Asmara’s feud with Ethiopia’s had a huge bearing on Eritreans in the country and diaspora. Now there’s peace, we have a lot of questions.

Eritrea peace: What will peace in Eritrea mean for ordinary citizens. Credit Andrea Moroni.

What will peace in Eritrea mean for ordinary citizens? Credit Andrea Moroni.

Like many Eritreans, the sudden warming of relations between the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments has filled me and my loved ones with both hope and fear. The no-war no-peace stalemate that defined the politics and identity of my country for 20 years is apparently over.

This newfound peace is undoubtedly a cause for celebration, and one that will transform politics across the region for years to come. Yet for many of us, the most pressing questions this new situation begs are far more immediate.

We are asking things like: Will my sister in school still be conscripted into compulsory military service next year? Will my cousin, who is looking for ways to be smuggled across the border, be allowed to leave legally instead? Will my aunt, who has criticised the Eritrean government from outside the country, be allowed back in? Will my uncle, languishing in jail for political reasons, finally be released?

[Isaias out of character: Why Eritreans are getting nervous]

[Ethiopia-Eritrea peace: Some unanswered questions]

Lives on hold

For two decades, Eritrea has been one of the world’s most secretive and isolated countries. To begin with, it has been extremely difficult to get in and out. The first time I applied for a visa to enter as a tourist, I was met with puzzled laughter at the consulate. I was only able to get a visa because I had some contacts that could pull strings in the capital Asmara.

Getting out of Eritrea is much harder and much more dangerous. Very few are permitted to exit by the government, and so most who want to leave rely on human-smugglers and risk being arrested or kidnapped for ransom. Everyone knows someone who has embarked on these uncertain and treacherous journeys. Thousands consider the conditions in the Eritrea to be so dire as to do so every single month.

Life in Eritrea is restricted and tough. The country is poor and the economy extremely closed. People are not allowed to access non-state media. There is practically no Internet or access to smart phones. And there has never been a single election. Asmara’s defining features – the crumbling, modernist architecture; wide, palm-lined avenues; Italian-style pastry shops; and classic 60s Volkswagen beetles – are all reminders of a vibrancy that has long ceased to exist.

Worse still, all young people in Eritrea are required to undergo compulsory national service. Their passports, university diplomas and lives are put on hold as they undergo military training, after which they may be sent off to labour in any outpost that the government sees fit.

At the moment, one of my relatives spends his days painting arrows and divider lines on the few one-lane roads of Asmara for virtually zero pay. Another, who was finally released from national service after over a decade, is still required to guard a government building from 10pm to 3am once a week. National service is indefinite. In his words, this serves “as a reminder that the government has power over me”.

Divided families

For 20 years, President Isaias Afwerki, who effectuates total control, has used the pretext of Ethiopian hostility to entrench his totalitarian rule and shut Eritreans off from the outside world. This has incurred huge political and economic costs, but the human costs of this enforced isolation have been just as high. They can be measured in every Eritrean family, each of which has its own stories to tell.

I had an aunt, for example, who lived in Addis Ababa. When she received a diagnosis of terminal cancer, her relatives in the US and Canada could visit her to say goodbye, but her loved ones just over the border in Eritrea were not allowed.

I have another friend nicknamed “Baby”. When the 1998-2000 border war began, he was in Eritrea with his mother. The rest of the family was visiting Ethiopia. With transit no longer permitted, they were suddenly split in two. In an instance, the tight-knit unit was unable to reunite and could only communicate with great difficulty. My friend was called Baby, because that’s what he was the last time the rest of the family saw him.

The separation between Eritrea and Ethiopia has never been of two nations, but of two populations made up of thousands of families. That’s why headlines such as the New York Times’ “After 20 Years of Silence, Strangers in Ethiopia and Eritrea Call to Say Hello” fail to capture an important element of Ethiopian-Eritrean relations. We are not strangers.

What now for us?

With war declared over, the status quo of the past two decades will fundamentally change. Asmara’s apparatus of control will necessarily shift, marking the end of Eritrea as we (don’t) know it. But this brings us back to the question of what will happen to the Eritreans’ lives both in the country and in the diaspora.

Now there is no longer an apparent threat of Ethiopian attack, will military conscription end? Now that flights are open to Eritrea, who will be allowed in? My dad, having written critically of the regime in the past, has not dared enter the country for the past ten years. Will there be a place for him and other dissidents in this new opening?

What about the thousands who have fled? Several of my family members have sacrificed the prime years of lives in refugee camps and transit countries for the chance to begin anew elsewhere. Will they be able to keep these lives that they’ve worked for?

Some Eritreans remain sceptical about Asmara’s genuine capacity to act differently. “Having seen the injustice in my country, I don’t think anything will change without a change in leadership,” a compatriot told me. That’s not the feeling of most Eritreans, but our new hope remains tinged with fear and uncertainty, our long-held fear and uncertainty now tinged with hope.

Source=http://africanarguments.org/2018/07/23/eritrea-peace-history-aside-mean-loved-ones/

ርእስ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ፖለቲካዊ ጉዕዞ ሃገርና ርግኣት ዝሓረሞ ኣብ ሓፍዞቕ ዝተመስረተ ምዃኑን ምንባሩን ተመኩሮና ይምህረና። ካብቶም ከምዚ መልክዕ ክሕዝ ዝድርኽዎ ምኽንያታት ወትሩ ኣቀማምጣ ሃገርና ናይ ዝመስጦም ሓይልታት ግዳም ረብሓ ዘንጸላልዋ ምንባሩን ምዃኑን እዩ። እዚ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ቀንዲ መርኣያ ታሪኽና ኮይኑ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። ድሕሪ ምብቃዕ 2ይ ውግእ ዓለም፡ ኤርትራ ከም ኩለን ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእቲ ዝጸነሓ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ግቡእ ናጽነታ ከይትረክብ ዝደረኸ ጠንቂ ከኣ እዚ ነዊሕ ኢድ ናይ ግዳም እዩ። ናይ ሽዑ ኮነ ናይ ሎሚ ሰብ ነዊሕ በትሪ ሓይልታት ወጻኢ፡ ንኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ነነብሰን ኣኽኢልካ ዘይኮነ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ግዳይ ብዝገብር ጐባጢ መልክዕ ዓምጺጽካ ምሓዝ ዝብል እምነት ከም ዝነበሮም ሎሚ’ውን ከም ዘለዎም ምርዳእ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን።

