Liberty Magazine Nr.70

Thursday, 02 September 2021 09:58 Written by

AUGUST 29, 2021  NEWSPOLITICAL PRISONERS

In the wake of the tragic failure of Eritrea’s 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia, senior members of the Eritrean government began a campaign to bring about the democracy that the 30 year war of liberation had been fought for.

They formed the G-15: men and women who challenged President Isaias to give the Eritrean people the freedoms they had been promised. In dawn raids on 18 and 19 September 2001 the president’s notorious security forces rounded them up and jailed them. None have ever been taken before a court or convicted of any crime. They have rotted in prison ever since.

At the same time independent newspapers were closed and journalists arrested. The nightmare of repression which has hung over Eritrea ever since had begun.

Now, on the 20th anniversary of these terrible events, we recall those who have been in Eritrea’s jails ever since. Their families have been deprived of them; their friends have lost them. But they have never been forgotten. Nor has the flame of hope that they ignited – of a proud, free and democratic country.

We have profiles of these brave men and women – and will share them daily.


Germano Nati became a clandestine member of the ELF and was arrested by the Ethiopian security services and detained in Sembel Prison, Asmara. He was tortured; his finger and toe nails were pulled out with pincers, given electrical shocks to get him reveal ELF secrets. In 1975, he and some fellow inmates were freed from prison by a daring and heroic ELF operation.

Following his release from prison, Germano joined the EPLF and received military training and then assigned to the Department of Political Awareness – Research Branch, where he wrote articles in the Kunama language. Later he was assigned to the Department of Public Administration in Barka (now Gash Barka) and he worked hard to strengthen the participation of the Kunama people in the armed struggle, as well as helping to resolve conflicts between the Kunama and Nara ethnic groups on the one hand and the Kunama and Tigrinya on the other.

After independence in 1994, Germano was elected member of the PFDJ Central Committee and then a member of the Eritrean National Assembly. He was posted as Administrator of the Gash-Setit, Barka region. He, like most young people of his generation, had a vision that after Eritrea independence the country would be democratic, governed by a constitution and rule of law. They wanted to see the people freely and regularly elect their representatives, from local levels to the highest organs in government. He wanted them to enjoy press freedom, have the right to assembly, peaceful protest, organise and form political parties.

In September 2001, while working in Denkel province, he was arrested along with the G-15 for demanding change to create a democratic and constitutional administered Eritrea. They were taken to the infamous Ira-Iro prison and have not seen or heard since.

In an article published on Awate.com under the title ‘Release our fathers’, one of Germano’s children wrote ‘While many people chose to ignore the corruption and injustice they saw, you did not ignore it and spoke and opposed it openly. Wherever I go, I remember you, and you are always with me. I named my son after you.  I feel your spirit following me wherever I go. I know that you are human and will pass away as everyone will someday. You, and the other G-15 who signed the letter demanding President Isaias to convene a special meeting of the Eritrean National Assembly have been imprisoned and are wasting away in the solitary cells in the infamous Ira-Iro jail. I feel proud of you for I know that you will be proudly remembered forever. But I feel sorry for the loser, President Isaias Afwerki who ignored your just calls and demands. I know history will not remember nor forgive Isaias.’

AUGUST 29, 2021  NEWS

Press Release: Eritrea Scholars and Professionals Gather to Devise a Roadmap for the Country’s Future

Eritrean Research Institute for Policy and Strategy

Washington – More than 150 Eritreans gathered on August 14, 2021 at the Catholic University in the Eritrean Scholars and Professionals Workshop to discuss the current situation in Eritrea and its impact on the Horn of Africa, as well as begin planning for the time after the regime of Isaias Afwerki has ended.  The event, organized by the Eritrean Research Institute for Policy and Strategy (ERIPS), was attended by more than 150 scholars and professionals in person, five dozen participating on Zoom live and an untold number otherwise online, including those from outside the United States.

