቲ ኢዩ። ገለ ውልቀሰባት ወይ እኩባት ሰባት ለውጢ ስለዝደለዩ፡ ለውጢ ይመጽእ ማለት ኣይኰነን። ለውጢ ብባህግን ምንዮትን ጥራሕ ክረጋገጽ ኣይክእልን ኢዩ። ናይ ለውጢ መስርሕ ብሕግታት ኢዩ ዝግዛእ። ለውጢ ክረጋገጽ እምበኣር፡ ሕብረተሰብ ብምሉእ ክቕየር ወይ ክልወጥ ኣለዎ። ህዝቢ ምንጪ ናይ ስልጣን፡ ምንጪ ናይ ለውጢ ምዃኑ ብልቢ ኣሚንካ ኣብ ውሽጢ ህዝቢ ብምስራሕ ከኣ'ዩ ለውጢ ዝረጋገጽ። ናጽነት ናይ ኤርትራ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብመላኡ ስለዝኣመነሉን ስለዝተቓለሰሉን ኢዩ ተረጋጊጹ እምበር፡ ብውሑዳት ሰባት ዝተመጠወሉ ህያብ ኣይኰነን።
ሕቶ ሰላምን ውግእን ውን ምስ መስርሕ ለውጢ ብቐጥታ ዝተኣሳሰር ምዃኑ ምግንዛብ የድሊ። ሰላም እንተደኣ ዘይሃልዩ ስራሕ፡ ህንጻ፡ ምዕባለ ይኹን ዲሞክራሲ ዝብሃል ክህሉ ኣይክእልን ኢዩ። ህዝቢ፡ ኵሉ ግዜ ምስ ሰላም ምዃኑ ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን። ምኽንያቱ ድማ፡ ውግእ ማለት፡ ዕንወት፡ ብርሰት፡ ሞት፡ ስንክልና፡ ስደት፡ ጥሜት ....ወዘተ ማለት ስለዝዀነ። ህዝቢ ኣመና መሪርዎ ንነብሱ ንምክልኻል እንተዘይኰይኑ፡ ንመሰል ናይ ካልኦት ንኽረግጽ ወይ መሬት ናይ ካልኦት ክምንዝዕ ኢሉ ንውግእ ኣይመርጾን ኢዩ። ስለ'ዚ፡ ብውግእ ዝረብሑን ውግእን ወረ ውግእን ዝፈጥሩን ገበነኛታት መራሕቲ ጥራሕ ደኣ'ምበር፡ ኣህዛብ ከምዘይኰኑ ክስመረሉ ይግባእ።
ኣብ ግዜ ውግእ፡ ወለዲ ኢዮም ንዕሸላት ደቆም ዝቐብሩ፤ ኣብ ግዜ ሰላም ግን፡ እቶም ንኣሽቱ ደቆም ኢዮም ንወለዶም ዝቐብሩ። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ፡ ኣብ ግዜ ሰላም፡ እቲ መብዛሕቱ ዝመወት እቲ ብዕድመ ዝደፍአ ሰብ ክኸውን ከሎ፤ ኣብ ግዜ ውግእ ግን፡ እቲ ክጐይን ክዋጋእን ዝኽእል መንእሰይ ኢዩ ዝመውት። ስለ'ዚ ውግእ፡ ንመንእሰያት ዘብርስ ተርእዮ ምዃኑ ዘካትዕ ኣይኰነን። ብዘይ መንእሰይን ብዘይ ትምህርትን፡ ክምዕብል ኰነ ክብልጽግ ዝኽእል ሃገር ከምዘየለ ድማ፡ ኵላትና እንቕበሎ ኵነታት ሃገርና ዝምስክሮ ሓቂ ኢዩ።
ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ምኽባር ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ውን ኣገዳስቲ ቅድመ-ኵነት ንመሰረታዊ ለውጢ ኢዮም። ሰባት መሰሎምን ክብሮምን እንተደኣ ዘይተኸቢሩ፡ ኣብ ልምዓትን ምዕባለን ሃገር ኣወንታዊ ግደ ክህልዎም ኣይክእሉን ኢዮም። ዓመጽን ዓፈናን ኣብ ዝነገሶ ሕብረተሰብ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ንምርግጋጽ ዝከኣል ኣይኰነን። ዝተዓፈነን ዝተዓመጸን ሰብ ይኹን ህዝቢ ኵሉ ዓቕምታቱ ንምዕባለን ለውጥን ክጸምዶ ፈጺሙ ዘይሕሰብ ኢዩ።
ዓመጽ፡ ጭቆና፡ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት፡ ውግእ ምስ መሰረታውን ኣወንታውን ለውጢ ዘይጠዓዓሙ ኣምራት ኢዮም። ንኣብነት፡ ብህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ዝተረጋገጸ ውድቀት ናይ ምልካዊ መራሒ ሊብያ፡ ፕረሲደንት ጋዳፊ፡ ብናይ ቀቢላን ሃይማኖትን ውድባት ስለዝተጨውዩ፡ ህዝቢ ግዳይ ናይ ምሕረት ዘይብሉ ውግእ ሕድሕድ ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ኣብ ሱርያ እውን፡ ብሰላማዊ ሰልፍታት ዝጀመረ ናይ ለውጢ ጠለብ፡ ብናይ ውግእ ጐይቶት ተጨውዩ፡ ናብ ዘሕዝን ደም ምፍሳስ ከምርሕ ተራእዩ ኢዩ።
ብኻልእ ሸነኽ ከኣ፡ ኣመሪካ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዒራቕ ብዝኸፈተቶ ውግእ፡ ምልካዊ መንግስቲ ሳዳም ሑሴን ክወድቕ'ኳ እንተኸኣለ፡ ህዝቢ ዒራቕ ግን፡ ግዳይ ሃይማኖታውን ቀቢላውን ግርጭታትን ግዳይ ሕንፍሽፍሽን ውግእ ሕድሕድን ኢዩ ኰይኑ። ኣመሪካ ንሰራዊት ናይ ሳዳም ሑሴን ፋሕ ምባላ፡ ሓደ ካብ'ቲ ጠንቂ ናይ ዘይምርግጋእ ናይ'ታ ሃገር ምዃኑ ሎሚ ዋላ ኣመሪካውያን ውን ክዛረብሉ ይስምዑ ኢዮም።
ኣብ ቱኒዝያ ግን፡ እቲ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ንስርዓት ናይ ቢን ዓሊ ዓልዩ፡ ብሰላማዊ ናይ ምስግጋር መድረኽ ኣቢሉ፡ ናብ ብዙሓት ሰልፍታት ዝዋስእሉ ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ተሰጋጊሩ ኣሎ። ቱኒዝያውያን፡ ነዚ መኽሰብ'ዚ ንምሕላው ኣበርቲዖም ይሰርሑ ኣለዉ።
ኣብ ሰሜን ኣፍሪቃን ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ኣብ'ዚ እዋን'ዚ ዝተኸስቱ ኣወንታዊ ይኹን ኣሉታዊ ተራእዮታት ትምህርቲ ክቕሰመሎም ዝኽእሉ ተመኵሮታት ኢዮም።
Fixation With Election or Fixation With Dictatorship
Thursday, 26 March 2015 08:27 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
Mr. Yemane Gebreab continues to be the face of lies, betrayal, tyranny and destruction in Eritrea. But history has it all, Mr. Yemane and his boss will soon be relegated to the dustbin of history by the power of Eritrean people. And Mr. Yemane knows it.