ኣብ ብዙሕ ምዕራፋት ቃልስና ከም ዝይተራእየ፡ እቶም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቀንዲ በዓል ጉዳይ እንዳሃለወ “ንሕና ኣለናልካ” እንዳበሉ ናብቲ ንሳቶም ዝደልይዎ ዝጐትዎ ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ጥራይ ኣይነበሩን። ከምቲ “ገረብ ብሓኽላ ወይ መንገዲ ምስ ወዲ ዓዲ” ዝበሃል ህዝቢ ንምትላል ዝዋፈር ኤርትራዊ ሓይሊ እውን ነይሩ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግና ምናልባት ደኣ ድምጹ ዝሰምዓሉ ዓቕሚ ይስእን ነይሩን ኣሎን እምበር፡ ከቶ ረብሓኡን ዕላምኡን ካብ ልኡላዊ ክብሪ ሃገሩ ከምዘይፍለ ዘንጊዑ ኣይፈልጥን። ብሰንኪ ዕድል ምስኣኑ ግና ክሳብ ሕጂ ባህጉ ኣይሰመረሉን።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ ቃልሱ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ካብ ዝጅምር፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሃገሩን ክብራን ከም ብሌን ዓይኑ ክሕሉ ዝጸንሐ ህዝቢ እዩ። እቲ ናይ ታሪኽ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ንኤርትራ ዝመረሓ ናይ ሎሚ ህግደፍ ነዚ ሕኑን ኤርትራዊ ስምዒት ብኸመይ ከም ዝጥቀመሉ ብጉርሒ ክኸይድ ዝጸንሐ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ርእሲ ናጽነቱ መሰረታዊ መሰላቱ ንክሕለወሉ ዘቕርቦ ዝነበረ ጠለባት ምስ ባህሪ እቲ ገዛኢ ጉጅለ ስለ ዘይሳነ፡ እቲ ጉጅለ ካብኡ ንምህዳም ብዙሕ መዳህለሊ ተንኮላት ክምህዝ ጸኒሑ። ካብቲ ተንኮላቱ እቲ ብዝጐልሐ ክትርጎሞ ዝጸንሐ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናብ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳዩ ምእንቲ ከይርኢ ብጉዳይ ፍቕሪ ሃገሩ ኣሰናቢድካ ናብ ግዳም ጥራይ ከም ዘመዓዱ ምግባሩ እዩ። ናይቲ ብየመንን ብሱዳንን ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተኻየድ ውግኣት ከኣ መልእኽቱ እዚ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣዞም ምስ ጐረባብቲ ዝተኻየዱ ውግኣት ምስቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተኻየደ ውግእ ኣወዳዲርካ ክካየዱ ዘይግበኦም ከምዝነበሩ ደጋጊምና ክንብሎ ዝጸናሕና እዩ።

መንግስቲ ህግደፍ ድሕሪ’ቲ መሪር፡ ኣዝዩ ዘስካሕካሕ ጉድኣት ዘውረደን ዘይናይዶብ ክንሱ “ናይ ዶብ” ዝብል ስም ዝተዋህቦን ውግእ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ጠጠው ኢሉ፡ ናብ ዓለም ለኻዊ መድረኽ ምስ ተመርሐን ምስ ተወሰነን፡ ቀራን ተሓላቓይ ናይቲ ውሳነ ኮይኑ ጸኒሑ። በቲ ካብ ልቡ ዘይነቐለ “ቅድሚ ኩሉ ጉዳይ ዶብ ተመልኪቱ ልኡላውነት ክዕቀብ ኣለዎ” ዝብል መኸተ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጅሆ ሒዝዎ ጸኒሑ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከኣ እቲ ጉጅለ ከምኡ ኢሉ ስለ ዝጨረሐ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣብ ልዕልቲ መወዳድርቲ ዘይብሉ ዋጋ ዝኸፈለሉ ልኡላውነት ዘለዎ ክቱር ፍቕሪ፡ ንኩሉ ሳዕቤናቱ ክኢሉ ንናይ ሓሶት መርገጽ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክድግፎ ጸኒሑ። እዚ ከኣ ዝያዳ ኩሉ ህዝብና ሕጉግ ምዃኑ ዘርኢ እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ግና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜ፡ ብዘይህዝባዊ ወኸሳ፡ ብኣዝዩ ቅልጡፍ ፍጥነት፡ ብፍጹም ህዝብና ዘይተጽበዮ “ጉጅላዊ ረብሓይ ይሕልወለይ” ኣብ ዝበሎ ኩርናዕ ተኾይጡ እነሆ።

ኣቀያይራ መርገጽ ህግደፍ ቅልጡፍ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ጉዳይ ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱ ከይከውን እውን ዓብይ ስኽፍታ ኣሕዲሩ ዘሎ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕልቲ ናይ ቅድም ኣሰካፊ ቀልባዕብዑ፡ ልኡኻቱን መራሒኡን ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ከይዶም፡ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ሓደ እዩ፡ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ዓሊ ምቕሉል መራሒ ረኺብና፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክልተ ህዝቢ እዩ ዝብሉ ነቲ ሓቂ ዘይፈልጡ እዮም፡ ሓድሽ ታሪኽ’ዩ ዝስራሕ ዘሎ፡ ዶር ኣብይ ክመርሓና ኣረኪበዮ ኣለኹ” ዝብሉ ሓረጋት ህግደፍ ብ “ናይ ኤርትራ ናይ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ስረሓት ክሰርሕ ሓላፍነት ተረኪበ ኣለኹን ናይ ወሰን ጉዳይ ብናይ ፍቕሪ ድንድል ሰጊርናዮ ኢናን” ዝብሉ ጥቕስታት መራሒ ኢትዮጵያ ተቓሚሞም ምቕራቦም ከኣ ዓሚቝ ስግኣት ፈጢሮም ኣለዉ። ገለ ብዛዕባ ድሕረ-ባይታ መራሒ ህግደፍ ይፈልጡ ዝበሃሉ ወገናት፡ እዚ ጉዳይ ሓድሽ ዘይኮነስ ተሓቢኡ ግዜ ክጽበ ምስ ጸንሐ፡ ሕጂ ዝወጽእ ዘሎ ስምዒት ከም ዝመስል ምጥቃሶም ከኣ ነቲ ስኽፍታ ናብ ሓደገኛ ሻቕሎት ከምዘዕርጎ ዝሰሓት ኣይኮነን።

ኩሉቲ ካልእ ገዲፍካ ነቲ ናይ መራሒ ህግደፍ ንቡር ዘይኮነ ቀልባዕባዕ፡ ካብ ኣካይዳኡ ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ኣሰሓሕቓኡ፡ “እገለ ካባይ ይሓይሽ” እትብል ቃል ወጺኣቶ ዘይትፈልጥ፡ ሕጂ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ይምረሓና ክብል ዝሰምዑ ወገናት፡ ኩሉ እቲ ዲክታቶር ክገብሮ ዝቐነየ ናቱ ዘይኮነስ፡ ናይቶም ምስ ኣብይ ጸሚዶም ዝሓርስዎ ዘለዉ፡ ካሮትን በትርን ዝዓተሩ ሓይልታት ድፍኢት እዩ ኢሎም ዝድምድሙ ብዙሓት እዮም።