150 Eritreans gathered on August 14, 2021 at the Catholic University in the Eritrean Scholars and Professionals Workshop to discuss the current situation in Eritrea and its impact on the Horn of Africa,

Numerous scholars made presentations or participated in the discussions, such as Prof. Bereket Habte Selassie, a retired professor from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill who is a leading scholar on African law and government; Professor Kidane Mengisteab, an African Studies professor at Pennsylvania State University who has conducted research on traditional institutions in African governance, Professor Araya Debessay, an active participant in the Eritrean affairs since 1974, Dr. Saba T. Kidane, a Ph.D. graduate of the George Mason University School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, who is a conflict resolution expert and  Mr. Nureddin Abdulkadir who has served his country as an activist and community leader since the early 1970s.

The experts laid out the disastrous situation facing Eritrea at this time which includes political instability, conflicts and state collapse with a failed economy, financial instability, poverty, poor infrastructure, high unemployment, mass migration, refugee crisis, forced conscription, indiscriminate imprisonment and mental health problems that include post-traumatic stress disorder. Participants also highlighted the challenges of transitioning to a democratic governance and the imperatives of reintegrating soldiers and refugees back into the Eritrean society.

The Isaias regime has prevented the establishment of genuine democracy in Eritrea and has stunted its growth among succeeding generations. Therefore, participants called for the education of Eritreans on proper democratic discourse to ensure a smooth and stable transition and to prevent the democratic process from being hijacked once a new government is installed. Participants recommended that a process must be devised early on to identify qualified individuals through elections in their local communities whose main priority is the welfare of Eritrean citizens. They also highlighted approaches for encouraging mass participation in transitioning the country to democracy.

To successfully change the regime in Eritrea, which has not only caused the myriad of problems facing Eritrea itself but also the entire Horn of Africa region, the workshop consensus was that efforts must include building trust and cohesiveness among Eritreans, human and institutional capacity building, and united effort of all Eritrean political and civil society organizations for the primary goal of bringing swift and sustainable change in Eritrea. To effectively implement such a singular goal, participants called for a united front or congress.

The strategic location of the country and a vast number of Eritrean professionals in diaspora will aid Eritrea’s potential for being a hub of investments in the region.  However, because of Eritrea’s ruined economy under the current government, participants recommended that the fall of the regime should be followed by an Economic Forum with business leaders, investors, economists, and experts from international financial institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the African Development Bank, etc. This can be a starting platform to adopt a solid policy for economic recovery and reconstruction of the country.

To recover from the negative impact in the region caused by the Isaias regime’s instigation and involvement in conflicts with its neighbors, participants recommended the formation of an alliance and collaboration with regional stakeholders to ensure peace, security and stability.  Participants further believe there must be work done on effective diplomacy with the United States, the European Union and other entities in the international community to secure peace in Eritrea and the Horn of Africa.

Participants of the workshop discussed in detail four highly important and timely topics in a roundtable format and presented their recommendations. The topics focused on the challenges and opportunities Eritrea will face post-PFDJ; the roles and responsibilities of Eritrean intellectuals in contributing towards the effort for political change; the challenges of reconstruction and social-economic developments; the mandate of Eritrean intellectuals in building trust and harmony amongst the Eritreans; and the need for Eritrean intellectuals in contributing towards peace, security and stability in the Horn of Africa. Participants of the workshop were also updated by ERIPS member Dr. Astier Alemseged about the Isaias regime’s refusal to collaborate with the WHO and the COVAX program and its refusal to the Eritrean public the protection that could be gained by the freely available CIOVD-19 vaccines. Participants of the workshop noted the atrocious and irresponsible acts of the Isaias regime as this is yet another harm it is inflicting to Eritreans.

ERIPS plans to take a leading role in furthering the discussions begun during this event to successfully press for bringing socio-economic and political change and to create an Eritrea that allow its more than five million people to enjoy justice, experience prosperity and exist peacefully and harmoniously with its neighbors.

-End-

First day of the European Union summit in Brussels. Photo: Reuters

UNITED NATIONS - U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned the Security Council on Thursday that a conflict in Ethiopia has spread beyond the northern Tigray region and "a humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding before our eyes."

Ethiopia has been embroiled in a conflict that flared nine months ago in Tigray and which has spread to other areas. The government has also struggled to contain other outbreaks of ethnic and political violence over land and resources.

Gunmen killed at least 150 people last week in western Ethiopia in an attack by an armed group against local residents, the state-appointed Ethiopian Human Rights Commission said on Thursday.