When Yalda Hakim of BBC asked Mr. Yemane Gebreab, Head of Political Affairs of the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), on 12 March 2015, as to when elections will be held in Eritrea, he said, "When the time comes we will do it, but this fixation with elections is wrong and I think it's creating problems for Africa.” Mr. Yemane just read that straight from the script of dictators. Mr. Yemane even invoked the presence of peace and development in Eritrea while Yemane and his boss barricaded the country for the past twenty four years and denied any semblance of freedom and rights to the Eritrean people.
The point is fixation on elections is what Eritrean people are struggling to achieve. It is election that brings the power of citizens into being; it is democratic election that brings development, peace, innovation, hope, and happiness to any society. It is democratic election that secures the rule of law and justice. In case Mr. Yemane missed it, fixation on election is a number one agenda of Eritrean people – it means election ensures the sovereign power of the Eritrean citizens to hire and fire their leaders. But portraying ‘fixation with elections’ as a negative phenomenon for a society was what Mr. Yemane attempted to do, meaning democratic elections are antithetical to freedom and peace or dangerous to Eritrea’s unity. Mr. Yemane, there is no benevolent dictatorship if that is what you are trying to tell Eritrean people.
What is dangerous to Eritrea and its people is fixation with dictatorship, and not fixation with elections. It is the fixation on dictatorship that brought Mr. Yemane and his boss to brute power, which subsequently exposed the country and its people to unprecedented crisis and destruction, mass starvation, and mass exodus of its youth to the extent of weakening the socio-cultural fabric of Eritrean society. Eritrea would not have looked like it is now if it had held elections following its ratification of the constitution.
The irony is Mr. Yemane also portrayed election as a problem to Africa when he said, “… fixation with elections is wrong and I think it's creating problems for Africa,” the very area that Mr. Yemane and his boss has failed or refused to address in the past 24 years of their rule in Eritrea. Mr. Yemane invoked the comparison to distort the reality of Eritrea or to justify the unjustifiable, and that is to avoid the fundamental question related to the suspension of elections and constitutional governance in Eritrea. But comparing Eritrea with other countries and directing accusations at outsiders have been the single best campaign of distortion for PFDJ while the very destructive force that is robbing and stifling the destiny of Eritrea is none other than Isaias and his gang of political and military allies. Again, Mr. Yemane’s portrayal of negative light about other African countries has one message: and that is there are countries that have bigger problem than Eritrea; hence we are doing fine – a distorted and baseless comparison to disguise the brutality and violent nature of the regime of Isaias in Eritrea. This is what social psychologists call “downward comparison” – entities experiencing negative affects try to enhance their status through comparison with less fortunate others. Short of finding any inferior government or society to downward compare to, the regime engages in active derogation or defamation of other governments and societies to achieve downward comparison. This kind of downward comparison is aimed at making the Eritrean people’s perception of regime look good by creating a lower reference point to evaluate its activities.
Another question that Yalda Hakim asked Mr. Yemane was about the human rights abuses in Eritrea and the lack of freedom of expression and freedom of speech. Putting aside his gibberish and misleading comments, this is what Mr. Yemane said, “This is a country committed to human rights; we are against torture; our human rights record is a fairly good one; we do not have secret prisons.” This is not the first time Mr. Yemane and his PFDJ riffraff made a mockery of human rights and democracy in Eritrea. We know the gross human rights abuses in Eritrea has drastically affected the ability of the country to democratize and to function as a nation; it deprived Eritrea’s younger population to live in peace and prosperity, and to ensure the sustainability and continuity of the country to future generations; we know Eritrea has become a nest of poverty and terror because of the brutality perpetuated by the repressive regime of Isaias for the past two decades. This picture is not fabricated; it is real in Eritrea, Mr. Yemane.
The human disasters of Eritrea happening in the Lampadusa, in the Sinai desert, in the high seas…etc do not occur in a country that is “committed to human rights.” The faces of those Eritreans vanishing in no man’s land are not stereotypes or images portrayed to vilify Eritrea; they are true reflection of the real massive human rights violation and lack of freedom in Eritrea. Arresting hundreds of thousands of Eritrean citizens and not guaranteeing the right to defend themselves in the court of law does not happen in a country that is “committed to human rights.” This only happens in countries that condone human rights violations, as well as in countries that fail to adhere to democratic governance, and Eritrea is one of them. And the point here is that Eritrean people should understand that they are riding at the back of a dying nation under the PFDJ regime and should take a united and systematic step to reverse it now and put Eritrea in order.
We also remember the 37 Eritreans who were asked to be interviewed by the BBC producers who sneaked out to the street of Asmara without the government minders. All declined to be interviewed saying that “they are scared because the government might be watching them.” This is the typical life in Eritrea, a PFDJ’s control and political siege over the entire population, which is unbearable and forcing Eritrean youth to flee their country in droves. Eritrean people, particularly the younger ones cannot live life under the PFDJ tyranny and terror. This iron siege accompanied by prison, torture, and incessant muzzling of free speech and dissent is what Mr. Yemane misrepresented, denied, and lied to Yalda Hakim, ‘lying through one’s teeth’ as the saying goes. Elites who are fixated with dictatorship are good at it.
In all, Mr. Yemane, the right-hand man of Issais, has been and continues to lead and guide the politics of national destruction by lying and deceiving to the public. Eritrea rose in the first few years of its independence, but rapidly drifted into decadence as a result of the dictatorship of which Mr. Yemane is part of that making, which betrayed the promise and dream of freedom and democracy that Eritrean people had struggled for over half a century. Whether in the Diaspora, at home or in the international arena, Mr. Yemane continues to be the face of lies, betrayal, tyranny and destruction in Eritrea. But history has it all, Mr. Yemane and his boss will soon be relegated to the dustbin of history by the power of Eritrean people. And Mr. Yemane knows it.
Issaias and the Dictators’ Play Book: Stealing People’s Money
Tuesday, 17 March 2015 11:14 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
--- the message is Issaias is not only a brute dictator who continues to torture, kill, and violate Eritrean people’s fundamental human rights and freedoms, but also he is a kleptocratic leader who is involved in stealing millions of dollars from the treasury of the country, which is shrinking the country’s economy in real terms and deteriorating the life standard of Eritreans to the extreme. The portrayal of Issaias that he lives a normal life is simply the talk of his spin doctors who have a high stake in the continuation of the kleptocratic system in Eritrea.
About five weeks ago, the Swiss Leaks Project in collaboration with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalism (ICIJ) made public over 100,000 secret bank accounts of HSBC in its Swiss branches. The leaks include clients’ detailed information such as accounts held by an individual and by a group and the country of origin. In the leaks, Eritrea is ranked 53rd out of 200 countries with a total asset of US$699.6 million stashed in these offshore bank accounts. Of this amount, US$695.2 million is kept under one person’s (entity’s) account. Without going into detail, what is clear is that one of the common and defining characteristics of dictators is “looting people’s money” and stashing it in offshore secret bank accounts in countries such as Switzerland and other countries. Switzerland is the headquarter of a global infrastructure of international financial secrecy, which facilitates the flight of trillions of dollars in illicitly generated money out of Africa and the rest of the developing countries.