ክልቲኦም ወገናት ኣብ ኣስመራ 5 ነጥብታት ዝሓዘ ኣቐዲሙ ብካለኦት ወሓላሉ ክኽሸን ዝጸንሐ ስምምዕ ተፈራሪሞም። ቀንዲ ትሕዝቶ ናይቲ ስምምዕ እቲ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣቐዲሙ ከቕረቦ ዝጸንሐ ኣብ ኩነታት ናብ ንቡር ምምላስ ዘድሃበ እማመ ኮይኑ፡ እታ ንውሳነ ኮሚስሽን ዶብ እትምልከት እሞ ኢሳያስ ንዝሓለፈ 17 ዓመታት ከም ሽግ ዓቲሩዋ ዝጸነሓ ሓሳብ ግና ኣብቲ ሓደሓደ ዝተርፉ ንኡሳን ጉዳያት ዝሓዘ ዘንቢል ምስፋራ መመሊሱ የገርመካ።

እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይ እምበኣር ኢሳያስ ብዛዕባ ሕንኩ ቀንጢጡ ዝመረጾ ርቡጽ መንገዲ ደጋጊምካ ምዝንታውን ምግራምን ኣይኮነን። እቲ ቀንድስ ንሕና እቶም ክብሪ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ብሓደ ወገን ለውጢ ናይ ምርግጋጽ ሓላፍነት ከኣ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ዝምልከትና ወገናት ክንገብሮ ዝግበኣና ክንገብር ምብቃዕ እዩ። ስለዚ ዓው ኢልና እሞ ከኣ ንህግደፍ ብዝምችእ ፋሕፋሕ ኢልና ዘይኮነ፡ ብስሙርን ሕቡርን ሓላፍነታዊ ድምጺ፡ “ኤርትራ ብቕዋምን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ክትመሓደር፤ ናይ ፖለቲካን ናይ ሕልናን እሱራት ክፍትሑ፤ ደረት ዘይብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ክተርፍ ብሕግን ብግዜን ዝተወሰነ ኣገልግሎት ጥራሕ ክኸውን፤ መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ከይተሽራረፉ ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕሉ፤ ተቓወምቲ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ብናጻ ኣብ ሃገሮም ዝንቀሳቐስሉ ባይታ ምፍጣር፤ ናይ ዕርቅን ይቕረ ምብህሃል መድረኽ ምኽፋት።” ናብ ዝብሉ ህልውና ሃገር ዘውሕስን ለውጢ ዘረጋግጽን ቃልሲ ከነሕይል ይግበኣና።

ብሰንበት ዕለት 22 ሓምለ 2018 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ.) ናይ ምሉእ ኣባላት ናይ ተለኮንፈረንስ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ። ኣብዚ ካብ ሰለሰተ ሰዓት ንላዕሊ ዝወሰደ ኣኼባ፣ እኸበኛታት ብዛዕባ ስምምዕ ሰላም ኣብ መንጎ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኣስፊሖም ተመያይጦም። ኣብዘን ዝስዕባ ነጥብታትውን ተሰማሚዖም፤

1. ሰላም ንኩሎም ህዝብታት ጠቃሚ ስለ ዝኾነ ብመትከል ንድግፎ

2. ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ንጥቅሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝውክል ኣይኮነን፣ ኣብ ዝኾነ ውዕልውን ክኣቱ ኣይክእልን እዩ።

3. ዝኾነ ስምምዕ ንልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ዘኽበረ ምስዝኽውን ጥራሕ እዩ ቅቡል ዝኸውን

4. ሃገር ነድሕን ዝብል ኣምር ቀዳማይ ዕማምና ከምዝኾነ ነፍልጥ

5. ምስ ኩሎም ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ፖለቲካውያን ውድባትን፣ ሲቪክ ማሕበራትን፣ ዜጋታትን ሃገር ንምድሓን ክንስርሕ ኢና

 

ታሪኽ ስውኣትና ህያው እዩ

ክንዕወት ኢና

“ባዕላ መምጽኢት ደርፊ ባዕላ መጥፍኢት ደርፊ” ከምዝተባህለ፥ ባህሪ ኢሳያስ እታ ስልጣኑ ጥራሕ ኣይትተንከፍ እምበር ካልእ ዝግድሶ ኣይኮነን። ንስልጣኑ ክብል ግን ዝገላበጥ ባህሪ ኣለዎ። ቅድሚ ሎሚ ንተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ምስ ወያኔ ተሻሪኹ ክሃርም እንከሎ ባድመ ንወያኔ ከም ጸበረኸት ኣሕሊፉ ሂቡዋ። ባዕሉ ብዘምጽኦ ሰበብ ድማ ምስ ወያኔ ኣብ ዝኸፍአ ወተሃደራዊ ጐንጺ ኣትዩ። እታ ዝዘረኣ ክፍኣት ከኣ ተመሊሳ ኣብ ርእሱ ደኣ ተጠምጠመት። ስለዚ “ሓልሓል እንከሎካ ጽሩይ መሬት፥ ሰናድር እንከሎካ ጽሩይ ብረት እንታይ ኣእተወካ ኣብ ሰንሰለት” ደኾን የምስሎ ይኸውን።?

ኢሰያስ ካብ ተሓኤ ክፍንጨል እንከሎ ዘቕርቦ ዝነበረ ምኽንያት ተሓኤ ዲሞክራሲያዊት ውድብ ኣይኮነትን ዝብል እዩ። ተሓኤ ክትጅምር እንከላ ብውሑዳት ምሁራትን ዝበዝሑ ሓረስቶትን ወተሃደራት ነበረን እያ ተመስሪታ። ይኹን እምበር ሳላ ትኩራት ተጋደልቲ ዝነበሩ ንተሓኤ ኣብ ናይ ሃገራውን ዲሞክራሲያውን ሰውራ ዝመጣጠን ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ክሳብ ምሕንጻጽ ኣብጺሖማ እዮም። በዚ ድማ ኣብ ቀዳማይ ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ፋልማይ ተመኩሮ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዲሞክራሲያዊ ኣገባብ መሪሕነት ዝተመርጸሉን ሃገራዊ ፖለቲካዊ መደብ ዕዮ ዝተሓንጸጸሉን ባይታ ወይ መድረኽ እዩ ነይሩ። ነቲ ሱር ሰዲዱ ዝነበረ ዲሞክራሲ ነጺጉ እዩ እምበኣር ኢሰያስ እታ ብዓንተብኡ ንተሓኤ እንተኸኣለ ብውሽጢ ኮይኑ ከበዅቡኻ እንተዘይከኣለ ከኣ ተፈንጪሉ ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክንጽላ ዝነበረ ተልእኾኡ። ስለዚ እቲ መስመር ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሓይልታት እናዓኾኸ ክመጽእ ዝጸንሐ ሕቒኡ መሲሱ ናብ ጸረ ዲሞክራሲ ተግባራት ተበጊሱ።

