Why are migrants from the Horn flocking to war-torn Yemen?
Written by Idil OsmanBy Idil Osman
In the past few years, hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian and Somali migrants have charted a new route to the Gulf.
Refugees and migrants line up on a Somalia beach to board the boats that will take them across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen. The overcrowded boats can take days to cross. Credit: UNHCR/Alixandra Fazzina.
This is the third part of The Thin Red Line, an African Arguments series focusing on dynamics around the Red Sea.
When Yemen’s civil war erupted in 2015, it was widely expected that migration to the country would nosedive. Typically when a nation goes to war, outsiders stay away for obvious reasons. But in Yemen’s case, the ongoing deadly instability was not enough to deter the 100,000 people that arrived last year or the 117,000 who arrived in 2016. Despite widespread insecurity that has led more than two million Yemenis to flee their homes, migrants continue to disembark on the Gulf nation’s war-torn shores.
Most are from the Horn of Africa. People from this region have been making this journey for decades for trade, religious pilgrimage, economic opportunities, or in times of emergency. The surge in the oil market in the 1970s precipitated a sudden demand for unskilled workers in the Arab Peninsula, and labour migrants have been coming to Yemen since its unification in the early-1990s.
Many of today’s migrants are driven by the same motivations as their predecessors, but there are also important dynamics at play that are unique to now and that are responsible for the continued flows in the face of great dangers. Although happening below the surface and rarely examined, these often perilous and fraught movements of people form a crucial human bond that links the Horn of Africa and the Gulf across the thin Red Sea.
Who is leaving and where?
The first question regarding migration from the Horn of Africa to Yemen and beyond is why people are leaving their homes in the first place. The answer depends on the country.
In Ethiopia, political instability and land scarcity have contributed to a growing number of people leaving the country in the past few years. In Eritrea, indefinite national service and political repression are consistent push factors for the thousands that flee every month. And in Somalia, ongoing insecurity and recurring drought are often cited as the main reasons for departing. But in almost all cases, the hope of greater economic opportunity – and knowing people who have made the journeys before – is also a key factor.
“I chose to migrate because in my youth I have often seen young people in my neighbourhood who succeeded in becoming rich through migration,” said one Ethiopian migrant. “My wife insisted that we leave and search for a better life, rather than staying and living in poor conditions,” explained another.
Of the millions of people in the region that migrate, the majority move internally or to neighbouring countries. Many others travel up the treacherous desert to the North African coast, with Europe the final destination. But hundreds of thousands decide to traverse the Red Sea.
One reason for this is that the Gulf is now part of a new path from the Horn of Africa to Europe. This route allows migrants starting in Somalia to bypass Djibouti, Ethiopia and Eritrea by travelling instead from Puntland, a semi-autonomous region in north-east Somalia, across the sea to Yemen. From here, migrants cross back to Sudan and continue over land.
This route is particularly popular among young Somali men from relatively affluent backgrounds, but a number of Ethiopians also follow this course. First cited in 2015, this journey has grown in popularity. The networks and support structures that facilitate this movement have strengthened significantly, making the route easier – if still highly perilous – to navigate. Smugglers have also started offering tempting “leave now, pay later” schemes. Increased border controls in Sudan and Ethiopia in the wake of insecurity have also added reasons to try circumventing these countries.
Those who stay
Not all migrants who head to the Gulf, however, are on their way to Europe. Some intend to stay in Yemen, seeking jobs in the khat or farming industry or as domestic or low-skilled workers. Others hope to continue on to other more prosperous Gulf States, which are less expensive to reach than Europe.
The most popular destination is Saudi Arabia, where many Ethiopians take up low-skilled or manual jobs in often deplorable conditions. “Migrants’ living conditions are horrible, inhuman. Their rights are not respected,” said one informant. Nonetheless, there are an estimated 400,000 undocumented Ethiopian migrants currently working in Saudi Arabia.
Other migrants who reach Yemen seek asylum. Somalis, for example, enjoy prima facie refugee status in the country. In 2015, there were almost 250,000 Somali refugees in the country, living in camps or urban areas.
Finally, some who end up in Yemen simply find themselves trapped there, their journeys cut short by conflict or lack of funds.
Some migrants eventually return to the Horn of Africa, creating a flow of people back to the continent that also includes tens of thousands of Yemenis. These Gulf migrants rarely have strong diasporic connections to the region and so typically try to settle in Djibouti or Somalia, which are closer and therefore cheaper to reach. Smaller numbers who can afford it try to get to Ethiopia or Sudan, but many more affluent Yemenis opt to travel to the likes of Malaysia, Saudi Arabia or India.
Why the route remains popular
Governments in the region have tried to reduce these irregular flows through regulations, border controls and public awareness campaigns. In 2013, Ethiopia went a step further by banning domestic workers from going to the Middle East in order to protect its citizens from abuse. This decision came shortly after Saudi Arabia deported over a hundred thousand Ethiopians in a violent crackdown on undocumented workers.
The ban, however, did little to stop migration to the Gulf. Its main effect was to force Ethiopian migrants to take more irregular routes in which they are more vulnerable to abuse, exploitation and death. The prohibition was lifted in February 2018.
The popularity of travelling to Yemen has also been largely unaffected by greater restrictions, clampdowns on smugglers, and tighter border controls. In 2016, these measures significantly reduced the numbers of Ethiopians travelling overland to North Africa, but did little to dissuade migrants crossing the sea to the Gulf. The flow of Red Sea arrivals from Djibouti and Somalia held steady, while the number of Ethiopians arriving in Yemen actually increased. The illegal networks facilitating these movements remain resilient and far-reaching.
Even the 2015 outbreak of war in Yemen has not significantly deterred migrants. In fact, many have been encouraged by the breakdown of state institutions in Yemen and subsequent lack of policy and control. They believe (or are led to believe by smugglers) that this vacuum provides an opportunity to enter, travel through, and exit the country unnoticed. The deteriorating situation and lack of legal routes has also helped smugglers and traffickers establish profitable, exploitative and abusive networks that can operate with relative impunity.
“Previously, migration was simple and normal,” said an ex-smuggler in Yemen’s capital Sana’a. “A smuggler was just like a guide who assists you and receives a wage in return. Nowadays, it is different. Smuggling is an organised network of selling humans. This change is due to the greed of smugglers and those who buy and sell human beings.”
Despite the dangers of the routes taken, the often deplorable and traumatic conditions on arrival, and campaigns aimed at deterring migrants, the flow of people from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf remains strong. Moreover, most people who take these journeys do not seem to regret their decisions. As a key informant in Sana’a put it: “If the benefit of migration is measured by the simple amounts that migrants make as income, transfer, and save, then they have benefited”.
These startling and worrying realities call for a different understanding of, and approach to, migration between the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. As thousands continue to migrate in the face of countless threats and hazards that are often made even graver by blunt government measures, policymakers must examine the real effects of their actions on the individuals involved. Rather than repeating the same failed and dangerous policies, they should consider a coordinated approach that protects and assists migrants and expands opportunities for safe regular movement.
Source=http://africanarguments.org/2018/08/09/why-are-migrants-from-the-horn-flocking-to-war-torn-yemen/
The rift in the GCC and diplomatic responses from the IGAD region
Written by Contributor1 July 2017
The Horn of Africa was, and still is, the subject of global competition between Christianity and Islam, extensions of Western colonialism and Ottoman-Egyptian expansion, a US-EU led Western World and Chinese rivalry, the Arab-Israeli conflict, in addition to Iranian and Saudi-led Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) enmity. The Middle Eastern countries have used the Horn of Africa as a battleground for proxy wars and the expansion of various versions of Islam. In recent decades, countries of the GCC and the Horn of Africa have become victims of terrorism and violent extremism, writes Mehari Taddele Maru.
David Hearst, a British expert on Middle East affairs, recently surprised the host of an Al Jazeera TV program when he quipped that the same program might be the last one for the Doha-based TV network. Emphasizing the centrality of Al Jazeera TV in the rift in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), he characterized the crisis as a precursor for a grand regime change conspiracy carried out by the Saudi-led camp supported by the Trump administration. Indeed, looking at the Saudi-led camp’s 13 impossible-to-meet-demands, one is forced to question if this not indeed a demand for regime change.
The Saudi camp constitutes Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain with the strong support of Egypt and Israel, and impulsive support from the US. The Qatar camp has strong support from Turkey and tacit support from Iran. Oman and Kuwait remain neutral, with the latter trying to mediate. Other significant players include Israel, Egypt, Iran and Turkey, the latter two being major actors. Iran and Turkey are both key participants in any Middle Eastern geopolitical and geo-economic calculations.
The Saudi-led camp took a strong stand supporting the coup by Field Marshal Abdel Fattah el-Sisi against the erstwhile President of Egypt, Hosni Morsi. The UAE and Egypt took counter-measures against the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood as core diplomatic objectives. Since 2014, President el-Sisi’s government has received USD 25 billion worth of aid from the UAE. With 600 companies, the UAE’s investment in Egypt amounts to USD five billion. Being the most powerful military and political force in the Middle East, with its cultural and historical legacy, as well as hosting the League of Arab States, Egypt has been at the center of Saudi-Iran proxy wars, as well as the rift between the GCC and Turkey’s Erdogan Model for Democracy. Naturally, with strong ties to the GCC and the Western World, these powers have repeatedly made attempts to bring Egypt under their influence by providing various kinds of incentives, including finance. Such financial and other kinds of support to Egypt has come from all the GCC countries apart from Qatar. The Egyptian diaspora in the GCC, and particularly in the UAE exhibits significant influence in numbers and in influence in bureaucratic and business circles. With close to 400,000, Egypt has the third largest diaspora residing in the UAE, following India and Pakistan. Compounded by the UAE’s support of Egypt and Egypt’s rivalry with the Nile riparian countries, the position of some of the countries in East Africa was bound to be cautious.
The theories about the rift within the GCC are all too familiar. Qatar is reportedly a state sponsor of terrorism, and thus needs to be reprimanded and if necessary its leadership toppled. Saudi Arabia is not subject to similar accusations of having abetted some terrorist organizations. On the contrary, countries in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) region, as with other parts of the world, believes that terrorist groups have links to the Saudi-camp too. But more precise reasons for the GCC rift reside somewhere else. The first reason is the independent minded Qatari leadership. Not only the so-called Islamic State Caliphate, but any democratic elements in Qatar such as Al Jazeera, political Islam or elections, also threaten the other sheikdoms of the GCC. The second reason that lies deep within this crisis is the very survival of the Kingdoms and Emirates of the GCC. Since the Arab Spring uprisings and the emergence of the Islamic State (IS) (which seems now on the verge of collapse, at least in the Middle East, as former President of the US, Barack Obama predicted four years ago), the threat to the stability of the ruling monarchies in the GCC has increasingly become critical. In addition to the common front fighting against Iranian dominance, GCC countries are ruled by absolute monarchs who reject any form of republican democratic rule. As a result, they are resistant to any kind of democratic dispensation in the region as well as in the Horn of Africa.