Volumes of account records show that there has never been a single dictator from Africa, Latin America, and Asia who had not had their public loots put in the Swiss banks over the last many decades. The list of dictators who stole money and wealth from their citizens and stashed it in the secretive bank accounts of HSBC is long. To name a few: Mobutu of Zaire; Sani Abacha of Nigeria; Lansana Conte of Guinea; Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo; Arap Moi of Kenya; Omar Bango of Gabon; Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea; Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso; Denis Sassou Nguesso of Congo; Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola; Sadam Hussien of Iraq; Fredinand Marcos of Philippines; Bashar al-Assad of Syria; Baby Doc Duvalier of Haiti; Hosni Mubarak of Egypt; Yoweri Museveni of Uganda; Augusto Pinochet of Chile; Gaddafi of Libya; Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria; Moussa Traore of Mali; Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen; etc. The outrage is that none of these dictators faced justice in their respective countries. For example, Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen during his reign of three decades, and until he was deposed through a popular revolt, he stole billions of dollars for his country. A recent UN report revealed the following:
Ali Abdullah Saleh, the former president of Yemen, allegedly siphoned billions of dollars into his own coffers while in power. An expert panel presented the UN Security Council with a report this week outlining the alleged corruption practices of former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. The main finding of the report highlighted the fortune - estimated to be between $32 and $60 billion (28 billion-53 billion euros) - which the former strongman amassed during his 33 years in power. (http://www.dw.de/ex-yemen-president-saleh-amassed-up-to-60-billion-un-reports/a-18282279)
Now, despite the public’s portrayal of Issaias that he lives a normal life in Eritrea, beneath the surface, however, he is like the rest of dictators or worse who embezzles, launders, and steals public money. And the recent leaks add Issaias as one of the worst looters to the long list of dictators who suck monies from the public and hide them in offshore bank accounts, mostly under fictitious names. In fact, this latest news confirms what many Eritreans had already known for some time that Issaias and his front men/women were stealing vast wealth of Eritrean people and hiding it in the Swiss bank in a manner of a kleptocratic action.
But the looting needs to be put in the context of a lack of democracy and gross human rights violations in Eritrea:
One, what is important to point out here is that the squandering of Eritrean wealth and siphoning it out to offshore secretive bank accounts is happening in the background of the heavy foreign debt Eritrea is incurring every day and at a time when Eritrean people are being wallowed in deep poverty, misery, malnutrition, disease, and economic meltdown. Money that should have been invested in activities that could have ameliorated these problems is sitting in secret Swiss bank accounts. Yet and true to the nature of Issaias, his regime continues to prey on Eritrean people not only for the day but also for its future (by stealing and stashing money in secret offshore bank accounts) by denying its citizens the chance to escaping poverty and misery.
Two, this grand theft news also came out at a time not only when the dictatorial regime is intensifying its ‘atomize, impoverish, and rule’ policy but also at a time when the basic necessities of life in Eritrea are dependent upon regime’s infamous policy of “rationing economy.” Basic necessities of life are rationed on a strict quota system and chronic shortage of essential goods and services is the norm.
Three, the regime and his corrupt officials are hiding over US$600 million while there is a widespread poverty and large-scale of unemployment and underemployment (paid work is hard to find), which in turn is keeping the average Eritrean totally occupied with a constant anxiety of daily survival instead of focusing on the fight against the regime.
Four, with the galloping inflation and shrinking labor market and the lack of national income, household disposable income has been declining precipitously in real terms in Eritrea. With very low and stagnant salaries, and with lack of income opportunities rampant, most Eritrean families are kept on the edge totally consumed by the constant thoughts and anxieties of daily survival. The absence of “social safety nets” makes the conditions of Eritrean households in general and the destitute or the chronically poor in particular precarious. The reality is that the State of Eritrea is weak, decayed, and venal that lacks rule of law and one that is experiencing a decline in the basic functions of a normal state such as possessing authority and legitimacy, making laws, preserving order, and providing basic economic and social services to its citizens.
Five, looting public money is a threat and that is the State of Eritrea under the dictatorial regime of Issaias is becoming increasingly incapable of providing minimal functions such as defense, law and order, property rights, public health (potable water and sewage disposal), macroeconomic stability, and protection of the destitute, in addition to the failure of having intermediate public functions such as transport and communications, adequate schools, hospitals, roads, harbors, rail infrastructure, sanitation facilities, electricity, irrigation facilities, pollution control, pension, family allowances, and health, life, and unemployment insurance. Such a vicious cycle of declining legitimacy, fiscal mismanagement, and the ever growing erosion of legitimacy as a result of decline in public services and denial of fundamental rights and freedoms are contributing to the country’s economic incapability and political instability.
Six, the looting of millions of public money is a reflection how deep the State of Eritrea is privatized and appropriated by the political elite, how it lacks economic institutions and good governance, and how it encourages capriciousness and predatory behavior. Simply put, the disclosure of the looting shades some light on how far the regime of Issaias has gone to become a kleptocratic regime with no concern to the institutional foundation of the economy and the State of Eritrea. What we have in Eritrea is “a political institutional failure” and a wanton disregard for the rule of law and individual liberties.
The Eritrean predatory state is also patrimonial that controls all spheres in Eritrean society by establishing a personalized relationship between a patron (the regime) and clients of the regime, commanding unequal wealth, status, or influence, based on conditional loyalties that involve mutual benefits. Such form of administration also lacks the bureaucratic separation of the private and the official sphere because both political administration and political power are treated as purely the personal affairs of Issaias.
The looting of Eritrea’s wealth is also occurring because the country is suffering from lack of professional bureaucrats and civil servants (what we have is military generals and officers), as well as from the lack of both meritocracy and rule-governed behavior throughout the state apparatus, which is put in place by design to make corruption and embezzlement of the public wealth much easier. In truth, the state operates according to the whims of Issaias who functions in patrimonial tradition of an absolute ruler with a clustered presidential clique and untrained bureaucrats who control the state apparatus and siphon public money out to foreign accounts. Issaias uses state power to reward rent-seeking behavior and his regime gains from extensive unproductive activities characterized by sophisticated smuggling networks. These smuggling networks that operate under Issais and his band of corrupted cohorts are not limited to smuggling in and out of Eritrea’s wealth, but also smuggling out people (young and old, men and women) from Eritrea to neighboring countries by being the main actors in the international human trafficking networks. The money exhorted from the victims of this unholy and criminal activity fills the coffers of the Eritrean regime. The regime also collects a large of amount money from dubious mineral extraction activities (both royalties and concession fees) and in the absence of transparency, accountability and external audit all these monies get siphoned out to offshore bank accounts in Switzerland and other havens.
In all, the message is issaias is not only a brute dictator who continues to torture, kill, and violate Eritrean people’s fundamental human rights and freedoms, but also he is a kleptocratic leader who is involved in stealing millions of dollars from the treasury of the country, which is shrinking the country’s economy in real terms and deteriorating the life standard of Eritreans to the extreme. The portrayal of Issaias that he lives a normal life is simply the talk of his spin doctors who have a high stake in the continuation of the kleptocratic system in Eritrea. They do this by hiding everything from the public scrutiny.
The other message is that the disorganization of the Eritrean opposition and its civil society is becoming the sine qua non political survival for Issaias’ regime. If there is a lesson to learn from this grand theft is simply to ask ourselves: Are we doing enough to get rid of the regime before it becomes too late and the State of Eritrean decays irreversibly?