ይኹን እምበር በቲ ተንኮሉ ንውሱን ኤርትራዊ ምሁር ኣካል ዲሞክራሲያዊት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ከምዝቃለስን ኣብ ጎኑ ደው ከምዝብልን ገይሩ’ዩ። ኣብቲ እዋን እቲ በዚ ኣብ ዝተጠቕሰ ንኣእምሮ ኤርትራውያን ጸልዩ ኣንጻር ሃገራዊ ሓይሊ እውን ኣሕሊፉ ሂቡ እዩ። ስልጣን ምስ ሓዘ ከኣ ጸረ-ዲሞክራሲ ባህርያቱ ብዘቃልዕ “ንዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ሰማይ ከድኩም ድለይዋ” ኢሉና፡፥ ዲሞክራሲ ንኸይጥጥዕን ንከይትግበርን ህዝቢ ከይሓቶን ብማለት ውግኣት ከፊቱ። ግርም ምኽንያት ረኺቡ ድማ ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ከይተሓንጸጸ ኢትዮጵያ መሬትና ጎቢጣ እንከላ ብማለት ቅዋም ከየተግበረ ብሓይሊ ይጭቊን ኣሎ።

ኣብዚ እዋን እዚ ነቲ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ መጸዋዕታ ሰላም ሕራይ ኢሉ ምቕባሉ ንኣእምሮ ደቂ ሰባት ክዘምት ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። ድሮ እኳ እነሆ ካብቶም መዳኽርቱን ደገፍቱን ሰላም ተረኺቡ እንዲዩ ሕጂ ዓድና ኣቲና ንህነጽ እንዳበሉ ንኣእምሮኦም የታልሉን ይጥብሩን ኣለዉ። እዚ ከምታ ፈለማ ናጽነት ዝተረኽበትላ ዕለት ሆሆሆ እናበለ ሳዕቤኑ ከይፈለጠ ኣጣቒዑን ሳዕስዑን እዩ። ኣበይ ኣለዉ ዝተረፉ ደቅና ኢሉ’ኳ ክሓትት ኣይሓሰቦን። ልክዕ እዩ ሰላም ፈጺሙ ኣይጽላእን እዩ፡ እንተወሓደ ህዝብና ቁሩብ ትንፋስ እኳ ይረክብ። ኮይኑ ግን ንመገዲ ሰላም ህድእ ኢልካ ብምኻድ ካብቲ ቅድሚ ሎሚ ኣብ ኩናት ዘእተወና ብኽንድሕነሉ ንኽእል ኣገባብ ክተሓዝ ኣለዎ። ደሓር ድማ ኢሰያስ ንሰላም እንድሕሪ ደጊፉ፥ እታ ሰላም ብውሽጢ ይኹን ብደገ ትጠልቦ ነገራት ብዙሕ ከምዘሎ ክርስዕ የብሉን። ምኽንያቱ ሰላም ክበሃል እንከሎ ኢትዮጵያ ነዚ ሰላም ኣብ ምንታይ ፖለቲካዊ ወይ ቁጠባዊ ረብሓ እያ ክትተሓሓዞ ምፍላጥ ኣድላይነት ኣለዎ። ምኽንያቱ ተመሊሱ እንጥቀዓሉ ከይከውን ርግእ ኢልና ንነገራት ሓደ ብሓደ ክንመራመረሉን ክንጥቀመሉን ኣድላዪ እዩ።

ብውሽጢ እቲ ንሰላም ክኸልእ ዝጸንሐ ኢሉ ኢሰያስ ዘመኽንዮ ዝነበረ ድሕሪ ሕጂ ኣይክህሉን እዩ። ግን ከኣ እቲ ሰላም ኣብ ረብሓኡ ዘይውዕል እንተኾይኑ፡ ናይ ምብርዓኑ ኣንፈት ክህሉ ይከኣል እዩ። ብዝኾነ ግን እሱራት ክፈትሕ፥ ህዝቢ ከምድሌቱ ክነግድን ክንቀሳቐስን፥ ህዝቢ ሓሳባቱ ክገልጽን፥ ተኣጊደን ዝነበራ ጋዜጠታት ስርሐን ክጅምራን ምስዘይገብር ግን ሃገር ኣብ ዝገደደ ደልሃመት ከእትዋ ስለዝኽእል ካብ ስልጣኑ ክለቅቕ ኣለዎ። ምኽንያቱ ኢሰያስ ናይ ምምራሕ ብቕዓታቱ ናይ ዲክታቶርያ ብምዃኑ ከብቅዕ ኣለዎ። ግደ ሓቂ እታ “ጌም ኦቨር” ዝበላ ንኣኡ እያ ትግባእ።

ስለዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዚ ናይ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ዝተበጽሐ ሰላም ኢሰያስ ወያኔ ካብ ስልጣን ምስ ኣልገሰ ዝሰማማዓሉ ዘሎ ምዃኑ እቲ ኣብ ሳዋ ዝበሎ፡ ”ናይ ወያኔ ኣሽካዕላል ኣብቂዑ እዩ “ጌም ኦቨር” ዝበሎ እኹል ምስክር እዩ። ነዚ ከም ምኽንያት ዝጥቀመሉ ዘሎ ድማ ስለምንታይ ነቲ ቅድሚ ሎሚ ዝተሓሰምካዮ ሕራይ ኢልካ ተቐቢልካ ከይበሃል ዝመሃዞ ሽጣራ እዩ። ንሕና ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምቲ “ዓሳ ነታ ትብላዕ እምበር ነታ እትሓንቆ ኣይርእያን” ዝብሃል ከይንኸውን እሞ ሎሚ’ውን ኣብ ዘይደለናዮ ከይንኣቱ ደጋጊምና ክንሓስብን ክነስተውዕልን የድሊ። ሰላም ጽቡቕ’ኳ እንተኾነ ስዒቡ ከይፈለጥናዮ ብዛዕባ ክመጽእ ዝኽእል ክንግራህ የብልናን። ምኽንያቱ ወዲ ሃገር ፍትሒ ስኢኑ ክስደድ፡ ጓና ድማ ብስም ወፍሪ ንመሬት ኤርትራ ክመልኣ ሳዕቤኑ ኣሉታዊ እዩ ክኸውን። ሎሚ ኢሰያስ ዘዝበለና ሰሚዒዕናን ተቐቢልናን ክንደግሞ ጽባሕ ኣብ ህጉም ክንኣቱ ምዃንና ኣይንረስዕ።

The fast unfolding and still unclear Ethio-Eritrean relations will be the main agenda of the Public Discussion on Saturday, 4 August, at the annual Eritrea Festival in Frankfurt which is expected to conduct various political and cultural activities between 3-5 August 2018.

The fast unfolding and still unclear Ethio-Eritrean relations will be the main agenda of the Public Discussion on Saturday, 4 August,  at the annual Eritrea Festival in Frankfurt which is expected to conduct various political and cultural activities between 3-5 August 2018.

Organized by the Eritrean Democratic Association (EDA), a non-profit charity in Germany, in collaboration with Europe branches of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP), the 2018 Festival is expected to be unique of its kind.

Mr. Tesfamariam Kibreab, the EDA chairman, announced recently that a good number of Eritrean political organizations and civil society movements have positively responded to invitations to take part in the Festival Panel as represented by high-level delegations.

The Panel will dwell on the mixed messages being received from Eritrea and Ethiopia  these days. The absolute dictator in Eritrea has been doing whatever he wanted for decades in the past. Now, the big question to be answered is: who and how can the Eritrean dictator be stopped from making hard-to-reverse deals affecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Eritrea?

