“ብሓባር ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ብሓባር ነድምጽ ከነስሞ” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ጭርሖ፡ ብኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበርን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ኣብ ምስንዳእ ዝጸንሐ፡ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2018 ምድላዋቱ ወዲኡ ካብ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራት ኤውሮጳ፡ ካብ ሽወደን፡ ኖርወይ፡ ደንማርክ፡ ፈረንሳ፡ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ፡ ካብ ኣመሪካን ካብ ዝተፈላለያ ከተማታት ጀርመንን ዝመጹን ዝመጻን ኣጋይሽ ምቕባል ጀሚሩ ይርከብ። ብዘይካዚ ክልተ ካብቶም ንሕና ምስ ህዝብና ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት ተራኺብና በታ እንኽላ ሞያ ከነሐጉሶ ድሉዋት ኢና ዝበሉ ኣባላት ኪነት እውን ካብ ስዊዘርላንድ ፍራንክፎርት ምብጽሖም ተረጋጊጹ ኣሎ። ካብዚኣቶም ሓው ዓሊቶ ኣርባዕተ ካብ ቋንቋታት ኤርትር መሊኹ ዝጻወት ከምዝኮነውን ተገንዚብና ኣለና።

ኣባላት ኣሳናዳኢት ሽማግለ እንተኮነ እውን ብዕለት 02.08.2018 ድሕሪ ቀትሪ ኣብ ቦታ ፈስቲቫል ተረኪቦም፡ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ኣኼባ ገይሮም እቲ ዝግባእ ምስንዳእ ከምዘጠናቐቁን፡ ቁጽሪ ተወከልቲ ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ምንቅስቓሳትን፡ ወሲኩ ምህላዉን፡ ናይቶም ብኣካል ክሳተፉ ዘይካኣሉ ማሕበራትን ትካላትን ድማ ብጽሑፍን ብቃልን ዝተሰነ ናይ ደገፍ መልእክትታት ዝመጸ ምህላዉ ብምግንዛብ፡ ኣብተዳልዩ ዝጸንሐ ፕሮግራም ፈስቲቫል ምምሕያሻት ገይሮም ከምዘለዉ ተነጊሩ።

ኣብ ተክኒካውን ምምሕዳራውን ጉዳያት እንተኮነ’ውን፡ ኣደራሽ ተሰሪዑ፡ ንፈስቲቫል ዘድሊ መዘናግዒ ንብረት ኣብ ክልተ ኣደራሻት ተዳልዩ ከምዘሎ እውን ተሓቢሩ ኣሎ።

ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ብጽቡቕ የራኽበና!!

ቦታ ፈስቲቫል፡ Merton str. 26 – 28

Frankfurt am Main- Bockenheimer warte.

Contrary to Israeli Claims, Switzerland Says It Doesn’t Forcibly Return Asylum Seekers to Eritrea

Source: Haaretz

Israelis supporting deportations have held on to a recent Swiss ruling permitting the return of Eritreans in some cases, but the Swiss Embassy in Israel says forced expulsion is ‘not permitted and not reasonable’

 
 
Protest against the deportation of asylum seekers, April 2018.Protest against the deportation of asylum seekers, April 2018.Moti Milrod

Switzerland has clarified that it does not expel Eritrean asylum seekers from its territory, refuting Israel’s claim that it was halting the granting of refugee status to Eritreans and would deport thousands of them.

A letter sent by the Swiss Embassy in Israel to the Knesset, obtained by Haaretz, says that every asylum request by an Eritrean national is examined individually, and that forced expulsion is “not possible,” even if there is a legal option to return some of them to their native land.

According to Bern’s official figures, 75.2 percent of Eritrean asylum seekers have obtained some form of legal status in Switzerland, which protects them against deportation and offers them social benefits and the right to work legally. Some 58.3 percent of asylum seekers have been fully recognized as refugees. The figure in Israel is 0.1 percent; there are some 26,000 Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel, and only 10 have been recognized as refugees.

In Switzerland, Eritreans whose request for asylum is denied may still live in Switzerland without being arrested or deported, with basic welfare and health benefit. The Swiss document emphasized that “Switzerland does not return Eritrean nationals by force.”

 

Following the denial of the 21-year-old’s request earlier this month, the media in Israel and pro-deportation activists claimed that it was a dramatic precedent, showing that there was no legal impediment to sending Eritreans back to their country. Following the rejection of the 29-year-old’s request last year, former Interior Minister Gideon Sa’ar wrote on settler website Arutz Sheva that “The Israeli political echelon should use these precedents and force our legal system out of its comfort zone.”

Asylum seekers leaving Saharonim holding facility, April 2018. Asylum seekers leaving Saharonim holding facility, April 2018. Eliyahu Hershkowitz

The chairman of the Knesset Interior Committee, Yoav Kish (Likud), said it was possible to conclude from the Swiss policy that there is no impediment to returning the Eritreans to their country.

In addition, it was reported in Israel that Switzerland was going to deport 3,200 asylum seekers to Eritrea. Their status is indeed being examined, but even if it is determined that they are not in danger if they return to their country they will not be forcibly deported.

The embassy staffers wrote that there are two distinct types of temporary status in Switzerland: one for refugees with retroactive grounds for asylum – personal risk created through or after their flight – and the other for people not recognized as refugees but whose deportation is considered “not permitted, not reasonable or not possible.” A general, global policy cannot impact individuals without an individual review, the Swiss said.

 

According to the letter, the latest rulings do not affect the ability of Eritrean citizens to live in Switzerland, and will not lead to their deportation, and certainly do not affect anyone already recognized as a refugee.

Still, the letter stated that the deportation of people whose asylum requests were denied is permissible and reasonable, even if they are conscripted into the military upon their return. While “conditions of life in the national service are painful… there are reports of ill-treatments and sexual abuses during the national service” and “Eritrean national service can be qualified as forced labor” it might not be ” not to the point that they would render an expulsion illegal” for a person denied refugee status. However, the person cannot be returned by force.