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰደህኤ
መራሕቲ ካቶሊካዊት ቤተ ክርስትያን ኤርትራ ብ25 ጉንበት 2014 ካብ መጽሓፍ ቅዱስ ኦሪት ዘፍጥረት 4፡9 ተመርኲሶም “ሓውኻ ኣበይ ኣሎ?” ኣሎ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ሂቦም፡ መንፈሳውን ስጋውን ስምዒታት ህዝብና ኣገናዚቦም፡ ዝምድና ፖለቲካን ሃይማኖትን ኣብ ግምት ኣእትዮም ዘቕረብዎ መሳጢ መጽናዕታዊ ናይ ጸዋዒት ጽሑፍ ናይ ብዙሓት ቀልቢ ስሒቡ ከም ዝነበረ ንዝክሮ ኢና። ብዙሓት ነቲ ኩለመዳያዊ ጽሑፍ ዘንበቡ ወገናት ብዛዕባ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ድምጾም ክስማዕ ይግበኦ ዝበልዎም ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም እዮም። “ምሁራትናኸ ኣበይ ኣለዉ?” ዝበሉ ነይሮም። ሕቶኦም ናብ ኤርትራውያን መናእሰያትን ወተሃደራትን ዘቕረቡ እውን ነይሮም። ከም ናይዚ ሕቶታት’ዚ መልሲ “ኣብዚ ኣለኹ ወይ ከምዚ እገብር ኣለኹ” ዝብል ሓቀኛ ተስፋ ዘሕድር መልሲ ዝሃበ ግና ክሳብ ሕጂ ዳርጋ የለን።
“ኤርትራ ብዓባያኸ ኣበይ ኣላ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ከነቕርብ እንከለና፡ ብዛዕባቲ ኤርትራ ትግለጸሉ ግኡዝ ባህርያት ማለት፡ ስፍሓታ፡ ታሪኻ፡ ተመኩሮ ቃልሳ ምእንቲ ነጻነታን ክብራን፡ ብዛዕባ ተፈጥሮኣዊ ሃብታ፡ ብዛዕባ ጀኦግራፊያዊ መልክዓ፡ ብዛዕባ ማያታን ገማግም ባሕራን፡ ወይውን ብዙሕነት ክሊመኣ ጥራይ ኣይኮናን ንሓትት ዘለና። ቀንዲ ብዛዕባቲ ብዘይብእኡ ምልኣት ዘይህልዋ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኢና ንሓትት ዘለና። ምኽንያቱ ኤርትራ ብዘይህዝባ፡ ህዝባ ድማ ብዘይብኣኣ ዝተነጻጸለ ህልውና ስለ ዘየብሎም። ህዝባ ክንብል እንከለና ሃይማኖት፡ ዓሌት፡ ቋንቋ፡ ቦታዊ ኣቀማምጣን ናይ ቃልሲ ድሕረባይታን ሻቢቡና ዝተወሰነ ኩርናዕ ቆንጢርና ዘይኮነስ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ማለትና ምዃኑ ከይንዝንግዕ ሓደራ። ምኽንይቱ ሓደ ካብቲ ናይ ብዙሕነትና መምዘኒ ንበይኑ ተወሲዱ መርኣያ መላእ ህዝብና ክኸውን ስለ ዘይክእል። ስለዚ “ኤርትራ ብዓባያ ማለት ኩለንተነኣ ምስ ህዝባ” ማለትና እዩ።
“ኤርትራ ብዓባያኸ ኣበይ ኣላ?” ነዚ ሕቶ’ዚ ኣብ ምምላስ “ፍጹማዊ ሓደ ዓይነት” ዝበሃል እኳ ተዘየለ፡ መልስና ኣብ ብዓይኒ ዝረአ ብግብሪ ዝድህሰስ ስለ ዝምርኮስ ብዙሕ ፍልልይ ኣይህልወናን እዩ ዝብል እምነት ኣለና። ሎሚ ኤርትራ ጥምየት፡ ዕርቃን፡ ስእነት ሕክምና ወሲኽካ ኩሉ ማሕበራዊ ጸገማት ኣብ ዝዓንደረሉ፡ ብኩራት ሰላም፡ መወዳእታ ዘየብሉ ማእሰርትን ዕስክርናን፡ ዜጋታት ናብ ፍርዲ ኣብ ዘይቀርብሉ፡ ናይ መሰል ሕቶ ኣቕሪብካ መልሲ ኣብ ዘይትረኽበሉ ዘይኮነስ ክትሓትት እውን ኣብ ዘይትኽእለሉ ናይ ፍትሒ ብኩራት ኣብ ዝሳዕረረሉ፡ ዝመርሓካ ኣካልን ትምረሓሉ ሕግን ኣብ ዘይትፈልጠሉ፡ ሕገ መንግስቲ ኣብ ዘየብሉ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ህዝብን መራሕቲ ኢና በሃልቲ ኣካላት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ሓጺናዊ ደረት ኣብ ዝተነብረሉ፡ ሃሰስ ኢልካውን ደሞክራስያዊ ኣሰር ኣብ ዘይትርእየሉ ንጹል ኩነታት እያ እትርከብ ዘላ ዝብል መልሲ ከም ዘረዳድኣና ርግጸኛታት ኢና። እዚ ንኤርትራ ብዝምልከት ናይ ዝለዓሉ ሕቶታት መልሲ ካብ ዝኸውን ዝያዳ 20 ዓመታት ሓሊፉ እዩ። እዚ ሕቶ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ክለዓል እንከሎ ከዓ እዚ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተጠቕሰ መልስታት መሊሱ ሓፊሱ፡ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ ዜጋታታ ብፍላይ ድማ መንእሰያታ ከም መግለጺ ጽልኦም ኣብ ልዕሊጉጅለ ህግደፍ ናብ ስደት ዝውሕዝሉ ዘለዉ ደረጃ ስለ ዝተበጽሐ፡ ኩሉ ካልእ ተሪፉስ “ኣብ ናይ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ቀራና መንገዲ እያ ዘላ” ዝብል ሓረግ መልሲ ኣብ ዝኾነሉ ደረጃ ኢና በጺሕና ዘለና። “የለን ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ሕጂ ከም ሃገር ናይ ምቕጻል ዕድላ ጸምልዩ እዩ” ክብሉ ትንዕምንዕ ዝብሉ ወገናት’ውን ይቀላቐሉ ኣለዉ። ነዞም ከምዚ ዓይነት ስግኣት ዝሓደሮም፡ ወገናት ኣብነት ኮይንካ፡ ካብዚ ስግኣቶም ዘውጽእ መንገዲ ቃልሲ ምርኣዮም እምበር “ኣፍኩም ከልቢ ይሽነሉ” ምባሎም እኹል ኣይኮነን።
ብዛዕባ’ዚ ኤርትራ ዘላትሉ ኩነታት ኣይኮነንዶ ኤርትራዊ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዘይኮነ እሞ ኤርትራ ዘላቶ ኩነታት ዝተረድአ ፍትሓዊ እንተኾይኑ ዘይሰክፍ ኣሎ ምባል የጸግም። ናይ’ቲ ስኽፍታ ቀንዲ ምረትን ላህመትን ግና ኣብ እንግደዓና፡ እንግደዓ ኤርትራውያን እዩ ክዓርፍ ዝግበኦ። እሞ እቲ ኩነታት ከምኡ’ዶ ኣሎ? ንዝብል ግና ነነብስና ንሕከኽ። ኣብ ጽምዋ ኮይና ከዓ ንሕሰብ። ሎሚ ኣብ ዘዘለናዮ ኩርነዓት ዓለም ብዛዕባ ሃገርና እንሰምዖ ወረ ኣግራባ ይበርስ ኣሎ፡ ሓመዳ ይብሕጎጕ ኣሎ፡ እንስሳ ዘቤታ ይሃልቃ ኣለዋ፡ ታሪኻዊ ውርሻታታ ይዓኑ ኣሎ … ወዘተ ዝብል ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ዕንወታት ከጋጥም እንከሎ’ውን ዘየሻቕል ኣይኮነን። ግና ካብዚታት ዝዓቢ ምስ ናይ ህዝብና ብፍላይ ድማ መንእሰያትና ዝተሓሓዙ፡ ወዲ እገለ ካብ ዓዲ ወጺኡ ኣብ ከምዚ ዝበሃል መደበር ስደተኛታት ኮይኑ ርድኡኒ ይብል ኣሎ፡ ካብ ሱዳን ናብ ሊቢያ ክሰግሩ እንከለዉ ክንድዚ ኤትራውያን ኣብቲ ምድረበዳ ሞይቶም፡ ክንድዚ ኣሕዋት ካብ ሓደ ቤተሰብ ኣብ ዶብ ተቐቲሎም ኣስከሬኖም ብኣራዊት ተበሊዑ፡ ብዓብይኡ ድማ ክንድዚ ኤርትራውያን ዝርከብዎም ስደተኛታት ኣብ ባሕሪ መዲትራንያን ጥሒሎም ዝብሉ ዜናታት ኢና ዕረ እንዳጠዓመና ንሰምዕ ዘለና። ሎሚ ንኤርትራዊ “ወዲ እገለ ዘመድካ ተምርዕዩ፡ ወሊዱ፡ ኣብ ትምህርቲ ተመሪቑ” ዝብል ዜናታት ምስማዕ ነውሪ ኣብ ዝኾነሉ ሕማቕ መድረኽ ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ኤርትራዊ ህልውና ከዓ ብኽንድ’ዚ ደረጃ እዩ ዝፈሓቝ ዘሎ። እቲ ኩነታት ከምኡ ኢሉ እንተቐጺሉ ድማ ሳዕቤኑ ናይ ኤርትራ ምጽምላው ዘይኮነስ መሊእካ ምሕቃቅ ከስዕብ ከም ዝኽእል ምጥቃሱ እንተዘየሕፊሩና እንስሕቶ ኣይኮነን።