"Inflammatory rhetoric and ethnic profiling are tearing apart the social fabric of the country," Guterres told the 15-member Security Council. "All parties must immediately end hostilities without preconditions and seize that opportunity to negotiate a lasting ceasefire."

The United States called out the Ethiopian government for not responding positively to proposals for negotiations and instead publicly calling for the mobilization of militia; the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) for expanding its own military campaign into the Afar and Amhara regions; and neighboring Eritrean Defense Forces for re-entering Tigray.

"This is all gravely concerning to all of us. These developments are eroding the unity, the sovereignty, and the territorial integrity of the Ethiopian state," said Richard Mills, deputy U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations.

Guterres said more than two million people have been displaced in the conflict and millions more need aid, including food, water, shelter and health care, adding: "At least 400,000 people are living in famine-like conditions." REUTERS
Read more at https://www.todayonline.com/world/un-chief-says-social-fabric-ethiopia-being-torn-apart

When Abi Ahmed and his allies launched their war on the Tigray Region of Ethiopia last November, and committed violations against civilians, especially women and children, the international community demanded that they be stopped and the perpetrators held accountable, as did most of the Eritrean national opposition groups and individuals .

The main reason for the pressure to stop the war against Tigray, was the tools and methods that were being used, and the fear of genocide and ethnic cleansing of the population. After its military victory and regaining control of a large part of its land, the Tigray Defence Force (TDF) went on to launch attacks on the Amhara and Afar Regions, causing the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians from their homes, and committing human rights violations. Now the TPLF are turning their attention to Eritrea.

The world's rejection of the war on Tigray does not mean authorising the TDF to terrorize civilians in other Regions within Ethiopia or threaten to invade another country. None of the justifications given by the Tigray leaders for attacking the Afar are acceptable. The Afar did not participate in the war against them, and even if they had participated, the reprisals would not be justifiable under international law.

I am convinced that the Tigray leadership wants to secede from Ethiopia. I am also convinced that the obstacle to the establishment of Tigray as an independent state is not only its need to obtain access to the wider world, but also the isolationist mentality of its leadership. Just as Afwerki erred in ignoring legal, political and humanitarian considerations by participating in the war on Tigray, the TPLF also ignores these considerations when they incite their army and citizens against Eritrea. I predict that doing so will not bring them any benefit but will turn them from victims into executioners.

The Tigray leadership claims that part of its territory is still occupied by the Amhara, but that is an internal dispute. The conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia over the Badame border area, on the other hand, is an international dispute, over which an international authority has ruled in favour of Eritrea. The TPLF doesn’t recognize that decision and wants the international community to recognize the area belongs to their Region - based on a constitution that was drafted and approved when they were ruling Ethiopia.

International pressures to stop the war in northern Ethiopia are now beginning to focus on the Tigray leadership’s responsibilities. The UN Secretary-General's demand for an immediate ceasefire was a tacit rejection of the Tigrayan’s preconditions (such as resuming all services with immediate effect, releasing the region budget, the establishment of humanitarian corridors, releasing all political prisoners)   for a ceasefire. The international community knows that just as the Tigray leadership mobilized their people to defend themselves when they attacked, so could the leaders of the Regions attacked by the Tigrayans, and that this would lead to multiplying ethnic conflicts and chaos.

Afwerki made a grave mistake by participating in the Tigray war, but this does not mean it would be justifiable for the Tigray leadership to launch a war of revenge against Eritrea. Even if the Tigrayans caused the Eritrean regime to collapse, it does not mean that they would be able to control the whole country, or even a part of it. The chaos that a war against Eritrea could cause would affect the whole region, including Tigray, Sudan, the Red Sea and may be beyond

The war in Ethiopia must be stopped and the international community must put pressure on all parties to reach an immediate ceasefire and then settle all problems peacefully within the framework of national and international law.

by Yaseen Mohmad Abdalla

AUGUST 28, 2021  NEWS

In the wake of the tragic failure of Eritrea’s 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia, senior members of the Eritrean government began a campaign to bring about the democracy that the 30 year war of liberation had been fought for.

They formed the G-15: men and women who challenged President Isaias to give the Eritrean people the freedoms they had been promised. In dawn raids on 18 and 19 September 2001 the president’s notorious security forces rounded them up and jailed them. None have ever been taken before a court or convicted of any crime. They have rotted in prison ever since.