As for the 29-year-old who was refused, she had already finished her military service. According to the document, “the return of Eritrean nationals cannot be generally considered as unreasonable. Illegal exit is not a sufficient ground for asylum on its own, in the absence of an additional risk factor. Persons who have already accomplished their national service and ‘diaspora members; who settled their situation with the Eritrean government are not necessarily at risk of being convicted, recruited for national service or persecuted.” Nevertheless, the woman was neither arrested nor deported.

 

Sigal Rozen, of the Hotline for Refugees and Migrant Workers, said: “Switzerland’s asylum policy has indeed become very strict, but the only country that expels Eritreans is Sudan, whose leader is wanted by the International Criminal Court for genocide. No democratic country forcibly deports Eritrean nationals. The Justice and Foreign Ministries have made it clear that the deportation is not even on the agenda currently, and it seems that the very discussion of it in the Knesset was meant only to create headlines that might frighten a few more asylum seekers.”

Update: Djibouti’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf has denied the report below.

Djibouti tweet

Source: Hiiraan Online
Tuesday July 31, 2018
Djibouti (HOL) – The Djibouti President, Ismail Omar Guelleh is expected to visit the Eritrean capital Asmara later this week to engage in direct bilateral talks with his Eritrean counterpart President Isaias Afwerki, Hiiraan Online has learned.

Relations between Eritrea and Djibouti have been in tatters since the latter’s decision to support Ethiopia during the Eritrean-Ethiopian War of 1998–2000. Djibouti did not participate directly in the fighting but provided intelligence and logistical support to Ethiopia. As a result of the 1998 border war, Ethiopia – a landlocked country – lost access to the Eritrean port of Massawa and began to form an economic and political partnership with Djibouti that was born of out mutual necessity. Djiboutian ports delivered up to 95% of Ethiopian imports and in return import fresh water and electricity from Ethiopia

Tensions between Eritrea and Djibouti reached a crescendo in June 2008 when armed clashes broke out between the two neighbours after Djibouti accused Asmara of moving troops across the disputed Ras Doumeira area.

A fragile Qatari-brokered peace deal was reached in 2010 that was responsible for monitoring the disputed area and working towards fostering a lasting peace between the two sides. The presence of the nearly 500-strong troops created a seven-year no-peace-no-war stalemate that was threatned last June when Qatar abruptly pulled out of the border region in protest of both countries’ decision to support the Saudi Arabia led coalition in their blockade on Qatar.

Djibouti said that Eritrean troops began moving into the disputed areas of Doumeira Mountain and Doumeira island immediately after the Qatari peacekeepers completed their unannounced withdrawal.

According to sources privy to the development, Guelleh is expected to travel to Asmara this week. If the reports are accurate, it would renew optimism for a breakthrough in one of Africa’s most complicated border disputes and may possibly lead to the removal of U.N. sanctions on Eritrea.

The news comes on the heels of an unexpected state visit to Asmara by Somalia’s President, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo and follows the extraordinary diplomatic thawing of relations in recent weeks between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Eritrea, which has been described as Africa’s most isolated dictatorship, cut off ties with Ethiopia in 1998 after a brutal border over the town of Badme. Somalia has not had diplomatic relations with Eritrea for over 15 years.

During his meeting, President Farmajo joined Ethiopia in asking the U.N. to remove the sanctions placed on Eritrea.

“We urge all economic sanctions and embargo imposed on the people of Eritrea must be lifted so that the economic integration of the Horn of Africa region can be realized,” Farmajo told a banquet hosted by Eritrea’s president Sunday night.

One of the main justifications for the sanctions on Eritrea has been its alleged support for the Somalia-based militant insurgency group Al-Shabaab. Eritrea has vehemently denied the charges and has accused the U.N. of being manipulated by Eritrea’s political adversaries in the region.

However, Djibouti has gone on the record to say that the sanctions should remain in place until the contentious border dispute between the two countries is amicably resolved.

Last month, the Djiboutian Ambassador to the UN, Siad Doualeh, wrote an open letter to the UN Security Council calling on the world body to mediate in their border dispute with Eritrea. In the letter, Doualeh asked for the U.N. to bring the two sides together “with the aim of facilitating an agreement between them upon a mutually acceptable means of peaceful dispute settlement,” emphasizing that they wanted a “judicial settlement or arbitration” that would be legally binding.

Doualeh reminded the Security Council that one of the reasons sanctions were placed on Eritrea in 2009 was “because of its aggression against Djibouti and its refusal to withdraw its troops from the disputed area, and its rejection of all efforts aimed at mediating between the two parties.”

“Eritrean forces continue to occupy Djiboutian territory, prisoners of war remain unaccounted for, threats of force continue to emanate from the Eritrean side and the risk of violent confrontation is once again high,” Doualeh said.

On Monday, Doualeh made a statement before the Security Council where he doubled down on Djibouti’s position. He accused Eritrea of continuing to recruit, train and equip Djibouti rebels – including children – at the Anda’ali training camp in the Southern Red Sea region of Eritrea who attacks Djibouti villages and security forces. Doualeh says that Eritrea’s actions “defiantly ignore Security Council resolutions”.

He urged the Council to keep sanction on Eritrea intact so as long as they refuse to comply with the resolutions.

“If Council’s resolutions are to be regarded as more than empty and meaningless gestures, the sanctions for non-compliance must remain in place as long as Eritrea refuses to comply with them.

He added that “at the same time, Djibouti would support action by the Council to facilitate Eritrea’s compliance by laying out a clear path and a reasonable timetable towards this end.”

The Ambassador also included three recommendations to the Security Council.