The third reason relates to the rivalry for regional dominance between Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and to an extent Egypt. President Obama’s doctrine of ‘leading from behind’ left the Middle East countries to fend for their peace and security challenges. This strategy suddenly created a leadership vacuum. In order to fill this vacuum, a power struggle emerged between regional powers, mainly Saudi Arabia (leading the GCC), Iran and to some extent Turkey. The fourth reason relates to the current extremely volatile and unpredictable foreign policy decisions of the US, which is dependent on the personality of President Donald Trump. The US President’s decisions have genuinely puzzled many experts and politicians alike. There is also apparent discrepancies between President Trump and his secretaries of State and Defense on the issue of Qatar-GCC relations. If not for Trump’s baffling position, a more nuanced American policy could have easily averted the rift in the GCC.
To be sure, the Saudi-camp is far from a bloc unified in terms of its foreign policy. Except for the GCC’s obvious security dilemma, the Saudi-camp remains amorphous in its foreign policy. The Saudi camp’s attack on Qatar was quickly woven together and it may disintegrate just as quickly.
Three issues serve as the glue between the GCC countries: fear of Iranian politics and religious sectarianism, their status as absolute monarchies unconditionally opposed to any democratic dispensation, and the need for their individual and collective security bolstered by the support of the US. President Trump’s unpredictable foreign policy pronouncement (better call it Trump Twitter diktat) has helped to fortify this glue. Qatar is an outsider in all these unifying factors. Qatar’s relationship with Iran is not as fragile as with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Qatar’s public space is also relatively more open than Saudi Arabia, and its government is much more progressive than the Saudi-led camp. Qatar allows media outlets such as Al Jazeera to operate and the USA makes use of Qatar as a military base. Qatar serves as a middle ground for various transactions, even with extremist groups such as the Taliban.
Four pillars underpinning the foreign and even domestic policy of the UAE are trade, tourism, counterterrorism (and the rise of Muslim Brotherhood movements), and countering Iranian domination. Islam is not treated as a state doctrine that dictates the policies of the UAE. In contrast, the other Gulf States follow a sharia-led foreign policy that is similar to that of Saudi Arabia. Saudi’s foreign and domestic policy revolves around Sunni Wahhabism, the protection of the holy sites of Mecca and Medina, and the best interests of the ruling Kingdom. Similarly, the core of the foreign policy of Qatar and Kuwait resides in religion and the influence of their respective monarchies.
Now, the rift in the GCC has added another layer of distrust and animosity between some of the IGAD and GCC countries, but has also added fuel to simmering uncertainty, insecurity and animosity among some of the countries in the IGAD region. But, what will be the consequences of the fallout of the GCC rift in the IGAD region?
The GCC rift and its fallout provide quintessential examples of how the IGAD region is intertwined to the Middle East. The two regions belong to the same religious, historical, trade and migration sphere of influence. Geographic proximity to the Red Sea, historical, cultural and religious ties, trade, the diaspora and migration, as well as security closely link the Horn of Africa with the countries of the Middle East. Three Abrahamic religions; Islam, Christianity, and Judaism bind the two regions. The holiest sites of Mecca and Medina, and Jerusalem, are traditional pilgrimage destinations for the various religious adherents in the region. GCC countries host large businesses and diaspora communities as well as migrant laborers from the Horn of Africa, particularly Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea. The link with the Horn of Africa extends to trade in livestock, charcoal and other exports to the UAE and other GCC countries. Similarly, the UAE exports large quantities of merchandise to the Horn of Africa. Recently, the UAE sought to invest in Port management, manufacturing and agriculture in the Horn of Africa.
The Horn of Africa was, and still is, the subject of global competition between Christianity and Islam, extensions of Western colonialism and Ottoman-Egyptian expansion, a US-EU led Western World and Chinese rivalry, the Arab-Israeli conflict, in addition to Iranian and Saudi-led GCC enmity. The Middle Eastern countries have used the Horn of Africa as a battleground for proxy wars and the expansion of various versions of Islam. In recent decades, countries of the GCC and the Horn of Africa have become victims of terrorism and violent extremism. Islamic violent extremist ideological and financial support has its roots and source in the GCC. The Red Sea and the Nile river play critical roles in the relations between the Arab world and the Horn of Africa. For a long time, the diplomatic relations between the GCC and the Horn of Africa were, and currently are, characterized by mutual assured distrust and animosity mainly in religion and security issues. The establishment of GCC military naval and air force bases has exacerbated the distrust even more. While generally following Saudi Arabia, the UAE also competes against Qatar’s increasing global influence, particularly in Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea, Egypt, etc. Qatar is a small country with a big diplomatic role in the Horn of Africa. Qatar has played an even more prominent role of mediation in Darfur, Djibouti-Eritrea, and has given direct support to state and non-state political actors in Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia. Enterprisingly, the UAE also aspires to serve as a manufacturing hub by purchasing agricultural products from Africa and the rest of the world, then processing, packing and selling such products internationally. While Qatar will host the football World Cup, Dubai will be similarly hosting the World Trade Exposition. Furthermore, Dubai aims to become a global tourism hub by doubling the current 10 million visitors per annum. The UAE’s trade in Africa has increased, but mainly in the East African Community such as Kenya, Tanzania etc.
The GCC rift is suffocating the Horn of Africa. The Saudi-camp is demanding loyalty from the Horn of Africa. In the IGAD region, while Djibouti, Eritrea, Somalia (Somaliland) supported the Saudi-camp, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia took a neutral stand. Consistent with its previous position in the Yemen conflict, Ethiopia also adopted a neutral stance in the rift within the GCC. Unlike in the Yemeni conflict, Sudan and Somalia (Somaliland unequivocally supports the Saud-camp) also announced their neutral stance. Obedience to the Saudi camp has characterized Somalia’s position for many years. Attempting to take a neutral stance, the newly formed Federal Government of Somalia has found itself between a rock and a hard place. Somalia’s leadership is acutely aware of its sovereign right to make a foreign policy decision and its dependence for aid on Middle Eastern countries. Close to a million members of the Somalian diaspora live in GCC countries, the biggest concentrations being in Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar. They send remittances to their families, engage in exports (mainly livestock, meat, charcoal and fruits), and import consumer items as well as services such as aviation services and shipping operations between Somalia and the UAE.
Djibouti swiftly announced its unequivocal support for the Saudi-camp against Qatar (with the support of Iran and Turkey). Before the GCC rift, the cordial relations between Eritrea and Qatar faced a serious setback after the Libyan uprising in 2011, when GCC countries actively supported NATO’s intervention in Libya. Between 2011-2015, Qatar significantly reduced its engagement with Eritrea, as it boosted its diplomatic and economic engagement with Ethiopia. The GCC rift led to Qatar’s withdrawal from Djibouti-Eritrea, and Eritrea’s takeover of disputed areas. This could trigger a strong Ethio-Djibouti and IGAD reaction against the Eritrean government’s opportunistic belligerent action. For a long time, Sudan had rough relations with the Saudi-led camp (for that matter with all GCC countries except Qatar). Since 1992, when diplomatic relations froze for almost a decade until 1999, Sudan was considered the strongest ally of Iran, the arch foes of the Saudi-led GCC countries. The rapprochement began with the termination of Iranian non-diplomatic activities in Sudan in 2014. Sudan also actively supported the 2011 Libyan uprising and even sent troops to fight against Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who was supporting rebel groups in Sudan aiming to topple President Omar al-Bashir. This was an additional reason for swift rapprochement with the GCC countries. The position of the US in support of the Saudi-camp may also have contributed to the decision of some of the IGAD countries to sever ties with Qatar.
In addition to the rift in the GCC, two other major international crises—mainly the Yemen crisis and the migration crisis in Europe, brought significant changes to diplomatic alliances in the IGAD region. The political conflict in Yemen, which is an extension of the problems of the Middle East, and the migration debacle in the European Union have significant bearings on the diplomatic and power relations of countries of the Horn of Africa. In a bid to gain diplomatic and military support from the Horn of Africa, the Saudi-led military coalition in Yemen (fighting the Iranian-supported Houthi rebels) has solicited and gained varied levels of support from states such as Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia, Egypt and more recently, Djibouti. With regard to the Saudi-led coalition in the Yemeni conflict, only Ethiopia maintained its stance of neutrality and did not freeze its diplomatic relations with Iran so as to support Saudi Arabia.
In a bid to stem the flow of refugees from the IGAD region including from Eritrea, the EU, in its crisis mode response, embarked upon a policy of rapprochement with Eritrea and Sudan. Convergence of European financial aid and support may resuscitate the cash-strapped national armies and economies in the region. More critically, Ethiopia’s decade-long policy of military containment and diplomatic isolation of Eritrea is being undermined by powerful actors with interests in the rift within the GCC, the Yemen conflict and the European Migration crisis.
Unrealistic demands by the Saudi-camp have become overly familiar. Now Qatar can reasonably be expected to reject the legitimacy of the sanctions conditions. This makes the rift much harder to fix in the short term. Qatar is trying hard to swim against the tide. Qatar has done well so far in taking the hard decision to withstand the weight of the Saud-led camp plus the policies of President Trump. But that is a tall order to sustain for a long time.
The long-standing cultural, religious and historical ties, economic opportunities, and geographical proximity between the IGAD region and the Middle East make robust cooperation between the two regions natural and desirable. Nevertheless, such ties have done little to foster constructive partnerships. For the IGAD region, a new and urgent reading of the imperatives of foreign relations and diplomacy is in order.
It is reported that in the 1960s a joke went around Budapest about a man buying tea. When asked: which tea do you want- Russian or Chinese? he replied: I will have coffee instead. In the same way, the IGAD region should seek to not be part of any allegiance to any of the warring blocs in a war that is not its own. Africa should only take a stand towards mediated solutions to the GCC rift and other conflicts in the Middle East and in Africa. In such events and crises, no matter how much one plans, circumstances often dictate the results. The outcome of such a rift does not yield benefits to individual country actions. Hence, the IGAD region and for that matter, African cooperation with the Middle East, needs to shift its focus towards the economic front in matters of trade, investment and tourism. The IGAD region presents an excellent opportunity for the Middle Eastern countries for trade and investment due to the size of its population and natural resources. At the same time the IGAD region could benefit immensely from development, investment in Middle Eastern countries and trade with them, particularly in agriculture, skilled labor mobility, livestock and related products and resources, as well as other areas of cooperation.