At the same time independent newspapers were closed and journalists arrested. The nightmare of repression which has hung over Eritrea ever since had begun.

Now, on the 20th anniversary of these terrible events, we recall those who have been in Eritrea’s jails ever since. Their families have been deprived of them; their friends have lost them. But they have never been forgotten. Nor has the flame of hope that they ignited – of a proud, free and democratic country.

We have profiles of these brave men and women – and will share them daily.


Mahmoud Ahmed Sherifo

Mahmoud Ahmed Sherifo

In 1966 Mahmoud abandoned his schooling to join the ELF to fight for his country’s independence.  He was a prolific reader and his comrade, Ahmed Alqeisi, described Mahmoud as “a fighter who closely monitored current affairs and helped to established a people’s force”. Mahmoud spoke fluent Arabic, Tigrinya and Saho in addition to English. Mahmoud is one of the founding fathers of the EPLF that split from the ELF.

In 1977, Mahmoud was elected a member of the first organized political office in Sahel and led the information division. In 1987 he was re-elected member and led the Department of Public Administration. In 1979, he founded the Voice of the Masses radio that broadcasted in Tigrinya, Tigre, Afar, Arabic and Amharic. Mahmoud was a popular figure who coordinated programmes on air as well as a printing department that published magazines, textbooks, stimulators, and revolutionary literature.

As one of the fighters who opposed the leadership of ELF and formed the EPLF, Mahmoud reiterated his belief that the democratic weaknesses criticised in the ELF should not be repeated in EPLF, and he spent a lot of time trying to maintain the unity of the EPLF.

After independence, Mahmoud worked as a Minister of Foreign Affairs and in 1994 he was elected member of the Central Committee and the Eritrean National Council. Mahmoud was one of the G-15 leaders who demanded accountability and proper governance as well as the implementation of the constitution. On 18 September 2001, Mohamoud along with his G-15, including his wife Aster Fisihazion were arrested by the Eritrean security services and taken to the infamous Ila-Iro prison. They have not been seen or heard since.

Aster and Mohmoud’s son, Ibrahim, spends each September reflecting on his parents’ imprisonment 20 years ago and demanding for a peaceful democratic transition in Eritrea. Ibrahim knows the regime that imprisoned his parents is cruel but still lives in hope and writes on social media “the day I see the face of my parents again, will be the happiest day of my life.”

AUGUST 27, 2021 ERITREA HUB NEWS

 

 

Screenshot 2021-08-27 at 11.19.31

AUGUST 27, 2021  NEWSPOLITICAL PRISONERS

Tesfay Gebreab (Gomera)

Tesfay Gebreab political prisoner

They formed the G-15: men and women who challenged President Isaias to give the Eritrean people the freedoms they had been promised. In dawn raids on 18 and 19 September 2001 the president’s notorious security forces rounded them up and jailed them. None have ever been taken before a court or convicted of any crime. They have rotted in prison ever since.

At the same time independent newspapers were closed and journalists arrested. The nightmare of repression which has hung over Eritrea ever since had begun.

Now, on the 20th anniversary of these terrible events, we recall those who have been in Eritrea’s jails ever since. Their families have been deprived of them; their friends have lost them. But they have never been forgotten. Nor has the flame of hope that they ignited – of a proud, free and democratic country.

We have profiles of these brave men and women – and will share them daily.


In 1977, Tesfay Gebreab joined the EPLF underground cell in Desse, Ethiopia and travelled to EPLF base in Sahel for its first congress representing clandestine cells in both Eritrea and Ethiopia.  When he returned to Desse the Ethiopian security surveillance had intensified and some of his comrades were arrested but Tesfay escaped via Djibouti. He joined the EPLF in 1978 arriving is Sahil where he received military training and then assigned to the Pharmacy Branch, Medical Services.

After independence in 1991, Tesfay was assigned to the department of Internal Affairs and he received security training in Sudan. On his return he called for government policy to change to ensure that Eritrean citizens’ rights and dignity were respected, including the right to freedom of  movement, with citizens allowed to leave and enter Eritrea without excessive controls. But his suggestion was rejected as being “not timely or appropriate for the situation.”  In 1994 Tesfay was re-assigned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as head of administration. He oversaw finances and the human resources of the ministry. He reorganised the department and made various improvements.