  1. In respect of ending Eritrea’s support for armed groups, the Council should resolve to send a Monitoring Mission to Eritrea within one month, with the condition that Eritrea commit to full cooperation with the mission, including full access to all information and records the mission deems necessary to review and all personnel it finds necessary to interview. The Mission would then report to the council within 30 days of its return from Eritrea.
  2. In regard to prisoners of war, the Council could require that Eritrea account for them to the same Monitoring Mission and permit access to the Mission as well the ICRC.
  3. Finally, in respect of the good offices of the Secretary-General in close collaboration with the Security Council, the Secretary-General could convene an urgent meeting of the Principal Parties to facilitate an agreement between them upon a mutually acceptable means of peaceful dispute settlement from among those identified in Article 33 of the Charter.

Doualeh called on the Secretary-General to issue the U.N.’s solution within 120 days and require that Djibouti and Eritrea accept the solution. If either country refuses to accept the recommended solution laid out by the U.N., then the case should be referred to the International Court of Justice for a binding resolution.

Sweden’s U.N. ambassador, Olof Skoog, the current council president, said the future of sanctions is being discussed by council members.

“There is a promising diplomatic initiative” involving Eritrea and Djibouti, he said, adding that “there is a willingness to support the region in these efforts.”

“The Swedish point of view is that we need to be cautious not to set targets and benchmarks that hinder the current positive momentum, and instead really ensure that we allow Eritrea now to partake in the international arena and let peoples in the region enjoy the peace dividends. We believe that the council should seize this moment to firmly recognize peace and normalize the relations between the international community and Eritrea by deciding to review the sanctions regime as soon as possible.”

The UK’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Karen Pierce, who will become President of the Security Council on Wednesday said “It’s something the Council needs to discuss. I think the developments are very positive. They’re very welcome, and at some point, that will need to be reflected in the coming months on sanctions. But the Council hasn’t had a full discussion of that yet, so it’s something we need to talk about.”

That sentiment was not shared by all members on the council.

Dutch deputy permanent representative to the United Nations Lise Gregoire-van Haaren said Monday that “all the criteria” should be examined when the international community conducts a review the sanctions against Eritrea.

“We have to look very closely at all the criteria in place for the sanctions regime on the basis of which we can decide whether to change them or not.”

Coincidentally, Ethiopia announced to the U.N. Security Council on Monday that to would work towards normalizing relations between Djibouti and Eritrea, both of which share a border with Ethiopia.

Takeda Alemu, Ethiopia’s envoy to the United Nations told the Security Council on Monday that his country would like to bring the leaders of two countries to the negotiating table.

“The Djibouti Foreign Minister was in Addis Ababa last week to deliver the message of President Guelleh to my Prime Minister and he was able to conduct very productive and useful discussions, both with our Prime Minister and his counterpart, our Foreign Minister,” Alemu said.

He added that “Ethiopia has expressed its readiness to do whatever is necessary to contribute to the normalization of relations between Eritrea and Djibouti and it is our firm commitment this is critical for peace and security in our region”.

Alemu credited Eritrea and Ethiopia’s dramatic rapprochement in recent weeks as the catalyst for the change in political dynamics in the region.

“It is downright impossible to deny that the politics of the Horn of Africa is in the process rapid change and with salutary implications. All this is the result of the rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea which would have been thought to be inconceivable only a few months ago.”

In addition to President Ismail Omar Guelleh, there are reports that Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta is also planning travel to Asmara as IGAD members seek to normalize relations with Africa’s hermit kingdom. Eritrea walked out of the eight-country trade bloc in 2007 in protest of Ethiopia’s invasion into Somalia to fight Al-Shabaab and an IGAD report accusing Eritrea of supporting the militant extremists.

The tiny nation of Djibouti has emerged as the de-facto winner in the two-decade-long standoff between Ethiopia and Ethiopia, benefitting economically and through forming strategic security partnerships. However, as the winds of change blow in the Horn of Africa, many will be watching closely to see if this political tectonic shift will resolve the decades-long conflict between these East African neighbours.

Source=https://eritreahub.org/djibouti-president-to-visit-eritrea-with-suggestion-of-un-mediation-report

By Fisseha Tekle

30 July 2018, 15:05 UTC

The recent peace agreement with Ethiopia presents the Eritrean authorities with the opportunity to end the indefinite national service, a widely-criticised practice that has robbed the country’s youth of their dreams creating a generation of Eritrean refugees.
 

The Eritrean government introduced compulsory national service in 1995. By law, every high school finalist undertakes 18 months of national service, which include six months of military training. When relations deteriorated with neighbouring Ethiopia following the bitter 1998-2000 border war, the national service was extended indefinitely.

The indefinite national service has torn apart many families and ripped apart the fabric of society. Many children are growing up without both parents and girls are married off early to avoid conscription.
Fisseha Tekle, Amnesty International's Researcher for Ethiopia and Eritrea

The indefinite national service has torn apart many families and ripped apart the fabric of society. It is common for several members of the same family to be conscripted at the same time and posted to different parts of the country. Many children are growing up without both parents and girls are married off early to avoid conscription.

Binyam, 18, told Amnesty International that his father was conscripted before he was even born. The family are lucky to see him once every six months. Some conscripts go years without seeing their families because they are not granted annual leave.

I don’t want to have children who see me once every six months; I want to see my children every day.
Binyam, Eritrean youth

“I don’t want to have children who see me once every six months; I want to see my children every day,” Binyam told us in a previous report published in 2015. Nothing has since changed in Eritrea’s indefinite national service.

Mariam, another 18-year-old, told us about the heavy toll national service had taken on her family. Both her father and her eldest brother had been conscripted, and when it was her turn, she fled because she couldn’t tolerate the idea.

In their final year of high school, students attend the infamous Sawa Military Camp, where food and water are abysmal, and temperatures are extreme. Harsh punishment is meted out for minor infractions.

Students have come to view the education system as a trap that delivers them right into the jaws of national service. Some drop out of school to escape conscription.

Students have come to view the education system as a trap that delivers them right into the jaws of national service. Some drop out of school to escape conscription, but this is a dead-end choice because without a clearance certificate from national service, they cannot access food rations, or register a business, acquire a mobile phone line, a driving license, or open a bank account. Furthermore, the military conducts impromptu house to house searches to round up anyone suspected of trying to evade national service.