Ed.’s Note: Mehari Taddele Maru is a specialist in international human rights and humanitarian law, an international consultant on African Union affairs, and an expert in Public Administration and Management. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of The Reporter. He can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
Contributed by Mehari Taddele Maruቃል ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፈርት
Written by UEJ - in Festival Frankfurt
ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኣባላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪን ኣብ ከተማ ኣትላንታ ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም
Written by EPDP Information Office North Americaብዕለት 5 ነሓሰ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን (ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ.)ኣባላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪን ኣብ ከተማ ኣትላንታ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣመሪካ ናይ ሓባር ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም። ቀንዲ ዛዕባ ኣኼባ ብክልቲኡ መሪሕነታት ዝካይድ ዘሎ ናይ ሓባር ምርድዳእ መሰረት ብምግባር ብዞባን ብጨንፈራትን ደረጃ ናይ ምልላይን ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ መንፍስ ምዕማቍን እዩ። ኣኼባ ብጽቡቅ መንፈስ ትኻይዱ። ኣባላት ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ. ብኣቶ ትኩእ ተስፋይ ኣባል ማእከላይ ባይቶ ክውከሉ ከለዉ፣ ኣባላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ ከኣ ብኣቶ ተክለብርሃን ሃይለ ኣባል መሪሕነትን ናይ ውደባ ሓላፍን እዮም ተወኪሎም። ከምዚ ዓይነት ናይ ስራሕን ምውህሃድን መንፈስ ኣብ ሰሜን ኣመሪካን ኣብ ኩሉ ኵርንዓት ዓለም ክሰፍሑን ክስሱኑን ትጽቢት ኣሎ።
ተመሳሳሊ ሓሳብ ዘለዎም ሓይልታት ኣብ ሓደ ክመጹ ባህርያዊ እዩ።
ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ መዓልታት ክልተ ኣገዳስቲ መድረኻት ኣሰላሲሉ። እዞም መድረኻት ናይ 2018 ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ፍራንክፈርትን 9ይ ምዱብ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤን እዮም። እዞም መድረኻት ሓደስቲ ዘይኮኑስ ግዜኦም ሓልዮም ክካየዱ ስለ ዝጸንሑ ከም ንቡራት ተግባራት ዝውሰዱ’ኳ እንተኾኑ ምስቲ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ናብ ሓድሽ ምዕራፍ ይኣትውሉ ኣብ ዘለዉ እዋን ምስልሳሎም ፍሉይ ግምት ዘውህቦም እዩ።
ፈስቲቫላትና ቀንዲ ዕላምኡ ሰብ ጉዳይ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ሓደ መኣዲ ምርኻብ እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ከኣ ወትሩ ምእንቲ ለውጢ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝቃለሱ ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት፡ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ውልቀ ሰባትን ዝዕደሙን ኣብቲ መድረኽ ቃሎም ከስምዑ ትጽቢት ዝግበረሎምን። ብመንጽር’ዚ ኣብዚ ናይ ሎሚ ዓመት ብዘይሕለል ጻዕሪ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበር ኤርትራን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ዝተዳለወ ብዙሓት ዕዱማት ወከልቲ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ሲቪላዊ ምሕበራትን ከምኡ እውን ወጻእተኛታት ፈተውቲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተሳተፉ። ተሳትፈኦም ብዝሒ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣገዳሲ ቁምነገር ብምንጽብራቕ ዝምዘን’ዩ ነይሩ። ኩሎም ኣብዚ ኣገዳስን እዋናውን መድረኽ ቃሎም ዘስምዑ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ኣብ ከባቢና ዝረአ ዘሎ ምዕባለን ተመሳሳሊ ሻቕሎት ነይርዎም። ኩሎም ዘቕረብዎ መዋጸኦ እውን ተመሳሳሊ ነይሩ። ንሱ ድማ ዘለካ ዓቕሚ ኣወሃሂድካ ብሓብር ምስራሕ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ምዃኑ ዘንጸባርቕ ነይሩ።
እንተኾነ ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮና ክንድህስስ እንከለና፡ እዚ ሓድሽ ጭረሖን ቃል ምእታውን ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ግብሪ እንተዘይውዒሉ ከኣ ከምቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዘይተተግበረ መብጸዓታት መኺኑ ክተርፍ እዩ። ስለዚ እቲ ኣብቲ መድረኽ ቃል ዝተኣትወሉ ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕል ዝያዳ ትብዓትን ጹረትን ክሓተና እዩ። ምስዚ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ዝኣትዉዎ ዘለዉ ሽፉን ናብቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ንድሌት ህዝብና ዝጨወየ ደልሃመት ከየእትወና ዘየስግእ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ከምቲ ልማዱ ብውልቃዊ ምልካዊ ኣካይዳ ተሰንዲሑ ንህዝብና ኣብ ጉዳዩ ከይፈልጥ ዓቢጥዎ ይቕጽል ኣሎ። ስለዚ እዚ ተርእዮ እዚ ሓቢርካ ንምስራሕ ካብ ምጭራሕ ሓሊፍና ኣብ ተግባር ክንኣቱ ሓላፍነት ከሰክመና ግድን እዩ። ከምዚ እንተዘይጌርና ግና ብታሪኽ እውን ከሕትተና እዩ። እንተ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግና ዋጋ ደኣ የኽፍሎ እምበር ከምቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ መፍቶ ህግደፍ ክኸውንዩ ዝብል ስግኣት የብልናን።
በዚ ኣጋጣሚ እቲ ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፈርት ዝተንጸባረቐ ስምዒት ኣብቶም ዝተሳተፉ ወገናት ዝድረት ዘይኮነ ናይ ኩሉ ደላይ ሰላም፡ ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ህዝብና ስምዒት ምዃኑ ብመንጽርቲ ኣብኡ ዝቐረበ መድረታት ርዱእ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ግብሪ ናይ ምዓሉ ሓላፍነት እውን ብቀንዱ ናይ ህዝቢ ምዃኑ ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግባእን። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ሓድሽ ምዕራፍ ስለ ዝተኣትወ ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እዚ ዕድል ብምፍጣሩ ብዙሓት ተረሓሒቖም ዝጸንሑ ወገናትና ካብን ናብን ኣስመራን ኣዲስ ኣበባን ብቐሊሉ ክመላለሱ ምኽኣሎም ኣገዳሲ ስጉምቲ እዩ። እንተኾነ እዚ ብፋላይ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ዝምልከት ናብቲ መሰረታዊ ፍታሕን ራህዋን ንምብጻሕ መንጠሪ ባይታ እምበር ናይ መወዳእታ ሸቶ ከምዘይኮነ፡ ህዝብና ከስተብህል ይግበኦ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ቀንዲ ጸገም ብናይ መገሻ ዕድል ክሽፍኖ ዝገበሮ ፈተነ ከነስተብህለሉ ይግበኣና። ተፈላሊኻ ጸኒሕካ ምርኻብ ጽቡቕ ዕድል ኮይኑ፡ እቲ መሰረታዊ ጠለብ ዘተኣማምን ሰላም፡ ፍትሒ፡ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ምኽባር ኩሉ መሰላት … ውዘተ ህዝብና ግና ጌና ኣይረወየን። ንሱ እዩ ከኣ እቲ ቀንዲ ጉዳይና። እቲ ሰላም ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዘይንጸልኦ’ኳ እንተኾነ እቲ ቀንዲ ንብህግን ንቃለሰሉን ግና ዘተኣማምን ሰላም ኣብ ኤርትራ እዩ።
ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ ፍራንክፈርት በይኑ ዘይኮነ ምስቶም ኣብ ፈስቲቫላት ስቶክሆልምን ኣትላንታን ዝተቓልሑ ጭረሖታት ኣሳኒና ኣብ ግብሪ ከነውዕሎም ይግበኣና። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከኣ ከምቲ ጀሚርዎ ዘሎ ምስ ኩሎም ሓይልታት ለውጢ ብሓባር ዘስርሕ መድረኽ ናይ ምጥጣሕ ጻዕሩ ክቕጽሎ እዩ።
ምስዚ ብዝተሓሓዘ ቅድምን ድሕርን ፈስቲቫል ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፈርት ክካየድ ዝጸንሐ 9ይ ምዱብ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ ተዛዚሙ ኣሎ። ኣኼባ ባይቶ ከምቲ ድሕሪ ምዝዝዛሙ ኣብ ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ ጠቒስዎ ዘሎ፡ ኣብዚ ኣብ ከባቢና ዝረአ ዘሎ ንኤርትራ ኣጸቢቑ ዝጸሉ ምዕባለታት ሓዲርዎ ዘሎ ሻቕሎት ገሊጹ ኣሎ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ በቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ስረሓትና ብዘርኣናዮ ድኽመት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ በቲ ክንገብሮ እንዳኸኣልና ዘይገብርናዮ ከም ዝሻቐል እውን ኣንጸባሪቑ ኣሎ። ኣኼባ ባይቶ ብዛዕባ ብዙሓት ሰልፋውን ከባብያውን ጉዳያት’ኳ እንተዘተየ እቲ ቀንዲ ዝተገደሰሉ ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ ዘይምኽኣልና ጸገም ዝስገረሉ መንገዲ ምምሃዝ እዩ። ሰዲህኤ ተስፋኡ ኣብዚ መዳይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዘይተፈተነ ኣገባብ ኣብ ምምሃዝ ዘይኮነ፡ እቲ ሓቢሩ ክሰርሕ ዝግበኦ ኣካላት ካብ ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመኩሮኡ ተማሂሩ፡ ንነብሱ ፈትሹን ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ድኽመቱ ርእዩን ዝሓሸ መንገዲ ንክሕዝ ህልዊ ኩነታትና ከድርኾ’ዩ ዝብል እዩ። ደጊም ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብዙሕ ሓባቢእዎ ክኸይድ ዝጸንሐ ተንኮላት ተቐሊዑ እዩ። ካብ ሕጂ ክሕባእ እንተኾይኑ ኣብ ድኽመት ናይቶም ንለውጢ ንቃለሰ ዘለና እዩ። ኣብ ህግደፍ ዝረአ ድኽመትን ሃጓፍን ከም ናይ ቃልሲ መሕየሊ እንተዘይተጠቂምናሉ ባዕሉ ዓወት ኣይከውንን እዩ። ኣብዚ ብጉዳይ ምዝርጋሕ መመሓላለፊ ነዳዲ መስመር ካብ ወደብ ዓሰብ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኤርትራ ዘየብሉ መንግስታት ኢማራትን ኢትዮጵያን ተፈራሪሞም ዝብል ወግዓዊ ዜና ዝዝርገሓሉ ዘሎ እዋን ብሓባር ሰሪሑ ከድምዕ ብሓባር ተዛሪቡ ከስምዕ ዘይበራበር ኤርትራዊ ክህሉ እዩ ዝብል ግምት የብልናን። እቲ ምብርባር ኣድማዒ ንክኸውን ግና ውዱብን ውህዱን ክኸውን ከም ዝግበኦ ሰዲህኤ ይኣምንን ይቃለሰሉን።
EPDP CC Cautions Ethiopia of Risks of Its Renewed Wrong Approaches to Eritrea
Written by EPDP Information Office
In a statement issued at the end of its 9th regular session on 12 August, the Central Council of the Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) expressed profound anxiety and concern with what is going on between the Ethiopian Government of Dr. Abiy Ahmed and the illegitimate regime in Eritrea.
The EPDP CC statement strongly cautioned that sustainable peace will not be achieved via incomprehensible and counterfeit relations made with an abusive and criminal regime in total isolation of the Eritrean people and in exclusion of Eritrean pro-democracy forces.
The Council called on sister political and civil society organizations to unify their ranks at this critical hour in the prolonged struggle of the Eritrean people and face the challenges to their national sovereignty with renewed commitment and resolve. Likewise, the EPDP leadership discussed the progress so far made to promote the Party’s proposal for joint work and expressed special satisfaction with the high degree of understanding reached with the Eritrean National Salvation-Hidri and the close work cooperation being forged with the newly formed Unity of Eritreans for Justice (UEJ).