In 1999 Tesfay secured a scholarship to study for his Master’s degree in Public Administration in the US and returned home after graduation. This was during the Ethio-Eritrea border war. Tesfay opposed the border war as a tragic waste of more than 100,000 lives and the displacement of over half a million people. The international community described the border war as a “terrible and costly adventure”.

When the war ended, Tesfay supported the G-15 who demanded the war should be properly and seriously evaluated. They also demanded for a transition from the dictatorial rule of President Isaias Afeworki to a democracy with a functioning constitution. Unfortunately, they paid high price for their legitimate demands and have been incarcerated in the notorious Ira-Iro prison since September 2001.  Tesfay has not been seen or heard since.

Tesfay was an excellent writer and contributed articles under his pen name of “Gomera” (volcano) to newspapers and magazines.

U.S. Embassy Asmara Eritrea

Thursday, 26 August 2021 20:08 Written by
Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and a cherished American value. For this reason, we welcome free debate on our Facebook page, even when people express disagreement with U.S. policy. However, several commenters have repeatedly sought to distort U.S. policy on the conflict in Tigray in an effort to advance particular political agendas. Below, for the record, is a statement of U.S. policy on the conflict in Tigray.
 
ፎቶው ዝርዝር መግለጫ የለዉም
179 Alaa Street Asmara, Eritrea Phone: (+291)1-12-00-04 Fax: (+291)1-12-75-84

AUGUST 26, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

“The meeting was requested by Estonia, France, Ireland, Norway, the UK, and the US…The fact that the meeting was proposed under the “Peace and Security in Africa” agenda item – which is the result of a compromise achieved between the “A3 plus one” (Kenya, Niger, Tunisia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) and the proponents of the 2 July briefing – also likely made reaching agreement on tomorrow’s meeting less fraught.”

Source: In the Blue

Ethiopia (Tigray): Briefing and Consultations

Tomorrow (26 August), the Security Council will convene in person for an open briefing and closed consultations on the situation in the Tigray region of Ethiopia under the “Peace and Security in Africa” agenda item. Secretary-General António Guterres will brief the Council during the open session, while Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Martin Griffiths is expected to brief during the closed consultations. The meeting was requested by Estonia, France, Ireland, Norway, the UK, and the US. A representative of Ethiopia is expected to participate in the open briefing under rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure.

The security situation in Tigray is a likely focus of tomorrow’s meeting. Although the Ethiopian government declared a unilateral ceasefire on 28 June after the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF)—a rebel military force that includes members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the region’s former ruling party—retook the Tigrayan regional capital Mekelle, violence on the ground has persisted. On 10 August, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed called on all eligible civilians to join the army to fight against the forces led by the TPLF. Two days later, the Oromo Liberation Army—an armed group which seeks self-determination for the Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, and is designated as a terrorist organisation by the Ethiopian government—and the TPLF announced the formation of an alliance to fight the Ethiopian government.

On 23 August, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that the US is concerned that large numbers of Eritrean Defence Forces have re-entered Ethiopia, after having withdrawn in June. In addition, according to international media reports, an internal memorandum by EU diplomats noted that Eritrean troops have deployed to the western part of Tigray and have taken up defensive positions with tanks and artillery. At tomorrow’s meeting, some Council members may call on Eritrean forces to withdraw from Ethiopia.

International interlocutors, including Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Sudan’s Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok—the current president of the Inter-governmental Authority for Development (IGAD)—have recently offered to serve as mediators between the sides to the Ethiopian conflict. However, it appears that thus far these offers have not been accepted by Ethiopia. Tomorrow, members may also be interested in hearing from Guterres about prospects for finding a mediator who will be acceptable to the conflict parties.

The dire humanitarian situation in Tigray and neighbouring regions is another likely topic of discussion at tomorrow’s meeting. According to a 19 August OCHA situation report, while “access in large areas inside Tigray is now feasible and secure”, other areas remain inaccessible. Furthermore, the report notes that insecurity along the only accessible road into the Tigray region, as well as “extended delays with clearances of humanitarian supplies”, have resulted in the provision of only a fraction of the necessary humanitarian aid. The conflict’s spill-over into Tigray’s neighbouring regions has caused increased displacement both internally and externally.