Besides panel talks, Eritrean political and civic figures attending the festival are expected to hold bilateral and group consultations on what is to be done to confront the pending dangers to the nation in the hands of the dangerous one-man dictatorship.

Cultural, Artistic Events

Eritrea Festival 2018 will not only be long political presentations and friendly chit-chats.

Eritrea Festival 2018 under Preparation in Frankfurt 2

Singers, musicians and persons of artistic caliber are announcing their determination to be at the Festival to entertain and educate. Among the so far reported entertainment personalities coming from Germany include Artist Eyob Haile, known for his traditional songs with his 'krar/wata' instrument and Ahmed (Hamada) Ibrahim, who will be expected to come with moving poetic narrations of what is going on between the hopeless dictator in Eritrea and the new-found 'saviour' Ethiopian friend, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, who appears to be willing to appease and go along (at the cost of the entire Eritrean nation) with a person accused of perpetrating crimes against humanity. Other musicians/singers coming from other places will include two young men from Switzerland - Tesfai Jentile and Aliton.

Saturday, 21 July 2018 15:20

Creeping paranoia in Djiboutian diplomatic circles

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Postby Waachis » Fri Jul 20, 2018 2:45 pm

Creeping paranoia in Djiboutian diplomatic circles
 
THE INDIAN OCEAN NEWSLETTER ISSUE 1478 DATED 19/07/2018
Image result for Mahmoud Ali YoussoufIn a missive addressed to his ambassadors which The Indian Ocean Newsletter has obtained a copy of, the Djiboutian foreign minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf has expressed himself in very undiplomatic terms, reflecting the anxiety of the Djiboutian authorities in the face of the current rapprochement between Addis Ababa and Asmara. The minister is of the view that the Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed Ali is guilty of 'reckless haste' and is using his country's status as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council to secure the lifting of sanctions on Eritrea, without giving due thought to the negative impact this may have on Djibouti...
 
After this diatribe against the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the policies of the Ethiopian prime minister, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf goes on to express his concern at 'the interference and meddling of the United Arab Emirates in this reconfiguring of alliances in the sub-region'. He describes this Gulf state as 'the armed wing and bankroller of the strategy of the new US administration' and claims that the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan (MbZ), has pledged 'billions of dollars in deposits and investments' in exchange for Ethiopia extending the hand of friendship to Asmara.
 
He then seizes the opportunity to criticise the Frud arme, 'hosted and supported by Eritrea', a country which will soon be seeing Ethiopian businesses setting up shop and operating out of the port of Assab rather than the port of Djibouti. He therefore recommends 'a clear and unambiguous statement to Ethiopia of our position and our displeasure'.
 
The end of this memo reads almost like a threat to Ethiopia, 'this country [which] has not yet left its turbulent times behind' and where 'the risk of implosion is not to be underestimated [...] given[the forthcoming] operations to harness the oil and gas resources of the Ogaden'.
 

ህልዋት መራሕቲ ህግዲፍ ይኹኑ ቀዳሞት መራሕቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንጸላእየይ ጸላኢኡስ ፈታውየይ ኢዩ ዝብል ፖሊሲ እዮም ኣብ ግብሪ ከውዕሉ ጸኒሖምን ጌና እውን ዘውዕሉ ዘለዉን። ኣብ 1980ታት መራሕቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ነታ ሽዑ መቓናቕንቶም ዝነበረት ሃገራዊት ውድብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንምድምሳስ ምስ ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ተመሓዝዮም ንሓደ ዓመት ዝቐጸለ ናይ ሓባር መጥቃዕቲ ኣብ ልዕሊኣ ኣካየዱ።

ቅድሚ ሰማንያታት ኣብ ዝነበረ ግዜ፡ ባድመ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቍጽጽር ተሓኤ ኢያ ነይራ። ንተሓኤ ንምጥቃዕ ኣብ ዝወጠንሉ እዋን ግን፡ ባድመ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቍጽጽር ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ ክትኣቱ መራሕቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኩሉ ዝከኣሎም ገበሩ። ሃይለማርያም ማሞ ዝተባህለ ናብ’ቲ ከባቢ ዝተመደበ ካድር ህዝባዊ ግንባር፡ ንኤርትራውያን ነበርቲ ባድመ እንተፈቲኹም ስቕ ኢልኩም ብወያነ ተመሓደሩ፡ እንተጸሊእኩም ድማ መሬቶም ለቒቕኩም ናብ ዝደለኽምዎ ቦታ ኪዱ እናበለ ንብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ንስደትን ምፍንቃልን ከምዘዳረጎም ነበርቲ ባድመ ዝፈልጥዎ ሓቂ እዩ። ባድመ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቍጽጽር ወያነ ምስ ኣተወት እውን እቶም ዝተረፉ ኤርትራውያን ብዝተፈላለየ ሜላታት ካብ ባድመ ከምዝባረሩ ተገይሩ ኢዩ። ኣብ መደበራት ስደተኛታት ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ደቂ ባድመ ድማ ህያው ምስክርነት ናይ’ዚ ታሪኽ’ዚ እዮም። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ተገዲዶም ንውሽጢ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝግዓዙ ኤርትራውያን ተቐማጦ ባድመ ድማ ማእለያ የብሎምን።

ምሕዝነት ህዝባዊ ግንባርን ህወሓትን ጽቡቕ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ እዋን፡ ደገፍቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ህወሓት ኣብ ውግእ ኣይተኽፈለን እናበሉ ብመራሕቶም ዝተዋህቦም ፕሮፓጋንዳ ክደጋግሙ ንተጋደልቲ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ድማ ከም ሓሰውቲ ክገልጹ እዮም ዝውዕሉ ነይሮም።

ኣብ’ቲ ክሳብ 1997 ዝቐጸለ ምሕዝነቶም ከኣ ኣብ መንጐኦም ፖለቲካዊ፡ ወተሃደራዊ፡ ጸጥታውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ስምምዓት ገይሮም ምንባሮም እውን ዝዝከር ኢዩ። ዶባትና ናብ ትርጉም ዘይብሉ ብርኪ ተሰጋጊሩ ኢዩ እናበሉ ክጅሃሩ እውን ተሰሚዖም እዮም። ኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቂ መራሒ ናይ ዝሓበራ ሃገራት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክኸውን ባህጊ ከምዝነበሮ ክንፈልጥ ምኽኣልና ድማ “ምቕናይ ግርም” ዝብል ኣበሃህላ ጥራሕ እዩ ዘዘኻኽረካ። ነብስሄር ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ነበር መለስ ዜናዊኸ፡ እንታይ ኮን ተሰሚዕዎ ይኸውን?