Started in late July with a wide-ranging review of global and regional issues presented by the EPDP Chairman, Menghesteab Asmerom, the chain of meetings of the 9th CC Session scrutinized and adopted annual reports of the Executive Committee. Also discussed and enhanced with new inputs was the paper of the Commission for Party Renewal. The leadership instructed the Commission to come with more constructive ideas until the next party congress, and encouraged party rank-and-file to participate in the renewal process.
The 9th CC Session, inter alia, mandated the Executive Committee to continue taking necessary action to promote joint work with sister organizations, adopted clearer guidelines for the audit section, and accessed preparations for the Third EPDP Congress next year. In this regard, the CC elected a 9-person Preparatory Committee and 5-person Nominating Committee. The EPDP CC gave vote of confidence to the chairman and his team to continue till the next congress and elected an auditor to serve the party per the clarified guidelines. At concluding its regular session, the leadership paid deep gratitude to the commitment of party members to keep the noble cause going till victory.
Human Rights Council membership | A call for responsible voting
Written by Nicolas Agostini, Representative to the United Nations, DefendDefendersBy Nicolas Agostini, Representative to the United Nations, DefendDefenders
The world’s top human rights body needs members with a genuine commitment to protecting human rights. Electing States should ensure that candidates with a record of systematically violating rights and failing to cooperate with the Council receive no support in the ballot.
Last month, DefendDefenders (the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project) published a report scrutinising Burundi’s behaviour as a member of the UN Human Rights Council. Throughout its tenure, the Burundian government set new lows for a Council member. Its human rights record, refusal to cooperate with Council mechanisms, and attacks against the UN system confirmed that Burundi should never have been elected to the UN’s top human rights body.
Regrettably, some States are elected despite grave violations of Council membership standards.[1]Together with civil society partners, we have identified ‘clean slates’ (uncontested elections) as one of the main issues with regard to the quality of Council’s members. We have also repeatedly called on States not to cast their vote for candidates that are unfit.
Eritrea’s candidacy
As the next Council election is looming, Eritrea has declared its candidacy for a three-year term (2019-2021). The African Group, like many other regional groups, is likely to present a ‘clean slate’ again.
In 2016, the Commission of Inquiry (COI) on Eritrea found reasonable grounds to believe that crimes against humanity – including enslavement, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, torture, other inhumane acts, persecution, rape and murder – had been committed in the country since 1991. In her last report to the Council, the Special Rapporteur on Eritrea, Sheila B. Keetharuth, concluded that ‘Eritrea has shown that victims of crimes against humanity and human rights violations are not about to get adequate remedies.’ Her overall assessment of the human rights situation on the ground remained ‘grim, with no meaningful progress to address specific […] violations to report.’
Eritrea has consistently refused to cooperate with the UN human rights system. It has denied access to independent experts and investigators, boycotted debates on its human rights situation, and launched attacks – some of which descended to a personal level and verged on incitement to violence – against human rights defenders, the Special Rapporteur, and COI members. The then-President of the Human Rights Council denounced ‘various threats and acts of intimidation [carried out] in [the COI members’] hotel.’[2]
Few States are more unfit for Council membership than Eritrea. The government flouts the first two criteria set out by paragraph 9 of UNGA resolution 60/251 (namely, that States ‘uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights’ and ‘fully cooperate with the Council’). Eritrea might fulfil the last criterion, which is purely technical: being reviewed under the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) during its term. Eritrea’s next UPR will take place on 28 January 2019, but recommendations made during Eritrea’s first two reviews remain largely unimplemented. At the regional level, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) issued numerous decisions that have been ignored by the Eritrean Government.
Casting responsible votes
At this point, we should not point fingers at the African Group more than at other regional groups, which tend to present ‘clean slates’ for Council elections.[3]Two months ahead of the next Council election, which will take place in October at the UN General Assembly, we urge electing States – i.e., all UN member States – to act responsibly.
If they allow the Eritrean government to sit on the Council, they will adversely impact not just the Council’s credibility, which is already stained by the presence of some of the worst human rights abusers (including Burundi, Saudi Arabia, China, Venezuela, and Egypt), but also its integrity and its ability to conduct its own work in a consistent way. Eritrea, for example, will be able to vote against scrutiny of its own human rights record.
At an institutional level, electing Eritrea to the world’s top human rights body will amount to giving legitimacy to attacks against the Council’s integrity, as the Eritrean government has routinely engaged in reprisals against human rights defenders and civil society, who play a key role in the Council’s work by providing it with some of the information it needs to fulfil its mandate.
With Eritrea as a member State, the Council will still be able to act on thematic issues and country situations. However, its reputation will suffer at a time when it badly needs to prove its value to the public. And the anti-human rights bloc – States that systematically vote against country-specific initiatives, attack human rights standards, and attempt to undermine the Council’s thematic work – will be strengthened.
Progressive States of all regional groups should now show policy consistency. In October, keeping in mind that the vote is individual and secret, that Council members are elected by simple majority, and that there is no obligation to tick all candidates’ boxes when a regional group presents a clean slate, progressive States should leave the ballot blank for Eritrea.
Going forward, regional groups and their members should ensure that for each election, the number of candidates is larger than the number of vacant seats, so that the process foreseen when the Council was established actually takes place. They should also encourage other regional groups to avoid ‘clean slates’. Lastly, States should vote only for candidates that have a satisfactory record of cooperation with the UN human rights system and genuinely strive to uphold the ‘highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights’.
Source=http://www.ishr.ch/news/human-rights-council-membership-call-responsible-voting
ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብመስረት ቅዋም ሰልፉ ዓንቀጽ 6.1.8 ብተኸታታሊ ከካየዶ ዝጸንሐ 9ይ ዓመታዊ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ብ12 ነሓሰ 2018 ዛዚሙ። ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብ’ዚ ብቃል ኣቦ መንበሩ ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ዝተኸፍተ፡ ተኸታታሊ ኣኼባታቱ ኣገዳስን እዋናውን ሓበሬታታት ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራ ብፍላይ ብዛዕባ ከባቢናን ዓለምናን ድማ ብሓፈሻ፡ ብጽሞና ዳህሲሱን ሚዛናቱ ኣንቢሩን። ብዝያዳ ከኣ ብሓደ ወገን ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝርአ ዘሎ ምዕባለታት ብዝምልከት ብሰፊሑ ተመያይጥሉ። በዚ መሰረት ነቲ ቅድም ብኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ቀጺሉ ድማ ብፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ዝወጸ ነዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ምዕባለታት ዝምልከት መግለጽታት ግቡእን እዋናውን ሚዛናት ምዃኑ ኣስሚርሉ። ኣኼባ ቀጺሉ ብኩለን ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰዲህኤ ዓመታዊ ጸብጻባት ብዝርዝር ሰሚዑ፡ ብመንጽር’ቲ ኣቐዲሙ ወጺኡ ክስርሓሉ ዝጸንሐ፡ ዓመታዊ መደባት ኣድላዪ ክትዓት፡ ምይይጥን ምትዕርራይን ድሕሪ ምግባር ነቲ ጸብጻባት ከም ሕጋዊ ሰነድ ሰልፊ ኣጽዲቕዎ።
ብዘይካ’ዚ፡ በቲ ኣቐዲሙ ናብ ኣባላት ባይቶ ተዘርጊሑ ዝነበረ ኣጀንዳ መሰረት፡ እቲ ኣቐዲሙ ክሰርሓሉ ዝጸንሐ መደብ ምሕዳስ ሰልፊ ዝምልከት በቲ ብማእከላይ ባይቶ ቆይሙ ክሰርሕ ዝጸንሐ ኮሚሽን ምሕዳስ ሰልፊ ዝቐረበ ፍሉይ ጸብጻብ ተኸታቲሉ። ከም ኣካል ናይ’ቲ ጸብጻብ ከኣ ብዛዕባ ኣበጋግሳ መስርሕ ምሕዳስ ዝብል ሓሳብን ኣመሰራርታ እቲ ኮሚሽንን መብርሂ ሰሚዑ። በቲ ዝተታሕዘ መደባት መሰረት ነቲ ድሮ ተወሲዱ ዘሉ ናይ ምሕዳስ ስጕምታት መጐሱ ገሊጹ፡ ነቲ ዘይተፈጸመን ዕማማት ምሕዳስ ሰልፊ ድማ ንምትግባሩ ዝሕግዝ መደብ ኣሚሙ። ካብዚ ነቒሉ ከኣ ኣብ ቀጻሊ እቲ ዕማም ናብቲ ኮሚሽን ጥራይ ከይተገድፈ ኩሉ ኣባል ሰልፊ ክሰርሓሉ ከም ዝግበኦን እቲ ኮሚሽን ንዝቕጽል ሓደ ዓመት ካብ መሰረታት ሰልፊ ዝረኸቦ ርእይቶታት ጥራይ ከይተደረተ፡ ከምቲ ክገብሮ ዝጸንሓ ሃናጺ ሓሳባትን ኣገደስቲ መጽናዕትታትን ብምቕራብ ንመሪሕነት ናይ ምስናቕ ዕማሙ ክቕጽልን ወሲኑ።
ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብ ጉባአ ዝጸደቐ፡ ቅዋም ሰልፊ ብዝሃቦ ስልጣን መሰረት፡ ንኣሰራርሓ ምቁጽጻር (ኦዲት) ዝምልከት ንድፊ ከተቕርብ ኣቐዲሙ ኣብ ፍሉይ ኣኼባኡ ዘቖማ ሽማግለ ንድፊ ንዘቕረበቶ ንኣገባብ ኣሰራርሓን መምርሒ ንጠቕላል ኦዲተርን ዝምልከት ንድፍን ዝቐረበሉ ጸብጻብ ሰሚዑ። ኣብቲ ዝቐረበሉ ንድፊ ተመርኲሱ ከኣ ናብ’ቲ ዛዕባ ቅርበት ናይ ዘለዎም ኣካላት ሰልፊ ርእይቶ ምስ ሰምዐ ኣብ መጻኢ ዝስርሓሉ ናይ ምቁጽጻር መምርሒ ሰነድ ኣጽዲቑ። እቲ ብሽማግለ ንድፊ እተዳለወ መምርሒ ንምንዳፍ እተጠቐመትሉ ኣገባብ ዝሕብር ጸብጻብ ድማ ቅኑዕን ግቡእን ምንባሩ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ተቐቢሉ ኣጽዲቕዎ።