“ኤርትራ ብዓባያኸ ኣበይ ኣላ?” ንዝብል ሕቶ ዝወሃብ መልሲ “ኤርትራ ህልውነኣ ኣኸቲሙ እዩ” ዝብል ከይከውን ንሰግኣሉ ዘለና ኩነታት፡ ከምዚ ቀሊል ሕማም ክሕዘና እንከሎ “ባዕሉ ክገድፈና እዩ” ኢልና እንጽበዮ’ሞ ዝገድፈና፡ ባዕሉ ዝፍወስ ሕማም ኣይኮነን። ናይ ግድን ናይቶም በዚ ኩነታት እንስከፍን ሓላፍነት እንስከምን ኤርትራውያን ብፍላይ፡ብሓፈሻ ድማ ናይ ኩሎም እቶም በዚ ኣጋጢሙና ዘሎ ጸገም ዝሻቐሉ ወገናት ናይ ቃልሲ ኣእዳው እንተዘይተዘርጊሕሉ ባዕሉ ዝሓዊ ኣይኮነን። እንደጋና ከነዘኻኽሮ እንደሊ ናይቶም ካብ ርሑቕ ይኹን ካብ ቀረባ፡ እንተ ብጉርሒ ወይ ብገርሂ ኣንጻር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ እንገብሮ ቃልሲ ኣብ ጐንና ክስለፉ እንጽበዮም ዘይኤርትራውያን ወገናት ኣበርክቶ መመላእታ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ወሳኒ ናትና ናይቶም ኣብ ለውጢ ረብሓ ስለ ዘለና ንምዕዋቱ ንቃለስ ዘለና ኤርትራውያን ኣበርክቶ እዩ። እቲ ካብ ዘይኤርትራውያን እንረኽቦ ኩለመዳያዊ ሓገዝን ምትብባዕን እውን ምስቲ ካብ ውሽጥና ዝፍጠር ዓቕሚ ክብ ለጠቕ ዝብል እምበር፡ ንሕና ሰብ ዋኒን ክነስና፡ ኣብ መሰረታዊ ዘይኮነ ፖለቲካዊ ምኩርባብ እንዳወዓልና “ኣጆኹም” ዝብል ድምጺ ከስምዑና ክንጽበ ኣይግባእን። እንተተጸበና እውን ደሃይ ኣይክንረክብን ኢና።
ሓቂ እዩ፡ ሎሚ በቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎን ንኤርትራ ብዓባያ ኣብ ሓደጋ ኣውዲቓዋ ዘሎን ተረኽቦ ዘይሓዝን ኤርትራዊ የለን። በቲ ተስፋ ቆሪጹ ዓዱ ገዲፉ ሃጽ ኢሉ ዝስደድ ዘሎ መንእሰይ ዘይሻቐል’ውን የለን። እዚ ሻቕሎትና “ካብ ክሳድ ንላዕሊ” ዘይኮነስ ናይ ብሓቂ ሻቕሎት ዝኸውን ግና፡ ነቲ ዘሻቕል ናብ ራህዋ ንምቕያር ብዘለና ግብራዊ ተወፋይነት እዩ። ነዚ መሰረታዊ ንኤርትራ ብዓባያ ናይ ምድሓን ዕማም፡ ድሕሪ ውድባዊ፡ ሰልፋዊ፡ ማሕበራዊ፡ ብሄራዊ፡ ኣውራጃዊ ወይ ውልቃዊ ክብሪ ንሰርዖ እንተ ኮይንና ግና፡ እቲ እነስመዖ ናይ ሻቕሎት ቃል ናይ ሓሶት፡ እቲ ነፍስሶ ንብዓት ድማ ናይ ሓርገጽ ምዃኑ ኣይንስሓት። ንምረሓሉ መትከላትን ፖሊሲታትን፡ ደሞክራስያዊ፡ ህዝባዊ፡ ሰላማውን ልምዓታውን ባህርያቱ ሓልዩ ከም ዝቕረጽ ምግባሩ ኣድላይን መሰረታውን እዩ። ግን ድማ ህልውነኣ ኣብ ዘየረጋገጸት ኤርትራ ብዓባያ ዝሕፈሶ ምህርቲ ከም ዘይህሉ ኣይንዘንግዕ። ምናልባት እውን ናይቲ ዘሪእካ እተፍርየሉ መሬት ልምዓታዊ ጠባይ ኣብ ግምት ከየእተኻ እቶት ዘኻዕብት ዘርኢ ከም ምምራጽ ይምሰል ይኸውን። ስለዚ ኢና እምበኣር ብዛዕባ ኤርትራ ክንሓስብ እንከለና ንኤርትራ ብዓባያ ኣብ ቅድሚት ንስረዓያ ንብል ዘለና። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ፡ እቲ ንኤርትራ ብዓባያ ናይ ምድሓን ሓላፍነት ነቶም ዝስደዱ ዘለዉ መንእሰያት እውን ከም ዝምልከቶም ክዝንጋዕ የብሉን። እኳ ደኣ ግደኦም መሪሕ እዩ።
ቅድሚ ሒደት ዓመታት ጸገም ኤርትራ፡ ብኩራት ደሞክራስን ሰብኣውን መሰላትን ሳዕቤናቱን ጥራይ ይመስለና ነይሩ ይኸውን። ሎሚ ግና ግዜ ምስ በለዐን ግፍዕታት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ መሊኡ ምስ ፈሰሰን፡ እዚ ብኩራት ደሞክራስን ኩሉ ዓይነት ምግሃስ መሰላትን ንህልውና ኤርትራ ናብ ዘስግእ ዓብይ ሕማም ማዕቢሉ ንርእዮ ኣለና። እቲ ብኣና ክካየድ ዝግበኦ ናይ ቃልሲ ባህርያት እውን ብመንጽር እዚ እንዳኸፈአ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት እዩ ክመዓራረን ዳግማይ ክዋደድን ዝግበኦ። ከምኡ እንተዘይ ጌርና ግና ጉዳይና “እግርን ከበሮን በበይኑ” ከም ዝበሃል ክኸውን እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ቃልሲ፡ ነቲ ናብ ዓዲ ዘእቱ መንገዲ ቃልሲ እንተስሒትካዮ፡ ድኻምካን ጻዕርኻን መኻን ካብ ምዃን ሓሊፉ ውጽኢት ዘይብሉ ባዶሽ ናይ ምዃን ዕድሉ ሰፊሕ እዩ። ኣብ ከም እዚ ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ ዘሎ ግዜ ዘይህብ ሓላፍነታዊ፡ ኤርትራ ብዓባያ ናይ ምድሓን ቃልሲ፡ ብቑዕ ኮይንካ ምቕራብ ቀሊል ከም ዘይኮነ ተመኩሮና ኣርእዩና እዩ። እዚ ማለት ግና ከምቲ “ካብ ልቢ እንተሓዚንካ ንብዓት ኣይኣብን” ዝበሃል፡ ዘይከኣል ኣይኮነ’ሞ ኩሉ ጉዳያትና ብመጽር ኤርትራ ብዓባያ ክንቃንዮ መድረኽ ይሓተና ኣሎ።
16 መጋቢት 2015
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ
እዚ ሽልማት'ዚ ካብ 2007 ዓ.ም ኣትሒዙ ንብሉጻት መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ ብሞ ኢብራሂም እተባህለ ሱዳናዊ በዓል ጸጋ ክውሃብ ዝጸንሐ ሽልማት ኢዩ። ዕላማ ናይ'ዚ ሽልማት'ዚ ኣፍሪቃውያን መራሕቲ ንምዕባለን ብልጽግናን ህዝቦምን ሃገሮምን ክሰርሑን ውሑልል ምሕደራ ከተኣታትዉን፤ ከምኡ'ውን፡ ንቅዋም ተገዛእቲ ክዀኑ ንምትብባዕ ኢዩ።
ትካል ሽልማት ሞ ኢብራሂም፡ ንፕረሲደንት ሂፊከፑኔ ፖሃምባ (Hifikepunye Pohamba)፡ ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ኣብ ምድልዳልን ዕርቂ ኣብ ምስፋንን መስርሕ ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ምዕሟቕን ማሕበራውን ቍጠባዊ ምዕባለታት ኣብ ምርግጋጽን ዝተጻወቶ ግደ ኣብነታዊ ኢዩ ነይሩ ክብል ንኢድዎ። ኣብኡ ብምምርኳስ ድማ፡ ንፕረሲደንት ፖሃምባ ናይ 2014 ዓም ሽልማት ትካል ሞ ኢብራሂም ሂብዎ።
ናሚብያ ኣብ ትሕቲ ምሕደራ ፕረሲደንት ፖሃምባ፡ ውሕሉል ምሕደራ፡ ርግኣት፡ ኣሳታፊ ዲሞክራሲ ዝሰፈናን ሓያልን ናጻን ፕረስ ትውንንን ንሰብኣዊ መሰላት ተኽብርን ሃገር ኰይና ኢያ ተገሊጻ።
ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ እቲ ሽልማት ነቶም ብህዝባዊ ምርጫ ዝመጹ መራሕትን ግዜኦም ምስ ኣኸለ ድማ ብፍቓዶም ስልጣኖም ንዝሰዓረ ፓርቲ ወይ መራሒ ዘረክቡን ኢዩ ዝውሃብ። በዚ መሰረት ፕረሲደንት ፖሃምባ፡ ንሃገሩ 2 ግዜ ተመሪጹ ድሕሪ ምግልጋል፡ ንሳልሳይ ግዜ ክወዳደር ቅዋም ስለዘየፍቅደሉ፡ ብቕዋም ሃገሩ ተገዚኡ ስልጣን ምርካቡ ሓደ ካብ'ቲ ዘሸለሞ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ኢዩ ነይሩ።
እቲ ሽልማት ኣብ 10 ዓመታት ዝኽፈል 5 ሚልዮን ዶላርን ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ዓመት ክሳብ ብህይወቱ ዘሎ ድማ 200 ሽሕ ዶላርን ዘጠቓለለ ኢዩ።