ጽንሕ ኢሎም ግን፡ እቶም መሓዙ ዝነበሩ ክልተ ውድባት ንዝገበርዎ ስምምዓትን ውዕላትን ገዲፎም ብዶብ ኣመሳሚሶም ናብ’ቲ ንኽልተ ዓመት ዝቐጸለ ናይ 1998-2000 ዓ.ም ኣዕናዊ ውግእ ኣተዉ። ኣብ’ዚ ውግእ’ዚ ዝሃለቐን ዝሰንከአልን ሰብ፡ ዝበረሰ ንብረት፡ ዝጠፍአ ገንዘብ፡ ዝተሰደን ዝተፈናቐለን ህዝቢ ናይ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ማእለያ የብሉን።

ውግእ ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ብመሰረት ውዕል ኣልጀርስ ደው ድሕሪ ምባሉን ኮሚሽን ዶባት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታ ብይን ድሕሪ ምሃቡን ድማ፡ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ፡ …..ብይን ኮሚሽን ዶብ ኢትዮጵያ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ስለዝዀነ፡ ብዘይ ቅድመ-ኵነት ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕል ኣለዎ…. ዶባትና ከይተመልከተ፡ ኣብ ልዝብ ኣይንኣቱ ኢና…ብይን ኮሚሽን ዶብ ኣብ ግብሪ እንተውዒሉ ግን፡ ንሕና ንጽባሒቱ ዝምድናና ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ከነሐድሶ ኢና… ክብል ከሎ፤ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ድማ፡ ንሕና ውዕል ኣልጀርስን ብይን ኮሚሽን ዶብን ብመርህ ደረጃ ተቐቢልናዮ ኣሎና ንምትግባሩ ግን ቅድም ናብ ልዝብ ክንኣቱ ኣሎና ይብል ነበረ። ህዝብታት ክልቲኡ ሃገራት በዚ ሓሓሊፉ ተዅሲ ዝኽፈተሉ፡ ንዕምሪ ስልጣን መራሕቶም ንምንዋሕ ዝዓለመ ናይ “ኣይሰላም ኣይውግእ” ኣሰልቻዊ ፖሊሲ ን20 ዓመታት ዝኣክል ብናይ ጽልኢ ዓይኒ እናተጠማመቱ ክኸዱ ተገደዱ።

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብዝተኸስተ ህዝባዊ ማዕበል ዘስዓቦ ለውጥታት፡ ዶር ኣብዪ ኣሕመድ፡ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ድሕሪ ምዃኑ፡ ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜ ከኣ፡ ናይ ፖለቲካን ሕልናን እሱራት ክፍትሑ፡ ናይ ህጹጽ ግዜ ኣዋጅ ክለዓል፡ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኢትዮጵያ ናብ ሃገሮም ተመሊሶም ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ክወዳደሩ ዘኽእል ማዓጹ ከፈተ። ብ5 ሰነ 2018 ድማ፡ ንውዕል ኣልጀርስን ብይን ኮሚሽን ዶብ ብዘይ ቅድመ-ኵነት ኣብ ግብሪ ንኸውዕል ድልዊ ምዃኑ ኣፍለጠ። ካብ’ዚ ተበጊሱ ብ8 ሓምለ 2018 ድማ ናብ ኤርትራ ብጽሖት ገበረ። ብወገን ህወሓት ድማ፡ ጕንጺ ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ብሰላም ክፍታሕ ንድግፍ፡ ኣብ ግብሪ ኣወዓዕላኡ ግን ብልዝብ ክኸውን ኣለዎ ዝብል ምስ’ቲ ናይ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ዘይሳነ፡ ናይ መርገጻት ከንጸባርቕ ተሰምዐ።

ስርዓት ኤርትራ፡ ነቲ ጸላኢ ጸላኢየይ ፈታውየይ ዝብል ስልቱ ኣብ ግብሪ ዘውዕለሉ ዕድል ስለዝረኸበ፡ ነቲ ዶብና ከይተመልከተ ወይ ከይተሓንጸጸ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣይንላዘብን ዝብል እውጅ መርገጹ ገዲፉ፡ ብመንጐኝነት ኣመሪካ ምስ መራሕቲ ኢትዮጵያ ንንውሕ ዝበለ ግዜ ካብ ህዝቢ ተኸዊሉ ብምስጢር ክራኸብ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ፡ ብ20 ሰነ ልኡኽ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ክሰድድ ምዃኑ ኣፍለጠ። ንኻልኣይ ግዜ ድማ፡ “ጸላኢ ጸላእየይ ፈታውየይ” ካብ ዝብል ፖሊሲኡ ተበጊሱ፡ ብዑስማን ሳልሕ፡ ሚኒስተር ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ኤርትራን የማነ ገብርኣብ፡ ኣማኻሪ ፕረሲደንት ኤርትራን ዝምራሕ ልኡኽ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ለኣኸ።

ስዒቡ ድማ፡ ንኢትዮጵያ ብጽሖት ድሕር ምግባሩ፡ ብዘስደምም ፍጥነት፡ ኤምባሲታት ክኽፈት፡ ነፈርቲ ካብን ናብን ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ክበራ፡ ወደባት ኣብ ኣገልግሎት ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ክውዕል፡ ጽርግያታት ክሕደሱ፡ ተጓዓዝቲ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ቪዛ ኣብ ኣየርፖርት ናይ’ቲ ዝኣተውሉ ሃገር ክወስድ ወዘተ ዝብል ስምምዓት ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕል ይርአ ኣሎ።

ጕዳይ ምምልካት ዶብ ግን ኣብ’ዚኣ ዝብሃል ዘይብላ ህጥም ኢላ ተረፈት። ብኣንጻሩ፡ …ዶብ ወይ ድንበር ኣይዓግተናን ኢዩ…፡ ብፍቕርን ይቕሬታን ሰጊርናዮ ኢና፡ …እናተባህለ ብዳንኬራን ብጫውጫውታን ኢዩ ዝሕለፍ ዘሎ።

ዘበን ግርምቢጥ ማይ ንዓቐብ እዩ ኮይኑ ነገሩ። ዶብ ከይተሓንጸጸ ምምሕያሽ ዝምድናታት (normalization) ብዘስደምም ፍጥነት ንቕድሚት ክውንጨፍ ኢዩ ዝርአ ዘሎ። እቲ ን20 ዓመታት ኮለል ዘበለና ጭርሖታት ደኣ ኣበይ ኣተወ?

እዚ ናይ ዳንኬራ መድረኽ፡ ልክዕ ከም’ቶም ቀዳሞት ናይ ዳንኬራ መድረኻት ምስ ሓለፈ፡ እቲ ዝናብን ማዕበልን ምስ ሃደአ፡ እቲ ፍታሕ ዝደሊ ጕዳያት ባዕሉ ኣብ ቅድሚ ክልቲኦም መራሕቲ ክድቀን ኢዩ። እቲ ሰይጣን ኣብ ዝርዝር ኢዩ ዘሎ ዝብሃል ምስላ ድማ ክመጽእ ምዃኑ ብሩህ ኢዩ። ነዚ ተበጺሑ ዘሎ ስምምዕ ብኸመይ ንተግብሮ ምስ ተባህለ፡ ፍልልያትን ዋጢጥን ዘይተርፍ ምዃኑ ርዱእ ኢዩ። ሽዑ’ኸ፡ ክልተ ጐርሓት ሓሙኽሽቲ ስንቆም እንታይ ኢዮም ክገብሩ ዝፍለጥ የለን። ወዲ ድሙ ነይገድፍ ግብሪ እሙ ኢልካ ጥራሕ ምሕላፉ ኢዩ ዝምረጽ።