ድሕሪ እዚ ብመሰረት እቲ ቅድሚ ዓመት ዝወጸ እማመ ሰዲህኤ ንሓባራዊ ስራሕ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ኤርትራ: ኣብዚ መዳይ’ዚ ተበጺሑ ዘሎ ምዕባለ ዘርኢ ጸብጻባት ሰሚዑ። በቲ ዝቐረበ ጸብጻብ መሰረት ክሳብ ሕጂ ብዙሓት ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ንሓላፍነታዊ ተበግሶ ሰዲህኤ ኣውንታዊ ምላሽ ከም ዝሃቡን ገለ ውድባት ከኣ ብዛዕባቲ ትሕዝቶ ክበርሃሎም ከም ዝሓተቱ ኣብዚ ኣኼባ በሪሁ። ብፍላይ ምስ ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ-ሕድሪ ናብ ኣዝዩ ዝለዓለ ናይ ሓድነት ተስፋ ዝህብ ምቅርራባት ተበጺሑ ከም ዘሎን ሰልፍና ነዚ ንምትግባር ብትግሃት ክሰርሕ ምዃኑ ኣኼባ ባይቶ መዚኑ። ሰዲህኤ ብዛዕባ’ዚ ኣብ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝርአ ዘሎ ዘይብሩህ ዝምድና ብስም ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ብሓባር ዝዛረቡ ናይ ሓባር ኮሚተታት ንምቛም ኣቕሪብዎ ዘሎ ጸዋዒት ተቐባልነት ክረክብ ትጽቢቱ ትስፍው ምዃኑ ገሊጹ። ምስዚ ኣተሓሒዙ 9ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ፡ ንፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ነቲ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መስርሕ ዝምድናን ሓድነትን ውድባት ከተግብር ሓላፍነት ሂቡ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ምስ ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ እወንታዊ ርክብ ንምድልዳሉን ናብ ክብ ዝበለ ደረጃ ንምስግጋሩን ዘድሊ ጻዕርታት ክካየድ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ንፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሓላፍነት ኣሰኪሙ።
9ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝርኣዮ ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ጉዳይ ምድላው 3ይ ስሩዕ ጉባአ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ። ነዚ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ዘካየዶ ሰፊሕ ዳህሳስ፡ ሓደሓደ ጉዳያት ብመሪሕነት ንክጽንዑ ወጊኑ። እቲ ምድላዋት ንምጅማር ክከኣል ከኣ 9 ዝኣባላታ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለን 5 ዝኣባላት ሓጻይት ሽማግለ ኣቚሙ መምርሒ ስረሓተን ከኣ ሂቡ።
ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ብመንጽር’ቲ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ትኣትዎ ዘላ ሓድሽን ኣሰካፍን ምዕራፍ ዝምድናን ብዘካየዶ ዓሚቝ ዳህሳስ መሰረት ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ኩሎም ሓይልታት ተቓውሞን ዝያዳ ኩሉ ግዜ ኣብ ዘሰማምዖም ጉዳያት ኣትኪሎም ሓቢሮም ክቃለሱ መጸዋዕታኡ ኣቕሪቡ።
ኣኼባ ባይቶ ኣባላት ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክሳብ ሕጂ ከካይድዎ ንዝጸንሑ ኩለመዳያዊ ዘይሕለል ኣበርክተኦም ኣመጒሱ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ’ውን ከም ወትሩ፡ ሓድነት ሰልፎም ብምዕቃብ ንምልካዊ ተግባራት ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኣብ ምቅላዕን ንሓባራዊ ስራሕ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኣብ ምድንፋዕን እቲ ዘይሕለል ቃልሶም ዝያዳ ከደንፍዕዎ ጸዊዑ።
9ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ክሳብ ሕጂ ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ኣብ ምቕባልን ምሕብሓብን ከካይዶ ንዝጸንሐ ጉርብትናዊ ምትሕብባር ኣመጒሱ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሓይልታት ተቓውመኡን ብዘግለለ፡ ምስቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ኣስካሕካሒ በደል ዝፍጽም ዘሎ መላኺ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ዝምድና ዘላቒ ሰላም ከምጽእ ዘይክእል ምዃኑ ክግንዘብን ንከስተብህል እንዳጸወዐ፡ ሻቕለቱን ስኽፍትኡን ገሊጹ።
9ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብ መወዳእታ ኣቦመንበር መሪጹን ብኣቦመንበር ባይቶ ንዘቕረበሉ ሑጹያት ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ብምጽዳቕን ጠቕላላ ተቖጻጻሪ ብምምራጽን ኣኼባኡ ዛዚሙ
ሓቢርና ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ሓቢርና ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ!!!
ማእከላይ ሽማግለ ሰዲህኤ
13 ነሓሰ 2018
August 13, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan’s Defence Minister Awad Ibn Ouf said relations with Russia are developing steadily, particularly military cooperation, describing ties between the two countries as historic.
Ibn Ouf, who received the Russian Ambassador to Sudan Vladimir Zheltov on Monday at his office, pointed to Moscow’s supportive stances towards Khartoum.
For his part, Zheltov described relations between the two countries as close and friendly, saying they are based on mutual interests in all economic and military fields to serve the joint interests.
It is noteworthy that the meeting was held in the presence of Sudan’s head of the Military Intelligence, Lieu. Gen. Gamal Omar Mohamed Ibrahim, and deputy military attaché at the Russian embassy Anthony Kaplan.
During a visit to Moscow last month to attend the 2018 World Cup Final, the Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir was met with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Both leaders pledged to promote military cooperation in the near future.
The two leaders last met in November 2017 in the Russian city of Sochi, with both expressing a desire to enhance military ties.
At the time, al-Bashir offered to construct an airbase for Russia on the Red Sea coast and to re-equip the Sudanese army with the Russian weapons including SU-30 fighter jets and surface-to-air missiles.
Politically, Russia is seen as a major ally of the government of al-Bashir that faces isolation from the West. However, economic cooperation between the two countries has remained very low, with a trade balance that does not exceed $400 million.
In December 2015, Sudan and Russia signed 14 cooperation agreements in different domains, including oil, minerals and banks.
The agreements also include a concession contract between Sudan and the Russian Rus Geology to prospect for oil in Sudan’s Bloc E57 and another accord for the geological mapping of the Jebel Moya area, North Kordofan State.
(ST)
More...
كلمة رئيس حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الأرتري في مهرجان ارتريا ٢٠١٨
Written by منقستأب اسمروم
سيداتي سادتي ممثلي التنظيمات السياسية و منظمات المجتمع المدني
سيداتي سادتي أعضاء حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
ضيوفنا الكرام
أصالتاعن نفسي و نيابات عن قيادة و قاعدة حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري اتقدم اليكم بخالص الشكر و التقدير لتلبية دعوتنا و مشاركتنا في مهرجان ٢٠١٨ ، تشرفنا بحضوركم ، أيضا الشكر موصول للجنة المنظمة و الي كل الذين ساهمو في أعداد المهرجان.
ينعقد مهرجان هذا العام في ظل تطورات إقليمية و دوليه لاسيما في وقت تحولات كبيرة و بوتيرة متسارعة علي مستوى منطقتنا بالغة الاهمية وبالتالي يتطلب مننا كمعارضه لنظام الهقدف للتعامل مع هذه الأحداث وأن ننتهز كل الفرص المتاحة لتحويلها لمصلحة الوطن و ان نبادر بتبادل الاراء و البدء بخطوات عملية لتحقيق ذلك.
سيداتي سادتي
في هذه الفترة دخلت الدول الكبرى في ما بينها في منافسة حول مسائل سياسية و اقتصادية و جيو سياسية وإزداد التنافس حدة بين كل من الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية من جهة و الصين والاتحاد الأوروبي و كندا من جهة أخرى فضلا عن التوتر الروسي ، الإيراني والاتحاد الأوروبي من جانب و إسرائيل و الولايات ً من الجانب الآخر الناتج بسبب تنصل الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية من اتفاقية البرنامج النووي الإيراني علاوة علي ذلك خلافات دول الأتحاد الأوروبي بخصوص قضايا اللاجئين البعد منها ترى أن يتم قبول طلب اللجوء في أول دولة تطأ فيها قدم طالب اللجوء، بينما توجد دول أخرى توأيد تقاسم عبء اللاجئين وطرف ثالث يدعم فكرة اغلاق الحدود أمام طالبي اللجوء.
ويشهد الشرق الأوسط والقرن الافريقي تدخلات سياسية و عسكرية من دول عديدة ، في سوريا تواجد عسكري روسي، إيراني، تركي إسرائيلي مكثف في اليمن معارك عسكريه طرفها التحالف العربي بقيادة المملكة العربية السعودية و الحوثيين و قوات الرئيس الراحل علي عبدالله صالح تقابل هذه الحرب بعدم قبول و إدانة من قبل إيران وتركيا وقطر. تمتد تداعيات حرب اليمن على القرن الإفريقي لأنها فتحت الباب لبناء قواعد عسكرية في السواحل الجنوبية الارترية لشن عمليات عسكرية ولسد الطريق امام التسلل الإيراني الى منطقة القرن الإفريقي فضلا عن تأجير ميناء عصب لدولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة لنفس القرض.
من الملاحظ أصبح القرن الإفريقي محط اطماع عسكرية و اقتصادية لدول عديدة والسعي لإيجاد موطأ قدم لها جري على قدم و ساق وما يواكد هذا الكلام الوجود الأمريكي ، الفرنسي ، الصيني ، التركي ، الإيطالية، و الياباني في جيبوتي أيضا الوجود التركي في السودان والصومال. أسباب هذا التحرك المحموم لكل هذه الدول يمكن تلخيصها في سببين رئيسيين الأول لحماية أساطيلها التجارية والاخرى للتأثير و التوسع في أفريقيا و الشرق الاوسط.
سيداتي سادتي
حديثي سوف يتركذ في التحولات الجارية في القرن الإفريقي بصفة عامة وفي أثيوبيا و إريتريا بصفة خاصة التي لفتت أنظار العالم. ان التغيير في أثيوبيا لم يأتي من فراغ بل كن ثمرة نضال شاق و تضحيات جسيمة للشعوب الإثيوبية ، رغم محاولات الحكومة الفدرالية المتكررة لكبح جماح الانتفاضة من خلال فرض حالة طوارئ لن تتمكن من قمعها وفي الاخير رضخة لمطالب الجماهيرو اعترف الحزب الحاكم على ان أسباب القلاقل كانت غياب الحكم الراشد وتأكل حزب الجهة الديمقراطية الشعبية الإثيوبية واقر الحزب إصلاح وتجديد نفسه و من أجل تحقيق الاصلاح أتى الدكتور ابي أحمد من داخل رحم الحزب وبدأ خطواته الإصلاحية بالنقاط التالية.
١ إطلاق سراح جميع السجناء السياسيين وسجناء الرأي و الضمير
٢ إنهاء حالة الطوارئ
٣ استدعاء جميع التنظيمات السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني ووسائل الاعلام المقاومة من خارج البلاد وأعطاها حرية العمل من داخل البلاد للمنافسة.
٤ زيارات مكوكية لتهدئة حالة الشغب التي عانت منها الأقاليم
٥ قبول اتفاقية الجزائر و قرأر مفوضية ترسيم ألحدود دون شروط مسبقة
أن قبول واستعداد الدكتور ابي أحمد لاتفاقية الجزائر هي خطوه شجاعة لم يسبق لها مثيل في أفريقيا عموما ًو في القرن الإفريقي خاصتا ونحن في حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري نهنئ ونشيد هذه الخطوة الباسلة. كما أود أن اؤكد ان حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري انطلاقا من إيمانه الراسخ لمبدأ العدالة والسلام و للديمقراطية كانت مواقفه دأمنا و أبدا واضحه اتجاه حل قضية الحدود و ترسيمها بالطرق السلمية.