ቅድም ክብል ሽልማት ሞ ኢብራሂም ዝተቐበሉ መራሕቲ ኣፍሪቃ ፕረሲደንት ዮዋኪም ቺሳኖ ናይ ሞዛምቢክ (2007)፣ ፈስቱስ ሞጋየ፡ ናይ ቦትስዋና መራሒ (2008)፣ ፐድሮ ፒረስ፡ ፕረሲደንት ናይ ከይፕ ቨርደ (2011) ከምኡ'ውን ፕረሲደንት ማንደላ ኢዮም። ኣብ 2009፡ 2010፡ 2012ን 2013ን ነዚ ሽልማት'ዚ ዝበቅዕ መራሒ ኣይተረኸበን።
በዚ ኣጋጣሚ'ዚ ንሃገርና ብመንጽር ናሚብያን መራሒኣን ክንርእያ ከለና፡ ኣብ ክልተ ጫፋት ናይ'ቲ መለክዒ ኢና ከነቐምጣ እንኽእል። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ ኤርትራን ናሚብያን፡ ፕረሲደንት ኢሳያስን ፕረሲደንት ፖሃምባን ጽርዲ ኢዮም፡ ዘራኽብ እውን የብሎምን።
ኣብ ትሕቲ ምሕደራ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ኤርትራ፡ ሓድነትን ጽንዓትን ህዝባ እናማህመነ ዝኸደላ፣ ሃገራዊ ዕርቂ ይኹን ስኒት ዝተነፍጋ፣ ህዝባ ብፍላይ ድማ መንእሰያት ንስደት ዝውሕዙላ፣ ቅዋም፡ ናጻ ፕረስ፡ ፓርትታትን ምርጫታትን ዘይብላ፡ ብልሽውና ዝነገሰላ ሃገር ኢያ ኰይና ዘላ።
ባህርያት ክልቲኦም መራሕቲ ክንርኢ ከለና ከኣ፡ ፕረሲደንት ፖሃምባ፡ ኣዝዩ ትሑትን ምቕሉልን ስለዝዀነ፡ ስሙ ውን ብዙሕ ኣይፍለጥን ኢዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ፕረሲደንት ኢሳያስ፡ ኣብ ኵሉ መዳያት ፈሺሉ ክነሱ፡ ንኻልኦት መራሕቲ ከቈናጽብ፣ ንሓያላት መንግስታት ክጸርፍ፣ ብዲሞክራስን ውሑልል ምሕደራን ከሽካዕልል ኢዩ ዝውዕል። ዓለምና ግን፡ ከም ህውከተኛን ጸረ ሰላምን ዝዀነ መራሒ ኢያ ትፈልጦ። ኣብ ርእስ'ዚ፡ ኢሳያስ፡ ከም ኵሉ ዝፈልጥ መራሒ ገይሩ ኢዩ ንነብሱ ዝፈልጣን ምስ ዓለም ድማ ብኸምኡ ከፋልጣን ኢዩ ዝጽዕር። ኢሳያስ፡ ንሚኒስተራቱ ብዛዕባ ምኒስትሪታቶም ክዛረቡ ውን ዕድል ኣይህቦምን ኢዩ። ኵሉ ባዕሉ ኢዩ ዝውድኦ። ብዛዕባ ምርመራ ናይ ጠፈር፡ ብዛዕባ ማዕድናት፡ ብዛዕባ ሕርሻ፡ ብዛዕባ ሕክምና፡ ብዛዕባ ህንጻ ኣባይትን ሓጽብታትን፡ ብዛዕባ ቍጠባ፡ ብዛዕባ ውግእ .....ወዘተ ኪኢላ ናይ ክኢላታት መሲሉ ክርእ ኢዩ ዝፍትን።
ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቂ ንስልጣኑ ክብል፡ ንቅዋምን መቓለስቲ ብጾቱን ዝሓየረ፣ ንናጽነት ናይ ፕረስ ከም ቍሪ ዝፈርሕ፣ ብዛዕባ ኣሳታፊ ዲሞክራስን ውሕሉል ምሕደራን ንሓንቲ መዓልቲ ውን ትኹን ሓሲቡ ዘይፈልጥ፡ ብዘይካ ዝናኡ ካልእ ዘየገድሶ ዲክታቶር ኢዩ።
ከም'ቲ ኣበው ክምስሉ ከለው ዝብልዎ፡ "ኣነ ዕንጸይቲ ክኣሪ መድረሪና፣ ንሳን ተመን ትሕዝ ቀታሊና"፡ ፕረሲደንት ፖሃምባ ንህዝቡ ዝሓሊን ዝሕሉን ዲሞክራስያዊ መራሒ ክኸውን እንከሎ፤ ኢሳያስ ከኣ፡ ንህዝቡ ዝብትንን ዘጽንትን ዘሎ ዲክታቶር ኢዩ።
March 8: the Dignity and the Status of Eritrean Women
Sunday, 08 March 2015 19:54 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
In Eritrea, patriarchal belief sets not only male domination but also defines the relation between women and men in a manner that completely denies the semblance of dignity and status of Eritrean women be it in the family or in the various Eritrean cultural and societal institutions.
March 8, 2015 is an International Women’s Day. It is a day where worldwide women’s accomplishments and voices are heard, celebrated, and reflected. It is also a day celebrated to reflect the long and persistent struggle that worldwide women waged for their equal rights, a struggle that is now over one century old. However, despite over ten decades of struggle, women in many parts of the world have not been able to accomplish much in terms equal rights and freedoms in their respective societies.
Yes, the lives of many women in western democracies have improved a bit over the last many decades, but this is not true in many developing countries, that it in the third world countries. The vast majority of women in third world countries, like in Eritrea, are far behind in the struggle for their equal rights in the spheres of social, economic, and political power.
Eritrean women are among the most marginalized part of society in the world. Denied all political, economic, social and cultural rights, Eritrean women continue to face centuries of inequalities and injustices in their own country. Certainly, the belief of equality and freedom in our society has for centuries remained deeply reflective of men’s interest and views, an oppressive culture that perpetuates inequalities, discrimination, gender violence, and oppression of Eritrean women. Such a belief, which is embedded and institutionalized in the patriarchal culture of our society, provides men the right to dominate the political, social, and economic power of the society while limiting Eritrean women to household roles where they continue to be enslaved by men. In Eritrea, patriarchal belief sets not only male domination but also defines the relation between women and men in a manner that completely denies the semblance of dignity and status of Eritrean women be it in the family or in the various Eritrean cultural and societal institutions.