Not only is national service never-ending, it pays a pittance – certainly not enough for people to live with dignity and enjoy their rights to food, shelter and healthcare.

Filmon, 29, fled Eritrea a month after deserting military service. He had done seven years before deserting in September 2017. Like many Eritrean youth we interviewed, Filmon lamented the lack of freedom and absence of bankable prospects in his country.

“My salary was a mere 1,500 Nafka (US$100), which was higher than that of people assigned to the military service, because I held a civilian job. I lived with my mother who had no income. It was impossible to support her and live on my income,” he said.

Eritrean youth have only two life options: undertake the compulsory, indefinite national service in conditions that amount to forced labour, or flee the country, risking their lives in search of a better life overseas.

As such, Eritrean youth have only two life options: undertake the compulsory, indefinite national service in conditions that amount to forced labour, or flee the country, risking their lives in search of a better life overseas.

Former conscripts compared national service to modern day slavery, saying they suffered torture and other ill-treatment, arbitrary arrest, and lacked basic sanitation and hygiene.

A UN Commission of Inquiry concluded in June 2016, that "crimes against humanity have been committed in a widespread and systematic manner in Eritrean military training camps and other locations".

In addition to military service, the recruits also worked in farms, mines or construction sites for less than US$60 a month. This system of indefinite, involuntary conscription amounts to forced labour, and is a human rights violation under international law.

It is therefore not surprising that thousands of Eritreans flee the country every year taking treacherous journeys to Europe at the risk of being kidnapped by human traffickers, imprisoned by hostile governments, or drowning in the Mediterranean Sea.

It is therefore not surprising that thousands of Eritreans flee the country every year taking treacherous journeys to Europe at the risk of being kidnapped by human traffickers, imprisoned by hostile governments, or drowning in the Mediterranean Sea.

The Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict has been a convenient excuse for compulsory conscription and wide- ranging human rights violations in Eritrea. With the stalemate now resolved, the government of Eritrea must end compulsory and indefinite national service and allow the people to exercise their rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, movement and fair trial.

The authorities must now urgently come up with a clear, time-bound plan to demobilize those trapped in endless national service, while ensuring new conscripts are not forced into national service. The government must also make provision for conscientious objection to military service.

The time to end compulsory conscription is now.

Fisseha Tekle is the Amnesty International Researcher for Ethiopia and Eritrea.

This article was first published in the EastAfrican on 28 July 2018.

Dource=https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2018/07/op-ed-eritrea-no-more-excuses-for-indefinite-national-service/

“ቀራና” እንብል ኣብ ቅድሜና ክልተ ወይ ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ካብኣቶም ሓደ ምምራጽ ኣጸጋሚ ዝኾነሉ ኣጋጣምታት ክገጥሙና እንከለዉ እዩ። ካብዞም ምርጫታት እቲ ሓደ ዘልምዕ እቲ ካልእ ከኣ ዘጥፍእ ስለ ዝኾኑ፡ ነየናይ ክትወስድ ክትውስን እንከለኻ ኣዝዩ ኣጸጋምን ጥንቁቕን መስርሕ እዩ። ኤርትራ ሃገርናን ህዝባን እምበኣር ብብዙሓት ከምዚ ዝኣመሰሉ ናይ መጻብቦ ቀረናታት እዮም ክሓልፉ ጸኒሖም።

ኣብ ኣርበዓታት ንሃገርና ናይ ቀረባ ንጠቕሞም ዝሃርፍዋ ሓይልታት ጥራይ ዘይኮኑ፡ እንተላይ ናይ ርሑቕ ክሳዳዊ ኣቀማምጠኣ ዘብሃጎም ሓይልታት እውን ከይተረፉ ምስ ዘረይዋ ኣብ ኣጸጋሚ ናይ ቀራና መንገዲ ሃለዋት ኣትያ። እቶም ናይ ቀረባን ናይ ርሑቕን ሓይልታት ከኣ ካብቲ ቀራና ንምውጻእ ምርጫ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንረብሓኦም ከምዝውዕል ንምግባሩ ኩሉ ናይ ሓይልን ምፍልላይን ሜላታትን ጸቕጥታትን ኣካይዶም። እንተኾነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ነቲ ወይ ተቓሊስካ መሰል ርእሰ ውሳነኻ ምርግጋጽ ወይ ድማ ኣብ ትሕቲ ወጽዓን ባርነትን ምንባር ዝብል ቀራና መንገዲ “ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ መሰል ርእሰ ውሳነኻ” ዝብል ውሕሉል ግና ድማ ክቡር ዋጋ ዝሓተተ ምርጫ ዛዚምዎ። ሳላ ውሕሉል ምርጫ ዝመረጸ ከኣ ድሕሪ ናይ 30 ዓመታት ኣዝዩ ክቡር ዋጋ ዘኽፈለ መስርሕ ቃልሲ ብምሕላፍ ናይቲ ካብ ቀራና ንምውጻ ዝወሰዶ ምርጫ ቅንዕና ኣረጋጊጹ ናጽነቱ ዓቲሩ።

ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ’ውን በብግዜኡ ብዙሓት ቀራናታት ኣጋጢመምዎ። እቲ “ኣወ ወይ ኣይፋል ንናጽነት” ዝብል ሕቶታት ዝሓዘ ቀራና’ኳ ኣቐዲሙ ብናይ 30 ዓመታት ቃልሱ ኣረጋጊጽዎ ስለ ዝጸንሐ እምብዛ ንምውሳኑ ዘጸገም ቀራና ኣይነበረን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝነበረ ከኣ ኣብ ረፈርንዶም ልዕሊ 98 % ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ “እወ ንናጽነት” ብዝብል ውሳነኡ ደምዲምዎ።