أن التحولات التي شهدتها أثيوبيا لا شك انها من صنع الشعب الأثيوبي بالدرجة الأساسية و بشكل رئيسي ولكن لا يمكن أغفال الدور المساعد الكبير الذي لعبته الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية و المملكة العربية السعودية و دولة الإمارات العربية المتحدة . في أحد لقاءاته الصحفية بخصوص اجتماع بين الدولتين ذكر سفير الولايات المتحدة لدى إثيوبيا السيد مايك راينر بأن المحادثات بين أثيوبيا و إريتريا بدأت قبل مجيئ الدكتور ابي أحمد في السلطة وأكد لقاء فد ارتري بقيادة وزير خارجية إريتريا السيد عثمان صالح و عدوية مستشار الرئيس الأرتري السيد يماني قبراب بالسيد هيلي ماريام دسالن رئيس وزراء أثيوبيا السابق برعاية أمريكا في العاصمة واشنقتون.
للاءت نظام اسمرى ، بالأمس كان يسرخ رأس نظام الهقدف في كل مناسبة " لاء لتطبيع قبل ترسيم الحدود و قبل خروج اخر جندي من الأراضي الارترية و نعم للتطبيع بعد ترسيم الحدود " بمعنى ترسيم الحدود في الصباح و التطبيع في مساء نفس اليوم ، إذن ماذا جرى اليوم حتى يهرول نحو التطبيع و إجراء محادثات مع أثيوبيا بعيدة عن أنظار الشعب الارتري، هل تم فعلا ترسيم الحدود ووضع الحديد على الارض، الم يكون النظام ووسائل الإعلام التي تعمل علي حسابه تتهم السيد هيلي ماريام ولدتنساءي (دروع) و مجموعته بالخيانة العظمة لمجرد مطالبتهم العمل بالدستور و حل النزاع الحدود بالمفاوضات السلمية ايصا كانو يكيلون نفس الاتهامات للمعارضة الإرترية لتواجدها الاضطراري في الأراضي الإثيوبية ، هل من مبرر لهذا التهافت و الهرولة من قبل النظام اتجاه أثيوبيا ? و هل من معطيات جديدة على الارض تحتم ذلك ? السلطة في أثيوبيا هو نفس الائتلاف الحاكم و ترسيم الحدود لم يتم بعد حقا تصرف أدهش كل مراقب للعلاقات الإرترية و الأثيوبي.
ومن المحزن والمعيب أن يتم اعلان قرار إرسال وفد التطبيع في ال ٢٠ من يونيو في ذكرى يوم الشهداء الذين سقطوا من أجل تحرير تراب الوطن و الدفاع عن حدوده و سيادته دون إعطاء اي اعتبارللشهداء و للشعب الذي قدم أبناءه شهداء مهرا للتحرير و السيادة ولكن هذا التصرف ليس غريب من النظام في اسمرى ويجب أن نعي جيدا من لم يحترم شعبه و يخون عهد الشهداء لايؤتمن في تحقيق السلام مع الداخل ولا التطبيع مع الخارج.
النظام الدكتاتوري في إريتريا كل ما يهمه هو ضخ دماء في جسده المتهالك لأطالة عمره حتى لوكلف ذلك التخلي عن السيادة بالتجزئة هنا وهناك أملي ان تكون هذه الحقيقة اليوم واضحة كوضوح الشمس في رابعة النهار، عوضا عن ترسيم الحدود تنصب كل اهتماماته في استخدام الموانئ و فتح السفارات و استئناف رحلات الخطوط الجوية الإثيوبية و فتح الحدود أمام تنقل المواطنين مستخفنا قضية الحدود و ترسيمها أن لم تكون أهملة حسب التصريحات الواردة من الطرفين ولكن على الشعب الارتري أن يطالب بشدة بترسيم الحدود على الأرض حتى لا تفرض عليه قدن حروب حدودية أخرى في حالة عدم تقاطع المصالح بين الدولتين.
جميع القرارات المتخذة من قبل النظام غير شفافة ودون أدنى مشاركة شعبية لا أحد يعلم الى أين سوف تتطور الأوضاع وبالتالي يتطلب من الجميع أن يراقب سير عملية السلام التي يطبل لها انظام بكل اهتمام، لا شك ان السلام ضروري ومطلب جماهيري لايوجد كأن يرفض السلام ولكن لأحد يقبل السلام المزعوم ، ان السلام لا يعني إسكات المدافع فقط بل السلام يعني التطور و التنمية و التعليم و التسامح و احترام سيادة القانون وضمان الحريات العامة وكل هذا له غياب تام في إريتريا اليوم.
بلادنا لا تحكم بالقانون ببساطة دولة بدون دستور و في ظل غياب سيادة القانون تحرم هامش من الحرية للمعارضة السلمية من الداخل و يحظر الاعلام الحر و يمنع أي نشاط لمنظمات المجتمع المدنيي عودا عن ذلك تشيد السجون التي تمتلئ بالسجناء السياسيين و سجناء الضمير و قدن لا يستبعد سماع بتقديم طلب تسليم قيادات المعارضة و زوار اليل الى حيث ما تقيم لتصفيتها جسديا.
التحولات الجارية في أثيوبيا لاتزال في بدايتها أين ستنتهي غير واضح حتى اللحظة تلوح في الافق وجود اتجاهين لذلك يمكن القول أن البلد في مفترق الطريق فعلى الجهتين أن تتفق وتجنب البلاد من ويلات الاقتتال و الدمار، السلام او عدمه في أثيوبيا و إريتريا ينعكس على دول الجوار وعلي بعضهم البعض سلبا أو إيجابا، ولتحقيق سلام مستدام بين الجارتين له شروطه الأساسية تتمثل في تأمين الحريات العامة وإيجاد ارضية ديمقراطية تمارس فيها الجماهير سلطاتها باعتبارها المصدر الوحيد للسلطة .
سيداتي سادتي
الجزء الثالث من خطابي هو معسكر المعارضة ، بعد تحرير إريتريا نتيجة عدم انفتاح النظام و إقصاء الرأي الاخر نمت المعارضة بشكل سريع من حيث العدد ولكن عدم تمكنها من خلق مظلة تجمعها وغياب دور القيادة لم تسيرفي الاتجاه الصحيح فحسب بل دخلت في مشادة ضد بعضها البعض في قضاية جانبية وأضاعة كثير من الفرص ، يجب أن نعترف بهذه الحقيقة وأن نبدأ بتصحييحها فورا لأنها تحتمل التأخير والا وجودنا كمعارضة سوف لن يكون له معنى،
تشهد منطقتنا تحولات كثيرا و بوتيرة متسارعة لم نلعب فيها دورنا كما ينبغي أن لم يكون هذا الدور معدوم وهذا يجعل وجودنا كتنظيمات معارضة في مفترق الطريق أم ان نبدأ في تقويم مسيرتنا والاعتذار لشعبنا و التصالح مع انفسنا و الشروع في العمل الجماعي نحو الهدف المشترك أم ان نضمحل واحد تلو الاخر ، ليس لدي أدنى شك ان خيارنا هو الخيار الاول ولكن هذا الخيار لا يحتمل التقاعس أو التحرك البطيء فعليه يجب من الكل أن يؤدي دوره كماينبغي والا التاريخ سوف لن يرحمنا.
نحنا وشعبنا أصبحنا نفاجأ بالأحداث المصيرية التي تهم الوطن لأنها تطبخ بمنتهى السرية بعيدة عن أنظار الشعب ان عملية السلام والتطبيع التي تقراع لها الطبول قبل ترسيم الحدود لاندري الى أين ستنتهي، لان لا يفصحاح عنها حتى القيل و يكتنفها كثير من القموض، هل يعنى بها لإضعاف الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تقرأ أم هى لمعالجة أسباب الحرب الحدودية التي راحت ضحها كثير من الارواح و الممتلكات ، هذا ما سوف تكشف عنه الأيام . أزالت النظام و الإتيان بالبديل الديمقراطي هو استحقاق داخلي و من صميم مهمة الشعب الارتري و معسكر المعارضة بشقيها التنظيمات السياسية ومنظمات المجتمع المدني ويجب ان نرفض وانلا ننتظرمربعين أيادينا لأي جهه خارجية للقيام بهذه العمل بدلا عنا.
وفي هذه المناسبة يقترح حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري الى جميع التنظيمات الارترية تكوين لجنة مشتركة يناط إليها المهام الدبلوماسي و مخاطبة الحكومات والهيئات الدولية والعمل الاعلامي و الجماهيري و ندعو الجميع الي اجتماع في أسرع وقت ممكن لاتخاذ خطوات عملية بهذا الخصوص .
دعونا نعطي حيز كبير في مهرجان ٢٠١٨ لإلقاء الضوء على تطورات العلاقات بين إريتريا و أثيوبيا .