Although, Eritrean women have participated in the national liberation struggle and contributed their share unseen in the history of other liberation struggles in the world, they are still portrayed and treated as second-class citizens. This is evident by the practices and policies of the kleptocratic regime of Eritrea. It is also true the gender inequality, or the restrictive role and participation of Eritrean women in the Eritrean opposition forces are equally dismal.
However, the issue of Eritrean women goes far deeper than the mere mention of their rights. It is about empowerment, equal roles and participation in democracy; it is about recognizing the dignity and equal status of Eritrean women that makes up half of the Eritrean population.
Therefore, it is crucial to recognize that no sustainable political, social, and economic prosperity is possible in Eritrea without the full participation of Eritrean women. It is within this understanding that both Eritrean men and Eritrean society at large should recognize Eritrean women’s equal rights and freedom as an inalienable rights and a foundation to build a just and democratic society. And this is only possible after we make changes in our thinking and belief – a belief that incessantly violates the rights of Eritrean women on the one hand and justifies the domination of Eritrean male on the other hand.
In whole, our challenges and struggles lie in understanding and challenging both the male dominated political system and the patriarchal entrenchment that undermines and belittles the dignity, status, and role of Eritrean women in our society. Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) supports Eritrean women irrespective of their political views to organize themselves in independent associations and networks in order to empower themselves and gain their denied rights. EPDP also supports the establishment of global Eritrean women’s association that brings Eritrean women together and enables them to create a concerted movement and fight for their equal rights, justice and freedom. In a point, EPDP believes women’s equality and freedom as inalienable rights without which we cannot build any sustainable democracy in our country. Therefore, as we celebrate March 8, let us renew our commitments to support Eritrean women in their struggle for equal rights, justice, and democratic freedoms in all spheres of our society by shattering the patriarchal system entrenched in our culture that perpetuates inequality and a culture that sees women in the image of male in our society.
Explaining the Evil Mind that Is Destroying and Burying the Legacy of the EPLF and the Eritrean Dream: Revealing the Nature (Core Values) of Isaias Afeworki
Thursday, 05 March 2015 09:54 Written by EPDP Information OfficeEPDP Editorial
PART II
The point is Eritrean people in a deadly historical mistake entrusted Isais with their public space, their fundamental freedoms, their power of citizenry and sovereignty, and their revolution that they achieved in the decades before independence.
The root causes of all contemporary Eritrean problems are political, inasmuch as the political philosophy of the dictatorial regime of Isaias, which is “equality in poverty”. Just to make it evident, the dictatorial regime in Eritrea is organized to benefit the few in power at the expense of the vast majority of the Eritrean people. In effect, the political power and vast wealth amassed by Isaias and his elites is one that buys the support and loyalty Isaias needs in order to stay in power while depriving the general populace of their basic rights.