ልኡላዊት ኤርትራ “ብኸመይ ትመሓደር” ዝማእከሉ ብዙሕ ዝርዝራት ዝሓቖፈ ቀራና እውን ካልእ ብደሆ ነይሩን ኣሎን። እቲ ምርጫታት፡ ብሓደ ወገን፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝዋንኡ “ኤርትራ ኣብ ዕጽው ፖሊሲ፡ ኩሉ መሰላት ዝተሓረማ፡ ውልቀ ሰብ ልዕሊ ሕግን መንግስታዊ ትካላትን ዝስረዓሉ” ነይሩ። በቲ ካልእ ከኣ እቲ ተቓሊሱ ነጻነት ሃገሩ ዘውሓሰ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝዋንኡ “ደጊም ኤርትራ ብሕገመንግስታዊ፡ ኩሉ መሰላት ዘኽብር፡ ልዕልና ህዝቢ ኣብ ልዕሊ መራሕቲ ዘረጋግጽን ሕጊ ልዕሊ ሰብ ዝኾነሉን ስርዓተ መንግስቲ ይሃልዋ” ዝብሉ ሓሳባት ዝተፋጠጥሉ ቀራና ነይሩ። እንተኾነ ህግደፍ ህዝቢ ንዝብሎ ክርዕመሉ እምበር ድሌትን ጠለብን ህዝቢ ዝርዕም ባህሪ ስለ ዘይነበሮን ዘየብሉን፡ እቲ ቀራና ከምቲ ናይ መድረኽ ሪፈረንዱም ብቐሉሊሉ ኣይተሰግረን። ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ሕጂ’ውን ጌና ኣብቲ ቀራና ኢና ዘለና። ኣብዚ ቀራናዚ ዝውሰድ ግጉይ ምርጫ ከኣ ንህልውና ኤርትራ ከም ሃገር ኣብ ሓደጋ ዘእቱ ምዃኑ ምልክታቱ ካብ እንርኢ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ ኣሎ።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኩሉ ግዜ ነቲ ካብ ቀራና ዘውጽእ ናይ ህዝቢ ምርጫ ንምኹላፍ፡ ብዘይካቲ ምኽንያታት እንዳፈጠረ ንህዝቢ ዝኣስሮ፡ ዝቐትሎ፡ መሰል ሰሪሕካ ምንባር ዝኸልኦ፡ ህዝቢ ኣብ ክንዲ ናብ ውሽጣዊ ኩነታቱ ዝርኢ፡ ናብ ግዳም ከም ዘመዓዱ ንምግባር ዝሕግዝዎ ተንኮላት ካብ ምምሃዝ ዓዲ ውዒሉ ኣይፈልጥን። ነዚ መዳህለሊ ሜላ ብሃንድበት ዝወስዶ ዘይኮነ ብመጽናዕቲ ዝተሰነየ ዳህሳስ ድሕሪ ምክያድ እዩ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ዘየሳትፍ፡ ብትካላዊ መስርሕ ዘይክተል ርቡጽ ናይ ሰማይሰማይ ዘመዓዱ ዝምድና ነቲ ናይ ህዝብና ናይ ሰላም ክቱር ህርፋን ብምምዝማዝ ዝተማህዘ መዳህለሊ እዩ። ኣብዚ ሰላም ከምዘይጽላእ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ሰላም ሓዚልዎ ዝመጽእ ሳዕቤናት ምስትብሃል ከኣ ኣዝዩ ኣድላይ እዩ።

እዚ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና እዋን ቀራና ኣብ ልዕሊ ቀራና ዘጋጠመሉ እዩ። ጌና ንኤርትራ ብኸመይ ንመሓድራ ካብ ዝብል ቀራና ከይወጻእና፡ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ንኤርትራ ከም ሃገር ናበይ ገጹ ይወስዳ ከምዘሎ ዘይንረደኣሉ ተደራቢ ቀራና ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ እነሆ። ነዚ ሓድሽ ቀራና ናይ ብሓቂ ቀራና ምዃኑ ዝምስክሩ ጉዳያት ብዙሓት ኮይኖም፡ ናይ ኣቶ ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ፡ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ክመርሓና ወኪለዮ ኣለኹን ዋዛ ዝመስል መልእኽቲ፡ ከምኡ ከኣ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክልተ እዮም ዝብሉ ነቲ ሓቂ ዘይፈልጡ እዮም ዝበሎ መርዛም ሓሳብ፡ ኣቶ ዑስማን ሳልሕ ንዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ምቕሉል መራሒ ረኺብና ኣለና ዝበሎ ሓረግ፡ ኣቶ መስፍን ሓጐስ ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ድሮ ነጻነት ኤርትራ ምስ ኢህወደግ ሓደ መንግስቲ ክምስርት ይደናደን ከም ዝነበረ ዘረጋግጽ ዝሃቦ ምስክርነት፡ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ኣብ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ብጉዳይ ውሳነ ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ተሓቲቱ፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ጉዳይ ዶብ ኣየዓልናዮን፡ ካልኣዊ ደረጃ እዩ ብዝብል ዝሃቦ መልስን ደጋጊሙ “ነቲ መንደቕ ኣፍሪስና ድንድል ሃኒጽና” ዝብሎን ከም ኣብነት ዝጥቀሱ ናይዚ ዘለናዮ ቀራና ህሞት ኣገረምቲ ብሂላት እዮም።