فلنعمل سويا لكي ننجز ..... وننادي سويا لكي نسمع
منقستأب اسمروم
رئيس حزب الشعب الديمقراطي الارتري
ኣብ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንነዊሕ ዓመታት ዝሰንከሉ ካብ ገበርቲ ሰናይ ዝጽበዩ ኣብ ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ጀጋኑ ኣሕዋትናን ብጾትናን ንምሕጋዝ ኣብ ዕለት 14 ሓምለ 2018 ናይ ድራር ዕድመ ኣብ ሎንዶን ኣዳሊና ኔርና። ኣብዚ፡ ኣታዊኡ ንማሕበር ኣካለ-ጽጉማን ዝውዕል ናይ ድራር ዕድመ፡ ብርክት ዝበሉ ኣሓትን ኣሕዋትን፡ ገለ ኣብቲ ቦታ ብምርካብ ገለ ድማ ወፈያኦም ብምስዳድ ዓቢ ኣበርክቶ ክም ዝገበሩልና ክንገልጽ ንፈቱ። ኣብዚ መዓልቲዚን ቅድሚኡን ኣብ ዝነበረን ናይ ወፈያ ጐሽጓሽን ብጠቕላላ 1783.00 ፓውንድ (ሽሕን ሸውዓተ ሚእትን ሰማንያን ሰለስተን ፓውንድ) ተኣኪቡ ናብ ምምሕዳር ማሕበር ኣካለ-ጽጉማን ኢርትራ ተላኢኹ።
ንኹሉ ኣበርክቶኡ ዘወፈየ ሕልና ዘለዎ ዚጋ ኣጸቢቕና ነመስግን። እዞም ተጸበይቲ ሓገዝና ክሳብ ዘለዉ፡ ጻዋዒትና ዘየቋርጽ ስለዝኾነ ልግሲኹም ከይፍለየና ሓደራ ንብል።
ብፍላይ፡ ነዚ ሰናይ ናይ ምግባር መዓልቲ ዕዉት ንምግባር ንኹሉቲ ዝብላዕን ዝስተን ብኽሳረኤን ዘቕረባ፡ ከም ሰበን ድማ ገንዘባዊ ወፈያ ዝገበራ ተቐመጥቲ ከተማ ሎንዶን ኣደታትን ኣሓትን ወሰን ዘይብሉ ምስጋና ነቕርብ።
ኣብዚ ዝተገብረ ኣኼባ ኣባልምምሕዳርማሕበርኣካለጽጉማንኤርትራ፡ኣቶኣፈወርቂኣባይኣብመንጎናተረኺቡብዛዕባህሉው ኩነታት መደበር ከሰላንኣቋም ማሕበርኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራን ብስፍሕ ዝበለ ገሊጹ። ኣብርእሲኡ ድማ ከምተን ካልኦት ዓዲታት ዓዲ እንግሊዝውን ዕላዊ ማሕበር ኣካለ ጽጉማን ኤርትራ ክትምስርት ለበዋኡ ሂቡ።
ንዘወፈኽሞ ሰናይ ኣስተዋጽኦኹም ነመስግን።
ኣዕሩኽ ኣካለ ጽጉማት ኤርትራ ኣብ ሎንዶን
ብምትሕብባር ኤርትራዊ ደሞክርያስያዊ ማሕበር ጀርመንን ስልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ዝግበር ፈስቲቫል ኣብዚ ዓመትዚውን ካብ ዕለት 3 ንሓሴ ክሳብ 5 ነሓሴ ኣብ ዝነበረ ግዜ ተኻይዱ። ኣቕድም ኣቢሉ ድሕሪ ነጻነት ኤርትራ በቶም ካብ ሜዳ ኤርትራ ብህዝባዊ ግንባር ብምትሕብባር ህዝባዊ ወያኔ ሓርነት ትግራይ ካብ መሬት ኤርትራ ተደፊኦም ናብ ምሉእ ዓለም ዝተበተኑ ኤርትራውያን ተጋደልቲ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝነበሩ: ኣብ ካስል ሃገር ጀርመን ኣሽሓት ኤርትራውያን ዘጋብእ ፈስቲቫል የካይዱ ነይሮም። እታ ብሓደ ተመክሮን ዕላማን ብፍላይ ንመንእሰያት ኤርትራ ተዋስእ ዝነበረት ጀማሪት ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ተሓኤ ድሕሪ ካብ ሜዳ ምውጻኣ ከምቲ ብዙሕ ጸለምቲ ታሪኻት ምፍንጫል ውድባት ኣብ ብዙሓት ጨናፍራት ተኻፋፊላ። እዚ ምክፍፋልትዚ ዋላውን ኣብ ህዝባዊ በዓላት ከም ፈስቲቫላት ብሓባር ካብ ምክያድ በበይንኻ ኮይኑ። እዚ ብምትሕብባር ማሕበርን ሰልፍን ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዝተኻየደ ውን ውጽኢት ምፍልላይዩ። ንምፍልላይ ወጊዱ ኣብ ሓባር መደብ ንምምጻእ ከመሓድር ዝኽእል ድልየትን ትብዓትን ብዘይምርካብ ዘሎ ዕንቅፋት ከኣዩ። ሳዕበኑ ድማ ዘየድማዒ ሃለዋት ውድባት ኣሎ።
ካብ መደብ ፈስቲቫል 2018 ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት መደረ ዝተፋላለያ ፖለትካውያን ውድባት ተቛወምቲ ስርዓተ ምልኪ ኣብ ኤርትራ ነይሩ። ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራ: ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ: መርበብ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ እንስትዮ: መድረኽ: ኤርትራዊ ፈደራላዊ ምንቅስቓስ: ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ: ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ-ሕድሪ: ስለፊ ኣልናህዳ: ማሕበር እሽቱትጋርድ: ደሞክርያስያዊ ግንባር ሓድነት ኤርትራ: ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኮይኖም ብወከልቶም መደረ ኣስሚዖም። ካብ ትሕዝቶ መደረኦም ሕመረቱ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ብዶ: ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ቀዳማይ ምኒስተር ዝምራሕን ምስ ኢስያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዝተገብረ ርክብን ”ስምምዕን” ካብቲ ካብ መልሓስ ዶር: ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ዝወጽእ ናይ ሰላምን ፍቕርን መልእኽትን ( ኩሉ ንርብሓ ኢትዮጵያን ህዝባን ቀዳምነት ዝሰርዐ): ”ኣነን ፕረሲደንት ኢሳያስን ዓሰብ ክንማቐላ ኢና ዝብል መደረ ዶር ኣብይ” እሳያስ ድማ ኲሩምቲ ክሳብ ዝርአ ዝሰሓቐሉ። እቲ ዶብ ከይተተገብረ ምስ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ ኮፍ ኣይብልን ክብል ጸኒሑ: ከም ኣመሉ ብጥልመት ተመሪሑ ንኣዲስ ኣበባን ኣዋሳን ብምኻድ: ሃንደበት ” ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ሓደ ኣይኮነን ዝብል ካብ ሓቂ ዝረሓቐዩ: ዶር፡ ኣብይ ምርሓና” ዝብሉን ቃላት ብምስናይ ንሰማዒዑ ብዝሰደምም ዳንኬራ ተሰኒዩ: ካትማትን ዲኖን ተሸሊሙ ኣፍ ልቡ ክሃርምን ከናፍር ኣፉ በእዳው ክስዕምን ኣብ መንጎ ዕብዳንን ምጥፋእ ሃሙን ዝተዋሕጠ መላኺ: ኣብ ነብሲ ወከፍ መልእኽቲ እዘን ውድባት ብዝተፋላለየ ቃልትን ሓረጋትን ተቓሊሑ።
ርክብ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ውልቀ መላኽን: ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝጠቅም ኣንፈት ረብሓ ከምዘይብሉን: ነቲ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ መበገስ ኲናት ዝገበሮ ጉዳይ ዶብ ከም ዘይነበረን፣ ሂወት ዓሰርተታ ኣሽሓት ኤርትራውያን ዝቐዘፈ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ መሰነይታ ፖለቲካዊ ዓፈንኡ ገይርዎ ጸኒሑ ከብቅዕ፣ ኣብ ዝባን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እናረገጸ: ኣብ መሬት ኢትዮጵያ ክዕንድር ዝረኣያ ውድባት ብጥልመት ክኸሰኦ ተሰሚዐን፡ ካብ ክሲ ንላዕሊ ዝኸደ ግን ኣይነበረን። ካብቲ ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ዝነበረ ህዝቢ ተኸዊለን ንበይነን ኣብ ዝዘተያሉ: ነቲ ህዝቢ ለይትን መዓልትን ዝጠልቦ ዘሎ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ: ዋላውን ወውድበን ከም ዘለዎኦ ሒዘን ኣብ ዓለም ሓደ ኣፍ ኮይነን ንመከራን ሕሰምን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ትሕቲ ውልቀ መላኺ: ጥርዓነን ንመልእኽቲ ፍትሕን ሰላምን ከቕርባ ዘኽእል ኣጀንዳ ብሓባር ከውጽኣ ዘይከኣላ ውድባትየን ነይረን። ብሓደ ኣጀንዳ ክወጻሉ ዘየኽኣለን ምኽንያት ብርእቶይ ኣብ ሰለሰተ ዝኽፈልዩ ዝነበረ። ክሳብ ሕጂ ናይ ሓባር መደብ ዘየምውጽአን ምኽንያት ዝኸስስ ወይ ዝነቕፍ: ክሳብ ሕጂ ሓንቲ ኣይገብርናንሞ ናብ ህዝቢ ንውረድ: እቲ ሳልሳይ ድማ በዚ ዘሎ እማማታት ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ንበገስ ዝብልን።
ገና ንሰላምን ፍትሕን ዝደልያን ንስርዓተ ምልኪ ዝፈንፈናን ውድባት ምዃነን ብሓሳብሲ ድሮ ዘሳማማዕ ነጥቢ ኣለወን። ነዚ ዘሎ መድረኽ ምድሓን ሃገርን ህዝብን ሕጂውን ካብ ኢደን ከይመልቚ: ኣብየት! ኣብየት! ኢልካ ከተመልክተልን ድማ ዝግባእዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብተስፋይ ገብረእብ ዝተጻሕፈ የኑረነቢ ማህደር ዝብል ጽሑፍ ኣንቢበ። ኣብቲ ጽሑፍ እዚ ዝስዕብ ታሪኽ ተገንዚበ። ”ንጉስ ኡምበርቶ ኤርትራ የኢጣልያ ግዛት መሆንዋን ከማወጁ በፊትም ሆነ ቡሁዋላ የአርትራውያን ተቃውሞዎች በያቅጣጫው ይታዩ ነበር። ተቃውምዋቸው ግን በተደራጀ የትጥቅ ትግል ደረጃ ኣልነበረም። ብተናጠል ነበር። ኢጣሊያኖች ዘለግ ብሎ የሚታየውን የኤርትራውያን ኣንገት ኣንድ ባንድ እየቀነጠሉ፣ ህዝብ ሊመራና ሊያንቀሳቀስ የሚችለውን ግለሰብ ከኣገር ለማጽዳት ሞከሩ። ጎን ለጎንም ለኢጣልያ ታማኝ ሊሆኑ የሚችሉ ኤርትርታራውያን ኮትኩተው ለማሳደግ ተጉ።” መግዛእቲ ጥልያን ነቲ ኣብ ማሕረስን ጒስነትን ዝነብር ዝነበረ ህዝቢ ምዕባለ ተክንሎጂ ኣብ ዘይነበረሉ ሕጽረት መራኸቢ ዝሰፈነሉ: ዝተናጻጸለ ሕብረተሰብ ንቓልሱ ደርቁሶም ክገዝእዎ ኣኽኢልዎም። ነቲ ኣብ ኣርባዓታት ዝነበረ ፖለቲካዊ ፍልልይ ፖለቲካውያን ውድባት ተጠቒሙውን ጎቦጣ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ኤርትራ ተዓዊቱ። ነዚ እዚ ዘሎ ወለዶ ከም ሕሱምዩ ዝሓምዮ።
ኣብ ዘለናዮ ዘመን ማሕበራዊ መድያ: ፓልቶክ: ቫይበር: ወትስኣፕ: ስካይፕ: ትዊተር: ኢመይል: ወብሳይት: ፈይስቡክ: ረድዮን ተለቭጅንን ኣብ ዘለዎ: ብኹሉ ምዕቡል መራኸቢ መጎዓዝያን ከለና: ግዜን ገንዘብን እናጠፍአ: ምቅላስ ዘይተረፈ ክነሱ ኲሉ ኣብ ዕግሽግሽ ክጠፍእ እናተሞኮርና: ነዚ ጽዩን ሃገርን ህዝብን ዘባስን ዘሎ ናይ ሓደ ሰብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ከንልግሶስ ይትረፍ: ገንዘብ ካብ ጅብኡ ከምዘውጽእ ነጋዳይ: ብሃገር ክጻወት ንህዝቢ ፋሕ ብትን ከእትወሉ እናተዓዘብና: ናይ ሓደ መዓልቲ ኣኼባ ብምግባር ነዚ ኹሉ ውድባት ከም ሓደ ልሳን ኮይኑ ንጸበባን ሕሰምን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓባር ካብ ምስራሕን ምዝራብን ዘይምኽኣሉ: ወለዶና ዳግም ብሕሱም ብታሪኽ ከይክሰስ ዘፍርህዩ።
ሕጂውን ጸሓይና ኣይዓረበትን። እቶም ብሂወት ዘለና ብፍላይ ግን እቶም ብግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ንሜዳ ዝወጻእኩም: ክሳብ ሕጂ ድማ እተበጀኹምላ መሬትኩም ዳግም ከይረአኹም ኣበየ ቦታኡ ዘለኹም ኣብ ንእስነትኩም ሓርነት ንምርካብ ዝወፈርኩም ገናውን ንሰላምን ራህዋን ትደልዩ ዘለኹም: ንዝጠፍአ ንምምላስ: ንተሰወአ ንምድባስ ሃገርን ህዝብን ንምድሓን ንሓድሽ ወለዶ ኣብነት ንምዃን ሕጂውን መድረኽ ይጽበሎ።
ክብሪ ንሰማእትታትና።
ረዘነ ተስፋጽዮን
ብሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዝግበር ፈስቲቫል
ብሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ ዝቐርብ መግለጺ።
ዝኸበርኩም ኣባላት ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ፈስቲቫል ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ
ዝኸበርኩም መሪሕነትን መሰረታትን ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ
ዝኸበርኩም መራሕትን ወከልትን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን፣ሲቪክ ማሕበራትን
ዝኸበርኩም ዕዱማት ኣጋይሽን ተሳተፍቲ ፈስቲቫልን።
ካብ ኩሉ ኣቐዲምና ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝገበርኩምልና ዕድመ መሰረት ኣብዚ ኣብ ሃገር ጀርመን ኣብቲ ንቡር ታሪኻዊ ሃገር ኣብ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ፈስቲቫል ብምስታፍናን ምስ ኩሉኹም ኣብዚ ብዓል’ዚ ዝተረኸብኩም ብጾት ብኣካል ተረኣኢና ኣብ ስፍሕ ዝበለ ናይ ምትእኽኻብ መድረኽ ነዚ መልእኽቲ እዚ ንምትሕልላፍ ዕድል ብምርካብናን ፍሉይ ሓጎስ ይስምዓና። ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ናይ ሕውነት ሃዋህው ዝዓሰሎ ምቅርራብ ኣሕዋት ክንርኢ እንከለና ብሕልናና ንድሕሪት ምልስ ኢልና ንዝሓለፈ ተሞኩሮና እንተተመልከትና ነቲ ብኸንቱ ዘሕለፍናዮ ናይ ምፍልላይን ናይ ምፍንጫልን እዋናት ብትዝታ እናዘከርና ምስዚ ናይ ሎሚ ታሕጓስ ጣዕሳን ጓህን ክተሓዋወሰና ናይ ግድን ኢዩ። ካብኡ ተበጊስና ከኣ እዚ ጸጋ እዚስ ንምንታይ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ተኸዊሉና ኔሩ ዝብል ሕቶ ብቐዳምነት ንነብስና፣ ቀጺልና ድማ ንኹሉኹም ኣብዚ እትርከቡ ሃገራውያን ኣሕዋት ከነቕርብ ንደፋፋእ።
ዝኸበርኩምን ዝኸበርክንን ብጾት!