ስለ’ዚ፡ ካብ ጉይይ ምውዓል ክሳድ ምሓዝ ስለዝዀነ፡ ብመጀመርያ ዶባትና ምምልካትን ወይ ምንጻርን ልዑላውነት ሃገርና ምውሓስን ዕሽሽ ዘይብሃሎ ዕላማ ህዝብናን ሰማእታትናን ስለዝዀነ፡ ብዘይ ውዓል ሕደር ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕል ኣለዎ ኢልና ክንድርኽ ይግብኣና። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ ድማ፡ ጸገም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጕዳይ ዶብ ጥራሕ ስለዘይኰነ፡ ነቲ ህዝብና ብድሕሪ ሃገራዊ ናጽነት ምጕንጻፉ ተሓሪምዎ ዘሎ መሰረታዊ ሓርነታትን መሰላትን ንምርግጋጽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ልክዕ ከም’ቲ ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ዝገበሮ ዓው ኢሉ ድምጹ ከስምዕን ንምርግጋጹ ዘድሊ ዋጋ ክኸፍልን ክብገስ ኣለዎ።

ስለ’ዚ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከልዕሎም ዘለዎ እዋናዊ ጠለባት፡-

  1. ኤርትራ ብቕዋምን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ክትመሓደር፤
  2. ናይ ፖለቲካን ናይ ሕልናን እሱራት ክፍትሑ፤
  3. ደረት ዘይብሉ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎት ክተርፍ። ብሕግን ብግዜን ዝተወሰነ ኣገልግሎት ጥራሕ ክኸውን፤
  4. መሰረታዊ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ከይተሽራረፉ ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕሉ፤
  5. ተቓወምቲ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ብናጻ ኣብ ሃገሮም ዝንቀሳቐስሉ ባይታ ምፍጣር፤
  6. ናይ ዕርቅን ይቕረ ምብህሃል መድረኽ ምኽፋት።

ላም ፍርቂ ጐድና ኣይትዓብር፡ ፍርቂ ጐድና ኣይትሃጥር ከምዝበሃል፡ እቶም ኣብ ሃገሮም ዲሞክራስን ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ከረጋግጹ ዝደልዩ መንግስታትን መራሕትን ድማ ኣብ ኤርትራ እውን ንኽረጋገጽ ካብኦም ዝጥለብ ሓገዛት ከበርክቱ ይግባእ።

Friday, 20 July 2018 06:28

The Global Slavery Index 2018

Written by
Report

from Walk Free Foundation

Published on 19 Jul 2018 —
 

Executive Summary

Depriving someone of their freedom is a terrible violation. Modern slavery is a destructive, personal crime and an abuse of human rights. It is a widespread and profitable criminal industry but despite this it is largely invisible, in part because it disproportionately affects the most marginalised. This is why measuring this problem is so crucial in exposing and ultimately resolving it. The information contained within the Global Slavery Index is critical in these efforts.

The 2018 Global Slavery Index measures the extent of modern slavery country by country, and the steps governments are taking to respond to this issue to objectively measure progress toward ending modern slavery. The Index draws together findings from across estimates of prevalence, measurement of vulnerability, and assessment of government responses, alongside an analysis of trade flows and data on specific products. When considered as a set, the data provide a complex and insightful picture of the ways modern slavery is impacting countries around the world. This enables us to refine our thinking on how to better respond to modern slavery, and also how to predict and prevent modern slavery in future.

As reported in the recent Global Estimates of Modern Slavery, published by the International Labour Organization and the Walk Free Foundation, in partnership with the International Organization for Migration, an estimated 40.3 million people were living in modern slavery in 2016. In other words, on any given day in 2016, there were more than 40 million people – about 70 percent of whom are women and girls – who were being forced to work against their will under threat or who were living in a forced marriage. In the past five years, 89 million people experienced some form of modern slavery for periods of time ranging from a few days to the whole five years. These estimates are conservative, given the gaps in existing data in key regions such as the Arab States and also exclusions of critical forms of modern slavery such as recruitment of children by armed groups and organ trafficking due to lack of data. From this starting point, the 2018 Global Slavery Index uses predictive modelling, based on data from nationally representative surveys and the Walk Free Foundation Vulnerability Model, to estimate the prevalence of modern slavery country by country.

The contributing factors

Findings from the 2018 Global Slavery Index highlight the connection between modern slavery and two major external drivers - highly repressive regimes, in which populations are put to work to prop up the government, and conflict situations which result in the breakdown of rule of law, social structures, and existing systems of protection.

The country with the highest estimated prevalence is North Korea. In North Korea, one in 10 people are in modern slavery with the clear majority forced to work by the state. As a UN Commission of Inquiry has observed, violations of human rights in North Korea are not mere excesses of the state, they are an essential component of the political system. This is reflected in the research on North Korea undertaken through interviews with defectors for this Global Slavery Index. North Korea is followed closely by Eritrea, a repressive regime that abuses its conscription system to hold its citizens in forced labour for decades. These countries have some of the weakest responses to modern slavery and the highest risk.

The 10 countries with highest prevalence of modern slavery globally, along with North Korea and Eritrea, are Burundi, the Central African Republic, Afghanistan, Mauritania, South Sudan, Pakistan, Cambodia, and Iran. Most of these countries are marked by conflict, with breakdowns in rule of law, displacement and a lack of physical security (Eritrea, Burundi, the Central African Republic, Afghanistan, South Sudan and Pakistan). Three of the 10 countries with the highest prevalence stand out as having state-imposed forced labour (North Korea, Eritrea and Burundi). Indeed, North Korea, Eritrea, Burundi, the Central African Republic, Afghanistan, South Sudan and Iran are the subject of various UN Security Council resolutions reflecting the severity and extremity of the situations there.

A global issue

One of the most important findings of the 2018 Global Slavery Index is that the prevalence of modern slavery in high-GDP countries is higher than previously understood, underscoring the responsibilities of these countries. Through collaboration, the number of data sources which inform the Index has increased. This has allowed the Index to more consistently measure prevalence in countries where exploitation has taken place. More surveys in sending countries has resulted in more data about receiving countries, most of which are highly developed.
 
Following these changes, an interesting pattern emerges: the prevalence estimates for the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and several other European nations are higher than previously understood. Given these are also the countries taking the most action to respond to modern slavery, this does not mean these initiatives are in vain. It does, however, underscore that even in countries with seemingly strong laws and systems, there are critical gaps in protections for groups such as irregular migrants, the homeless, workers in the shadow or gig economy, and certain minorities. These gaps, which are being actively exploited by criminals, need urgent attention from governments.

The realities of global trade and commerce make it inevitable the products and proceeds of modern slavery will cross borders. Accordingly, for the first time we examine the issue of modern slavery not only from the perspective of where the crime is perpetrated but also where the products of the crime are sold and consumed, with a specific focus on the G20 countries. The resulting analysis presents a stark contrast of risk and responsibility, with G20 countries importing risk on a scale not matched by their responses.