ነዚ ሓድሽ ቀራናታት ክንመምዮ እንከለና፡ ነቲ ኣብቲ ብናይ ዶብ ምስሕሓብ ምስምስ ዝተኸፍለ መሪር መስዋእቲ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ንክብሪ’ቲ ኣብ ናይ 30 ዓመታት ቃልሲ ዝተኸፍለ መስዋእትነት እውን ኣብ ምልክት ሕቶ ዘእትው እዩ። ስለዚ መራሒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብናይ ደገ ሓይልታት ተስፋታትን መብጸዓታትን ሰኺሩ፡ ካብ ብዙሓት ዘህርፉ ምርጫታት ነየናይ ከም ዝወድ ዓዊኑ ከለፍለፍ ኣብ ዝብለሉ ዘሎ ወሳኒ እዋን፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምስኡ ከይዓብድ ክጥንቀቕ ይግበኦ። እዚ ግዜዚ እቶም “ዓገብ ኣንጻር ወጽዓ” ኢሎም ክቃወሙ ዝጸንሑ ብግዝያዊ ዘብለጭልጩ ጭረሖታት ከይሰድዑ ዝያዳ ቃልሶም ክሕይሉ፡ እቶም ንህግደፍ ክድግፉ ዝጸንሑ ወገናትና ከኣ “ክሳብ እትኣምን ኪድ፡ ካብዘይተኣምን ግና ተመለስ” ኢሎም ናብ ልቦም ክምለሱ ኣብ ዝግደድሉ ወሳኒ እዋን ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና።

ህዝቢ ዓለም ብምሉኡ ንናይ ውግእ ሓሳብን በይናዊ ስምዒትን ገዲፉ ኣብ ናይ ሓባራዊ ሰላም ምስፋን እንተዝሓስብ እዛ ዓለምናክንደይኮን መበልጸገትን መሰልጠነትን። ምኽንያቱ ውግእን ብቃሕ ዝበለካ ምውዳብን ኣዕናዊ፥ ኣረሓሓቒ ኮታ ስኒትን ፍቕርን ዝኸልእ ምዃኑ ኩሉ ወዲ ኣዳም ዝፈልጦን ዝርደኦን እዩ።

ግንከ ንሕና ካብ ተመኩሮ ትምህርቲ ክንቀስም ብዘይምኽኣልና ብቐሊሉ ንዝፍታሕብጎነጽን ሓይልን ብበይናዊ ውዳበን ኣቢልና ክንዕብልልን ንኹሉ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቅጽጽርና ክነእትዎ ምድላይን ይስዕርረ። ኣብ ከም’ዚ ናይውግእን በበይናዊ ወደባን ሓሳብ ዝሰፈኖ ሕብረተሰብ ድማ ብዘይካ ሓይሊ ካልእ መዋጽኦ ዘሎ ኣይመስሎን እዩ።ሎሚ ዋላ እቲ ገለ ፊደል ዝቖጸረ ክፋል ህዝብና እውን እንተኾነ ነቲ ናይ ውግእ ኣተሓሳስባን ናይ በብዝደለኻዮ ወደባን ኣብ ክንዲ ዘውግድ መሊሱ ደኣ ከበርትዖን ንነገራት ብኡ ኣቢሉ ክፈትሖን ህርድግ ይብል ኣሎ። ኤርትራ ሎሚ ኣብ ቃራና እያ ተቐርቂራ ዘላ። እነሆድማ መላኺ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ነቲ ህዝብን ነታ ሃገርን ከም ናይ ብሕቱ ዋንነት ከምድላዩ ይሰርሕን ይፍንጥሕን ኣሎ።
ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበኣር ካብዚ ግፍዐኛ መላኺ ስርዓት ክገላገል እንተኾይኑ ነዚ ስርዓት እዚ ብሓባር ኮይኑ ፎእ ክብሎ ኣለዎ። ከምኡእውን እዚ ድምበ ተቓውሞ ዝተወደበ ይኹን ዘይተወደበኤርትራዊ ሓይሊ ነዚ እከይ ስርዓት እዚ ኣብ ምልጋስ ድሌታቱ ዝፈላለስለዘይኮነ ኣብ ክንዲ በብዝደለኻዮብፍኑው ምውዳብ ሓደ ኮይኑ ምስቲ ናይ ውሽጢሓይሊ ክተኣሳሰር ይግባእ። ይኹን እምበር እቲ ዓቢሽግር ኮይኑ ዘሎ ፖለቲካዊ ስርሓት ኣብ ምስራሕ ዝካየድ ሓላፍነት ብዘይብሉ ፍኑውኣገባብ ይካየድ ምህላው ሓደገኛ ምዃኑ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን።

እዚ ብንጹር ሓታትን ተሓታትን ዘይብሉ ኣገባብ ነዚ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ኣብ ምልጋስ ዕንቅፋት ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን።ሎሚ ሳላ ተክኖሎጂ ውልቀሰባት ብመራኺቢ ብዙሓን ወይ ድማ ብማሕበራዊ መድያ ኣቢሎ ዝውርወር መጥመሪ ዘይብሉ ሓሳባት ዓይኒየብለይ ስኒ የብለይ ዝዓይነቱ ኣብ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ይኹን ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዓቢይ ማህስይቲ ከምዘውርድ ርዱእ እዩ። ብፍኑው ኣገባብ ዝኸይድ ዋና ዘይብሉ ብድሕሪ ኮምፑተር ኰንካ ጠቓሚ ዲዩ ሃሳዪ፥ እወንታ ዲዩ ኣሉታ ከይመዘነ ቃሕ ከምዝበሎ ዝዛረብ ነቲዝተጠርነፈ ተቓውሞ ካብ ግቡእ ስራሓቱ ከም ዘተዓናቕፎ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ከምዚ ዝዓይነቱ ፍኑው ፖለቲካን በብዘደለኻዮ ምውዳብን ተሓዊስዎ ኣብ ኩሉ ሕብረተሰብ ፍልልያት ክፈጥር ኣዚዩ ቀሊል እዩ ዝኸውን። እዚ ተሓታትነት ዘይብሉ ማሕበራዊ መድያ ድማ ምስቲምንቅስቓስ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ብግቡእ እንተዘይተጠቒምናሉ ጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ምርሕሓቕን ኣብ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ክዛራእ ምዃኑ ዘይተርፍ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ሓላፍነት ዘይስመዖ ብዛዕባ ሃይማኖት፥ ዓሌት ወዘተ ክዛረብን ክጽሕፍን እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ከነኣእስ እንከሎ ዘጠራንፍ፡ ዘተሓቛቚፍን ዘሳንን ኣይኮነን ዝትንትን። እንታይ ደኣ ምዝራግን፥ እሾኽ ምዝራእን ነቲ ሓድነት ምብታንን እምበርካልእ ፋይዳ የብሉን።