During a 19 August press stakeout, Guterres described the humanitarian situation in Ethiopia as “hellish”, with many in need and widespread destruction of infrastructure. He also expressed grave concern about the “unspeakable violence” perpetrated against women. At tomorrow’s briefing, he may reiterate some of the messages he conveyed during the press stakeout, including his call for an immediate ceasefire, the granting of unrestricted humanitarian access, and the re-establishment of public services in all affected areas. During the stakeout, Guterres further stressed that all parties need to recognise that “there is no military solution” to the conflict and called for the establishment of conditions allowing for “an Ethiopian-led political dialogue” to address the crisis. At tomorrow’s open briefing, Council members may be interested to hear from Guterres whether there has been progress on these points.

During tomorrow’s closed consultations, Griffiths is likely to provide an update on the humanitarian situation in the conflict-affected areas of Ethiopia and address the challenging conditions under which aid workers are operating. He is expected to provide details of his six-day visit to Ethiopia, which took place between 29 July and 3 August. During the visit, which was Griffiths’ first official visit since he assumed the role of Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs in mid-July, he held a series of meetings with various Ethiopian officials, including Abiy Ahmed. Griffiths also travelled to Tigray, met with the TPLF leadership and observed the relief efforts on the ground.

On 19 August, Samantha Power, the Administrator of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), blamed the Ethiopian federal government for the insufficient delivery of aid into Tigray, noting that there is a food shortage “not because food is unavailable, but because the Ethiopian government is obstructing humanitarian aid and personnel, including land convoys and air access”. Council members may be interested to hear about what commitments Griffiths obtained during his visit and about his engagement with the various actors on improving humanitarian access since his return.

While tomorrow’s meeting will be the eighth time the Security Council has discussed the situation in Tigray since the crisis erupted in November 2020, tomorrow’s briefing will be only the second open Council session on this issue. The first five meetings were held under “any other business”. These meetings were followed by an informal interactive dialogue on 14 June and an open briefing on 2 July.

While Council dynamics on Tigray appear not to have substantially changed since the 2 July open briefing, a combination of factors may have caused a subtle shift. The lack of progress towards a negotiated ceasefire in Ethiopia, the continuing insufficient humanitarian access and the risk of a further widening of the conflict seem to have contributed to rendering the process of agreeing on having a meeting comparatively smoother than in the past. The fact that the meeting was proposed under the “Peace and Security in Africa” agenda item – which is the result of a compromise achieved between the “A3 plus one” (Kenya, Niger, Tunisia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) and the proponents of the 2 July briefing – also likely made reaching agreement on tomorrow’s meeting less fraught.

During tomorrow’s meeting, many Council members are likely to echo the Secretary-General’s remarks during his 19 August press stakeout, emphasising the need for a ceasefire and unrestricted humanitarian access and calling for a political dialogue between the parties. The “A3 plus one” may also stress regional cooperation and the importance of finding “African solutions to African challenges”. During July’s open meeting, Kenya, delivering a statement on behalf of the “A3 plus one”, noted that this should involve “Ethiopian solutions starting in the order of ceasefire, humanitarian delivery, dialogue, reconciliation and responsibility”.

The European members of the Council and the US may stress the importance of investigations into violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and emphasise the need for accountability for crimes committed during the ongoing conflict. On 23 August, the US Department of Treasury imposed sanctions on the Chief of Staff of the Eritrean Defense Forces, General Filipos Woldeyohannes, for leading forces accused of committing “serious human rights abuse” in Tigray. Some members might also refer to the 11 August Amnesty International report on rape and other sexual violence in the conflict in Tigray.

China and Russia are likely to emphasise Ethiopian sovereignty and maintain that the crisis in Tigray should be understood as an internal issue. At July’s meeting, Russia expressed regret about the format of the meeting and cautioned other Council members “against using [the open meeting format] to further destabilize an already complex situation in Tigray and weaken the political position of federal authorities”.

At the time of writing, a Security Council product on Tigray is not expected. Thus far, the Council’s only product on Tigray is a press statement which was issued on 22 April.