One might ask why the regime wants to impoverish the people. Couldn’t it benefit more from the prosperity of the people and the country? The answer is “No”, at least for two reasons:
- Economic institutions that create incentives for economic progress may simultaneously redistribute income and power in such a way that a predatory dictatorship and those that support it may become worse off. Allowing such an economic progress and freedom of institutions that supports it – brings out to the open a conflict between democracy/freedom/equality and dictatorship, which could be instrumental in bringing down the regime of Isaias. For this very reason, the Isaias regime would not allow economic freedom because it threatens its power to the core.
- The nature and characteristics of the dictator at the helm of power in Eritrea is not amenable to reform, let alone to a fundamental change. Thus, in order to bring democracy and all fundamental freedoms in Eritrea, removing the dictatorial regime’s political structure should be the first order of business for the Eritrean people. To that effect, an understanding of the nature and characteristics of the regime and the man at the helm of the power is crucial.
The genesis of the dictatorial regime in Eritrea is closely associated with the nature and characteristics of its architect - Isaias Afeworki. Isaias is a narcissistic and greedy dictator. As a narcissistic leader, Isaias has been and continues to be obsessed with the desire to have an absolute power, as well as a grandiose sense of self-importance or uniqueness of his talent by exaggerating his achievements during the armed struggle and beyond. Not only that but also Isaias is a person who portrays himself as a superhuman who deserves a sense of entitlement in that he wants a special treatment from Eritreans without assuming reciprocal responsibilities – he thinks that he has the right to rule Eritrea without the consent of the Eritrean people as if the country is his own private property. To this end, he established a mythical narrative and fairytale about himself that keeps duping the Eritrean public until now.
Now, majority of Eritreans know that two decades into Isaias’ dictatorship, Eritrean individuals, families, neighborhoods and towns and villages and other traditional institutions (religious groups, educational institutions, hospitals etc) became state-centered; the popular sovereignty of citizens, freedom and liberties, which are the bedrock of democracy are nonexistent. The message here is that Isaias is a prototype of evil dictator that rose to power on the ruins of democracy and freedom, a man who lacks the basic human capability and morality or sympathy to others. And if there is a piece of human trash in our midst, Isaias would be the one. Like many notorious dictators in history, Isaias’ politics of citizenry resides on division, fear, distortion, and demagoguery. And to elaborate some of Isaias’ egocentrism, brutality, disrespect and contempt to the collective wisdom of Eritrean people, here are few examples that the public is familiar with:
- The extrajudicial killings of his close associates during and after the war of liberation period on the pretext of national security and other lies;
- The imprisonment and subsequent disappearances of top government officials such as the G-15 on trumped up charges of treason;
- Condescending comments such as “do the Eritrean people want us to slaughter lambs every Thursday and deliver them to every house” in his scornful reactions to the public complaints about the provision of public service where in reality there was little of it;
- Condescending comments such as “let’s count the number of pregnancies in Asmara and the number of pregnant girls in the National Service” when the public complained about the nonconsensual sex and pregnancies for which young girls were being forcibly raped and impregnated by his army generals and officers;
- Characterizing the 2013 Lampedusa tragedy that claimed over 360 Eritrean children, women and young people as “illegal African migrants” by his state media, which shows the depth of lack of empathy and mockery of Isaias; and
- The utter disregard to the interest of the Eritrean people when Isaias declared in his 2015 New Year interview the 1997 Eritrean constitution as dead before it was even promulgated.
In hindsight, we know Isaias exploited the unique circumstances and the critical juncture that occurred in post independence Eritrea. To put it differently, the fatigue of 30 years of destructive war and the subsequent euphoria of independence let the Eritrean people’s guard down and helped Isaias to lay the foundation of his absolutist and extractive political, economic, and social institutions. Not only that but some also believed that giving the power to Isaias was correct and acceptable as a temporary arrangement. The point is Eritrean people in a deadly historical mistake entrusted Isaias with their public space, their fundamental freedoms, their power of citizenry and sovereignty, and their revolution that they achieved in the decades before independence.
Using such an opportunity - or call it the magnanimity of Eritrean people - Isaias went on consolidating his dictatorial regime by engaging in a scheme of depriving all political rights and atomizing Eritrean society by introducing a series of draconian measures that overtime brought the breakdown of our families and communities, erosion of our cultural values and freedoms, and the destruction of Eritrea’s patriotism, harmony, courage, unity, religious life, and perseverance, which we know such values are the foundation of Eritrean people that helped them withstood all enemies and foreign occupiers, and values that cemented their unity in the last century.
In order to ensure the success and continuity of his dictatorial rule in Eritrea, he pursued a policy of politics of fear and divide-and-rule strategy such as “giving positions as compensations that excluded the civilian workforce from the public life”, “rewarding public positions both civilian and military not on merit, but on the basis of political loyalty; remuneration and entitlements based on cronyism and not on merit, etc. In doing so, the regime accumulated enormous and overarching power through its regime-controlled public space that continues to squeeze and completely suffocate Eritrea’s political and socio-economic space to the extent that the public cannot do anything outside the terms and codes the regime has established. And this has been a major obstacle for any dissent or opposition to organize and flourish inside Eritrea. Under these circumstances, those who can take the risk of acting outside this area are the Diaspora-based individuals and political groups, but they are also weak and divided to the extent that the dictator views them as a nonexistent opposition and if there are, in the eyes of the regime, they are considered as a threat to the country – a claim that the regime is exploiting solely to maintain its political legitimacy in the country.
In sum, we should not underestimate the deceiving power of Isaias. Even now, he can hide his malevolent agenda and deceive well meaning Eritreans. As a malignant narcissist leader, Isaias is adept at charming and manipulating others, camouflaging his malevolent agenda, and even sometimes appearing to be very a normal person. And yet, he is very skilled both at entrancing and putting other’s under his spell. Not only the disdainful interviews that he gives every New Year, but over the past decades, we saw Isaias portraying every trait of a narcissist leader such as lying, creating false propaganda, presenting exaggerated and dubious claims, including using nonexistent foreign threat to the country to instill fear in the minds of his followers/the public as a ‘controlling technique’.
Hence, we should not assume that the people will understand Isaias’ malicious and malevolent behavior and expect them to easily shift loyalty. Chances are that many of his followers may not voice their opposition to his regime and may never exit and shift loyalty to the justice seeking forces (camp). After all, there is the so-called “herding” (just following the flow) that the justice forces need to understand. Thus, as crazy as it is, it is not unnatural for some people to follow the dictator to his grave and perhaps put flowers in his grave, too. Importantly, for many Eritreans the distinction between “a nation, a sate, and a government” is not that clear. For many there is no difference and they consider any “opposition to the government as opposition to or even rejection of the Eritrean Nation and Eritrean State,” which we know this political attitude is to the likening of the dictator. Our role must be to educate the public on the issue of democracy, rule of law, nation, state, and opposition as related to the process of democratization in Eritrea. With this, it is time that we say enough is enough and stop Isaias from destroying and burying the legacy of EPLF and our armed struggle and thedream of our people – a dream of democracy, rule of law, and constitutional governance that is accountable to the people of Eritrea. EPDP says the justice seeking forces need to stop empty boasting and bragging, and should begin “talk the talk and walk the walk” –backing up what we say with concrete action.