Citizens of most G20 countries enjoy relatively low levels of vulnerability to the crime of modern slavery within their borders, and many aspects of their governments’ responses to it are comparatively strong. Nonetheless, businesses and governments in G20 countries are importing products that are at risk of modern slavery on a significant scale. Looking only at the “top five” at-risk products in each country identified by our analysis, G20 countries are collectively importing US$354 billion worth of at-risk products annually.

Of greatest concern is the continuing trade in coal from North Korea, alongside other products that are subject to UN Security Council sanctions. However, most of the at-risk products examined for this report are not subject to existing sanctions. Rather, information about risk of modern slavery can be found in research and media reports, and occasionally court cases. G20 countries are only just beginning to respond to this risk, through a growing focus on modern slavery in the supply chains of business and government, but existing efforts are not nearly enough. The Government Response Index reveals that more than half of the G20 countries are yet to formally enact laws, policies or practices aimed at stopping business and government sourcing goods and services produced by forced labour (Argentina, Australia, Canada, India, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, and Turkey). The exceptions are China, Brazil, France, Germany, Italy, UK, and the United States, each of which has begun to take some steps in this regard. Australia has announced it will introduce supply chain transparency laws in the second half of 2018.

Government responses

While much more needs to be done to prevent and respond to modern slavery, the Government Response Index suggests that national legal, policy, and programmatic responses to modern slavery are improving, with an upward trend overall in ratings for government responses. Globally, governments are taking more action to strengthen legislation and establish coordination and accountability mechanisms. Protection measures are being strengthened, with improvements in access to justice for adults and children in some countries. Nonetheless, in every country, there are enormous gaps between the estimated size of modern slavery and the small number of victims that are identified. This suggests efforts that exist on paper are not being implemented effectively. Furthermore, in many countries, critical gaps in services remain, with 50 percent of countries excluding either migrants, men, or children from accessing services. Not only are certain groups of victims not being identified, even when they are detected they are not able to access support and other services.

Moreover, high-GDP countries such as Qatar, Singapore, Kuwait, Brunei and Hong Kong are doing very little to respond despite their wealth and resources, while low-GDP countries such as Georgia, Moldova, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Mozambique are responding strongly.

Government engagement with business on modern slavery has increased dramatically since the 2016 Global Slavery Index. In 2018, 36 countries are taking steps to address forced labour in business or public supply chains, compared to only four countries in 2016. However, these steps are often to establish the bare minimum of reporting requirements; individual governments can do much more than they are doing to proactively engage with business to prevent forced labour in supply chains and in public procurement.

Progress, but challenges remain

The 2018 edition of the Global Slavery Index introduces new ways to look at an existing problem, drawing on a growing data set and increasingly sophisticated analysis. This deepens our understanding of the different contexts where modern slavery is likely to flourish and helps us predict the next flashpoint. For example, it is clear that if the international community does nothing to address the enormous risks resulting from the mass displacement of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya people to temporary camps in Bangladesh, this will be the next population of deeply exploited and abused people – further compounding and reinforcing what is already a deeply entrenched conflict. It is equally clear that businesses and governments continuing to trade with highly repressive regimes such as North Korea and Eritrea are contributing to the maintenance of forced labour.

The research also highlights the responsibilities held by both low-GDP and high-GDP countries. All governments have committed to work together to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 8.7 on eradicating modern slavery. In this regard, high-GDP countries cannot simply rely on doing more of the same – there is an urgent need to prioritise prevention, through a focus on discrimination and safe migration. Equally, high-GDP countries have an obligation to take serious and urgent steps to address the risks they are importing. They owe this obligation both to consumers in their own countries and to victims along the supply chain, where products are being harvested, packed and shipped.

This edition of the Global Slavery Index introduces important improvements to the ways prevalence of modern slavery is measured. Building on the collaborative work undertaken with the ILO and IOM on the Global Estimates of Modern Slavery, the Global Slavery Index results reflect changes to scope, methodology, and expanded data sources. The estimates are presented as a stock (or point in time) calculation rather than a flow (total over a period of time), include state imposed forced labour, and better estimates of sexual exploitation, and children in modern slavery. Further, we were able to count exploitation where it occurred more consistently due to a considerably larger number of national surveys.

As a result of these advancements, the national prevalence estimates are not comparable with previous editions of the Global Slavery Index. Nonetheless, the strengthened methodology reflects stronger data, increased levels of data, and more systematic coverage of different forms of modern slavery. As such, while comparability from previous years is lost, the changes are justified by the need to continually improve our knowledge base.

Recommendations

1. Governments and businesses prioritise human rights in decision making when engaging with repressive regimes.
Deliver on financial and trade restrictions imposed by the UN Security Council, such as those in place against North Korea.
Conduct due diligence and transparency of business operations, to ensure that any trade, business or investment is not contributing to or benefiting from modern slavery (or other human rights abuses).
Establish active efforts to drive positive social change through economic and business relationships

2. Governments proactively anticipate and respond to modern slavery in conflict situations.
Create protective systems to identify and assist victims, and at-risk populations both during conflict and in postconflict settings (including in neighbouring countries).
Collect and preserve evidence to ensure perpetrators can be punished.
Prioritise international cooperation to investigate and prosecute perpetrators

3. Governments improve modern slavery responses at home.
Improve prevention, including through prioritising safe migration and steps to combat deep discrimination, whether against ethnic minorities, women and girls or migrants.
Close the gap between the estimated size of modern slavery and the small numbers of victims that are detected and assisted, through implementing laws to identify victims. If laws are not working, the question should be asked why, so barriers can be found and overcome.
Ensure labour laws protect all workers, including migrant workers, temporary and casual workers, and all people working in the informal economy.
Ensure all victims can access services, support and justice, whether they are male, female, children, foreigners or nationals and regardless of migration status.

4. G20 governments and businesses address modern slavery in supply chains.
Conduct due diligence and transparency in public procurement to guarantee public funds are not inadvertently supporting modern slavery.
Conduct due diligence and transparency in private supply chains, using legislation that is harmonized across countries.
Ensure the ethical recruitment of migrant workers, including through prohibiting charging workers fees to secure work and withholding identification documents.

5. Governments prioritise responses to violations against women and girls.
Eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls.
Eliminate harmful practices such as child, early and forced marriage and female genital mutilation.
End abuse and exploitation of children.
Facilitate safe, orderly and responsible migration.

Country level recommendations can be found in the country studies under findings. Regional level recommendations can be found in the forthcoming regional reports.
 
Read the full report here
 
 
Reuters Staff
 
ASMARA (Reuters) - Eritrea has pulled troops back from the heavily militarized border with Ethiopia as a “gesture of reconciliation” with its giant neighbor and long-time foe, the pro-government Eritrean Press agency said on its Facebook page.

“It is imperative for all those who care about the long-term stability and economic viability of the region to do everything they can to help the two countries move beyond the senseless war that wrought so much suffering on both people,” the agency said.
 
Reporting by Omar Mohammed and Ed Cropley; Editing by James Macharia
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