ብጀካ ንሓርነት ሃገር ሓቢርካ ምቅላስ ዝብል ዓቢ ኣጀንዳ ካልእ ጓልነገር ኣብዘይተኸሰተሉ ዘመን ነዚ ፌስቲቫል እዚ ዘበገስናዮን መሰረት ዘንበርናሉን ኩልና ብሓባር ኴንና ኢና ኔርና። ናይ ታሪኽ ኣጋጣሚ ኮይኑ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ስልጣኑ እናኣሓየለ ምስከደ ግና ኣብ ክንዲ ሓድነትና ምድልዳል ቃልስና ንፋስ ኣትዩዎ ኣብ ዕንክሊል ዓሰርተታት ዓመታት ኣሕሊፍና። ጸላኢ ተረሲዑ ኣብ ዘየድሊ ናይ ሕድሕድ ቁርቁስ ተጸሚድና ሞራል ህዝብናን ናይ ብዙሓት ተቓለስቲ ብጾትናን ናብ ዝሃሲ ድንግርግር ኣቲና ብገዛእ ኢድና ጸላኢ ዕምሩ ከምዝናዋሕ ጌርና ኢና። ኣብቲ ዘሕለፍናዮ ናይ ሕድሕድ ቁርቁስ ዘመን ብዙሕ ክንረብሓሉ ዝግባኣና ዕድላት ከምዘምለጠና ሎሚ ከም ሓድሽ መርድእ ኣብዚ መድረኽዚ ዝቐርብ ኣይኮነን። ስምብራቱ ግን ኩሉሳዕ ናይ ሕልና ኩርኳሕ ኮይኑና ከምዝነብር ፍሉጥ ኢዩ። ሕጂውን ሙሉእ ብሙሉእ ካብኡ ወጺእና ኢና ክብሃል ኣይክኣልን።
ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ኣጋ መወዳእታ ሓምለ ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ንዘዳለዎ ናይ ስቶክሆልም ፌስቲቫል ተሳቲፍና፡ ሎሚ ድማ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዘዳለዎ ፈስቲቫል ኣኻኺቡና ኣሎ። ወርሒ ኣብ ዘይመልእ ግዜ ሓደ ዝዕላምኡ ፈስቲቫል ብኽልተ ኣሓት ውድባት ኣብ ክልተ ቦታ ክቐርብ ርኢና ማለት’ዩ። ብዕላማ ዘይፈላለዩ ክልተ ውድባት ተሓጋጊዞም ብሓባር ኣዳልዮሞ እንተዝኾኑኸ ብዝበለጸ ኣይምደመቐዶ ትብሉ?
መጀመርያ ነገር ወጻኢታትን ግዜን ምቘጠቡ፣ ብኣውርኡ ድማ እቲ ፈስቲቫል ዝዓበየ መርኣያ ሓድነት ሃገራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኮይኑ ንሕልና ብዙሓት ዝማርኽ ኣጋጣሚ ምኾነ። መቸስ ንስለ ባህጊ ድኣ ነልዕሎ ኣለናምበር ጉዳይ ሓድነት ኣብ ቃልሲ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ናይ ባዕሉ ሕልኽላኻት ከምዘለዉዎ ስሒትናዮ ኣይኮንናን። ግን ከኣ ኣብ ናይ ትማሊ ድኽመታትና መታን ከይንነብር ናይ ዓይነት ለውጢ ንምምጻእ ክንብገሰሉ ዝግባኣና ጉዳይ ኢዩ። ዕላማና ሓደ ጸላኢና ሓደ ክሳብ ዝኾነ፡ ተዋፋይነት ውሒዱና እንተዘይኮይኑ ካብ ልቢ እንተተሓሲቡሉስ ናብ ሓደ ምምጻእ’ውን ብዙሕ ዘሸግር ኮይኑ ኣይርኣየናን። ስለዚ ናይ ሎሚ ፈስቲቫል ዝዓበየ መልእኽቱ ኩላትና ተኣኻኺብና ሃገርን ህዝብን ንምድሓን ብሓድሽ መንፈስ ንበገስ ዝብል መልእኽቲ ዘማሓላልፍ ክኸውን ናይ ብዙሓት ዜጋታት ትጽቢት ኢዩ።
ኣብዚ ሓደ ከይተጠቕሰ ክሕለፍ ዘይግብኦ ነገር ኣሎ። ንሱ ድማ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ልዕሊ ሓደ ዓመት ኣቢሉ ይገብር ንኹልና ተቓወምቲ ብማዕረ ከሳትፍ ዝኽእል ናይ ሓባራዊ ቃልሲ እማመ ኣቕሪቡ ምንባሩ ዝዝከር ኢዩ። ብምቕራብ ጥራይውን ኣይተሓጽረን ንብዙሓት ውድባት ንልዝብ ዓዲሙ ከምዝነበረ ይፍለጥ። ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ ካብቲ ኣጋጢሙዎ ዝነበረ ሓጎጽጐጽ ወጺኡ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጥሪ 2018 ጉባኤኡ ኣብ ዝዛመሉ እዋን ንዘቕረቦ ናይ ሓድነት ጻውዒት ብዘይ ገለ ተጉላባነት ተቐቢሉ ብመገዲ ዕቱብ ዘተ ናብ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ንምብጻሕ ዝኸኣለ እንኮ ውድብ’ውን ንሱ ሰ.ደ.ህ.ኤ ኢዩ። እቲ ጽቡቕ ነገሩ ካልኦት ሓያሎት ውድባት’ውን ነዚ ሰናይ ተበግሶዚ ተቐቢለን ይሰርሓሉ ምህላወን ኢዩ። ብርግጽ ድማ ሎሚ ብሓደ ተኣኻኺብካ ካብ ምቅላስ ወጻኢ ዝረጋገጽ ድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ክህሉ ኣይክእልን።
ዝኸበርኩምን ዝኸበርክንን!
ንኹሉ እዚ ዝሓለፍናዮ ኩነታት ኣብዚ ነልዕሎ ዘለና ነቲ ሕጂውን ዘይፈታሕናዮ ናይ ሓባር ጸገምና ንምጥቃስ ድኣምበር ማንም ልዕሊ ማንም ሓላፍነት ዝስከመሉ ወይከእ ማንም ካብ ተሓታትነት ነጻ ዝኾነሉ ኮይኑ ኣይኮነን። ይንኣስ ይዕበ ብዘየገድስ ኩላትና ናይቲ ድኽመት ኣካል ከምዝነበርና ክንክሕዶ ዘይክኣል’ዩ። ዝሓለፈ ብዘየገድስ ሕጂውን ኣብ ምዝዛም እዚ ፌስቲቫል’ዚ ህጹጽ ኣገዳስነት ናይ ሓድነት ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ርእዩ ንኹሉ ዜጋ ናይ ሓድነት ጻውዒት ብሓባር ዝቐርበሉ መድረኽ ኮይኑ እንተዝዛዘም ንናይዚ ቅንያት ውዕሎና ታሪኻውን ዝበለጸ ኣፍራይን ምገበሮ ኔሩ ዝብል ርእይቶ ኣለና።
ሕጂውን በዚ ኣጋጣሚዚ ምእንቲ ህዝብን ሃገርን ክንብል ብዘይ ተጉላባነት ተቐራሪብና ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓደ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ንጠርነፍ ዝብል ዳግማይ ጻውዒትና ንኹለን ውድባት ነቕርብ። ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ መድረኽ’ዚ ቀሪብና ሓሳብና ንኽንገልጽ ንዝሃብኩምና ዕድል ደጊምና እናኣመስገንና ዕላማታት ናይዚ ፌስቲቫል ሸቱኡ ክወቅዕ ዘለና ልባዊ ትምኒት ንገልጸልኩም።
ድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ልዕሊ ኹሉ!!
ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማዕታት ኤርትራ!!
ክፍልዝጊ ገብረመድህን
ኣቦመንበር ፈጻሚ ኣካል ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ሕድሪ
ፍራንክፉርት, ዕለት 04. 08. 2018