ኣብ ሃይማኖትን ዓሌትን ኣቲኻብጸቢብነትንዘይሓላፍነታውን ምዝራብን ምትንታንን ከይዱ ከይዱ ንጥርናፈ ሕብረተሰብ ሃሳዪ ግደ ክህልዎ ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። ኣብ ማሕበራዊ ሚድያ ዝግበር ተሓታትነትን ምቁጽጻርን ዘየበሉ ቅኑዕ ዘይኮነ ሓበረታን ብመጽናዕቲ ዘይተሰነየ ተንታንን ክትቆጻጸሮ ኣጸጋሚ እዩ። እወ! ኣብ ዓለምና ድልየትካ ምዝራብን ምጽሓፍን፥ ዝረኣየካ ምባልን መሰል ምዃኑዘይከሓድ እዩ። ኮይኑ ግን መሰለይ እንዲዩ ኢልካ ንዝኾነ ኣካል ድላይካ ክትብሎ ወይ ክትሃስዮ ግን መሰል የብልካን። በዚ መንጽር እዚእንተርእናዮ ከኣ ኢና ነቲ ኣጠቓቕማ ማሕበራዊ ሚድያ ናብ ቅኑዕን እወንታውን ኣቕጣጫ ክንመርሖ እንኽእል። ካብኡ ሓሊፉ ሓቅነትን መርተዖን ኣብ ዘይብሉ ተመስሪትካ ምዝራብን ምጽሓፍን ስነምግባር ዝጎደሎ ስለ ዝኸውን ብሕጊ’ውን የሕትት እዩ። ስለዚ ኣብዚ ግዜ እዚ ኣብ ዲያስፖራ ንእንነብር ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘድልየና ኣብ ሕድሕድካ ምቁንጻብ፥ ምንእኣስን፥ ምጽላእን ዘይኮነስ፥ ስኒትን ፍቕርን ዓገብምባልን ተወሃሂድካን ሓባራ ሃገራዊ ራኢ ምውናን እዩ። ተሓታቲነት ዘይብሉን መሰረታዊ ምኽንያት ኣብ ዘየብሉ ውዳበታት ምብዛሕዓቕምናን ኣተሓሳስባናን ስለ ዘዳኽም ኩልና ዓገብ ክንብሎን መስመሩ ክነትሕዞን ናይ ኩላትና ጻዕሪ ክካየድ ኣለዎ።

Since this was written I have learnt that talks to end the conflict had been under way for more than a year.

Originally published July 10, 2018 in The Conversation.

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This week Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed visited neighbouring Eritrea, to be greeted by President Isaias Afwerki. The vast crowds that thronged the normally quiet streets of Eritrea’s capital, Asmara, were simply overjoyed. They sang and they danced as Abiy’s car drove past. Few believed they would ever see such an extraordinarily rapid end to two decades of vituperation and hostility between their countries.

After talks the president and prime minister signed a declaration, ending 20 years of hostility and restoring diplomatic relations and normal ties between the countries.

The first indication that these historic events might be possible came on June 4. Abiy declared that he would accept the outcome of an international commission’s finding over a disputed border between the two countries. It was the border conflict of 1998-2000, and Ethiopia’s refusal to accept the commission’s ruling, that was behind two decades of armed confrontation. With this out of the way, everything began to fall into place.

The two countries are now formally at peace. Airlines will connect their capitals once more, Ethiopia will use Eritrea’s ports again – its natural outlet to the sea – and diplomatic relations will be resumed.

Perhaps most important of all, the border will be demarcated. This won’t be an easy task. Populations who thought themselves citizens of one country could find themselves in another. This could provoke strong reactions, unless both sides show flexibility and compassion.

For Eritrea there are real benefits – not only the revenues from Ethiopian trade through its ports, but also the potential of very substantial potash developmentson the Ethiopia-Eritrea border that could be very lucrative.

For Ethiopia, there would be the end to Eritrean subversion, with rebel movements deprived of a rear base from which to attack the government in Addis Ababa. In return, there is every chance that Ethiopia will now push for an end to the UN arms embargoagainst the Eritrean government.

This breakthrough didn’t just happen. It has been months in the making.

The deal

Some of the first moves came quietly from religious groups. In September last year the World Council of Churches sent a team to see what common ground there was on both sides. Donald Yamamoto, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, and one of America’s most experienced Africa hands, played a major role.

Diplomatic sources suggest he held talks in Washington at which both sides were represented. The Eritrean minister of foreign affairs, Osman Saleh, is said to have been present, accompanied by Yemane Gebreab, President Isaias’s long-standing adviser. They are said to have met the former Ethiopian prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, laying the groundwork for the deal. Yamamoto visited both Eritrea and Ethiopiain April.

Although next to nothing was announced following the visits, they are said to have been important in firming up the dialogue.

But achieving reconciliation after so many years took more than American diplomatic muscle.

Eritrea’s Arab allies also played a key role. Shortly after the Yamamoto visit, President Isaias paid a visit to Saudi Arabia. Ethiopia – aware of the trip – encouraged the Saudi crown prince to get the Eritrean president to pick up the phone and talk to him. President Isaias declined, but – as Abiy Ahmed later explained – he was “hopeful with Saudi and US help the issue will be resolved soon.”

So it was, but one other actor played a part: the UAE. Earlier this month President Isaias visited the Emirates. There are suggestions that large sums of money were offered to help Eritrea develop its economy and infrastructure.

Finally, behind the scenes, the UN and the African Union have been encouraging both sides to resolve their differences. This culminated in the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, flying to Addis Ababa for a meeting on Monday– just hours after the joint declaration. Guterres told reporters that in his view the sanctions against Eritrea could soon be lifted since they would soon likely become “obsolete.”

It has been an impressive combined effort by the international community, who have for once acted in unison to try to resolve a regional issue that has festered for years.

Risks and dividends

For Isaias these developments also bring some element of risk. Peace would mean no longer having the excuse of a national security threat to postpone the implementation of basic freedoms. If the tens of thousands of conscripts, trapped in indefinite national service are allowed to go home, what jobs await them? When will the country have a working constitution, free elections, an independent media and judiciary? Many political prisoners have been jailed for years without trail. Will they now be released?

For Ethiopia, the dividends of peace would be a relaxation of tension along its northern border and an alternative route to the sea. Families on both sides of the border would be reunited and social life and religious ceremonies, many of which go back for centuries, could resume.

But the Tigrayan movement – the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) – that was dominant force in Ethiopian politics until the election of Prime Minister Aiby in February, has been side-lined. It was their quarrel with the Eritrean government that led to the 1998–2000 border war.

The Eritrean authorities have rejoiced in their demise. “From this day forward, TPLF as a political entity is dead,” declared a semi-official website, describing the movement as a ‘zombie’ whose “soul has been bound in hell”. Such crowing is hardly appropriate if differences are to be resolved. The front is still a significant force in Ethiopia and could attempt to frustrate the peace deal.

These are just some of the problems that lie ahead. There is no guarantee that the whole edifice won’t collapse, as the complex details of the relationship are worked out. There are many issues that have to be resolved before relations between the two countries can be returned to normal. But with goodwill these can be overcome, ushering in a new era of peace and prosperity from which the entire region would benefit.

Source=https://eritreahub.org/how-eritrea-and-ethiopia-made-peace-and-what-happens-next

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሎሚ 31 ሓምለ 2018 ናይ ተጋዳላይ ተስፋይ ተኽለ ዜና ዕረፍቲ ተሓቢሩ።

ተጋዳላይ ተስፋይ ተኽለ ካብ ግዜ ንእስነቱ ኣትሒዙ ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ቃልሲ ናይ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ከበርክት ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ብ1966 ናብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ተጸንቢሩ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ መሪሕነታዊ መደባት ኣገልጊሉ። ካብ ዝተዋስኣሎም መደባት ኣባል ገድላዊ ባይቶን ኣባል ውተሃደራዊ ስታፍን መራሕ ብርጌድን ነይሩ፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ውግኣት ንሰራዊት መሪሑ።

ኤርትር ናጻ ድሕሪ ምውጻኣ ድማ ሓደ ካብቶም፡ ናብ ኤርትራ ኣትዮም ቃልስታቶም ክቕጽሉ ዝመረጹ ኣባላት መሪሕነት ተሓኤ እዩ።

ንስዉእ ተስፋይ ተኽለ መንግስተ ሰማይ የውርሶ ፤ ንኹሎም በተ ሰቡን ፈተውቱን ድማ ጽንዓት ይሃቦም ኣናበልና ናይ ሓዘኖም ተካፈልቲ ምኻንና ንገልጽ።

መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም

 

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ዓለም ለኸ መዕርፎ ነፈርቲ ኣሉላ ኣባ ነጋ Image copyright Geez Media/screen ናይ ምስሊ መግለጺ ዓለም ለኸ መዕርፎ ነፈርቲ ኣሉላ ኣባ ነጋ

ዓለም ለኸ መዕርፎ ነፈርቲ ኣሉላ ኣባ ነጋ

መንነቶም ዘይተፈልጠ 40 ኢትዮጵያውያን ምስ ምሉእ ዕጥቆም ኣብ ከባቢ መዕርፎ ነፈርቲ ኣሉላ ኣባነጋ መቐለ ኣብ ትሕቲ ቁፅፅር ውዒሎም።
ብቕድሚ ትማሊ ቀትሪ ሰዓት 6 ብኣንተኖቭ ናብ መቐለ ከምዝኣተዉ ካብ ዝምልከቶም መንግስታዊ ኣካላት እሙን ሓበሬታ ከምዝረኸበ ኣብቲ ከባቢ ዝርከብ ሪፖርተር ቢቢሲ ትግርኛ ፀብፂቡ።
ንቶም ዕጡቓት ሒዛ ዝመፀት ኣንተኖቭ ካብ ሱዳን ብቐጥታ ዝመፀት ምዃናን ንሳቶም ብጌጋ ከምዝኣተዉ ተዛሪቦም ኣለዉ።
እቶም ዝተዓጠቑ ሰባት ብሬይን ሓዊሱ ከቢድ ኣፅዋር ከምዝዓጠቑን ኣብዚ ሕዚ እዋን ኣብ ትሕቲ ቁፅፅር ውዒሎም ከምዘለዉን ምፍላጥ ተኻኢሉ።
ቀዳማይ ሚንስትር ኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት ምክልኻልን ፖሊስ ፌደራልን ግቡኦም ክፍፅሙ ኣታሓሳሲቦም
ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ መንገዲ ኣየር ኤርትራ ብርኪ (ብፅሒት) ክህልዋ'ዩ
ንምንታይ ዕላማን ልኡኽን ከምዝመፁ ክሳብ ሐዚ ካብ ግምት ወፃኢ ንፁር መረዳእታ ምርካብ ኣይተኽኣለን።
ይኹን'ምበር ኣብቲ ከባቢ ብዙሕ ምድንጋር ዝፈጠረ እንትኸውን፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ ማሕበራዊ ሚድያ ዝተፈላለዩ ግምታት እናተውሃቡ ይርከቡ።
ኮይኑ ግና ሓይልታት ፀጥታ ክልል ትግራይ ጥቡቕ ክትትልን ሓለዋን ይገብሩ ምህላዎም ዝምልከቶም ሓለፍቲ ተዛሪቦም ኣለዉ።

Source=https://www.bbc.com/tigrinya/news-45016337