ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝፈጸሞን ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎን፡ ናይ ብዙሓት መዛረቢ ኣጀንዳ ኮይኑ ዘሎ ወጽዓ ዕድመኡ ነዊሕ እዩ። ኣመዓባብላኡ እውን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እናተመከሮን ዋጋ እንዳከፈለሉን ዝመጸ እዩ። ኣብቲ መጀመርያ ግዜ፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ ጽባሕ ናጽነት፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንመጀመርታ ግዜ ኣብ ታሪኹ ወናኒ ሃገሩ ኮይኑ ስለዝተሰምዖ ነቲ እቲ ጉጅለ ኣብ ኣመራርሓ ንዝነበሮ ጉድለታትን ተንኮላትን ከስተብህለሉ ኣይከኣለን። እቲ ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ኢሉ ዝተቓለሰ ጉጅለ ናብዚ ሕጂ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ይበጽሕዩ ዝብል ስግኣት ስለ ዘይነበሮ ከም ቅኑዕ ዝተቐበለሉ መድረኽ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ነቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ተንኮላቱ ንምሕባእ “መግዛእቲ ዝገደፈልና ብዘይካ ሕማቕ ባህሊ ካልእ የለን”፡ ነቲ ናይ ምብሓት ፖሊሲኡ ንምትግባር ድማ   “ካብ ጸላኢ ባዶ ካዝና ኢና ተረኪብና” ብዝብሎ ዝነበረ ምቑዛም፡ ህዝብና ንኹሉ ክኢሉ ዘይትግበር ተስፋ ሰኒቑ፡ “ሓቂ እዩ እስከ ተጸሚምና ግዜ ንሃቦ” ብዝብል ከብዱ ብጥምዩ ዝባኑ ብዕርቑ፡ ሓልዮት ምርኣዩ ብኣብነት ዝጥቀስ እዩ። ከምዚ ኮይኑ ግና እምብዛ ብዘይስማዕ ድምጺ “እንድዒኸ፡ እዛ ብርኩታ እምኒ ኣላታ” ዝብሉ እቲ ኩነታት ዘሰከፎም ኣይነበሩን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ብጊሓቱ ተወዲቦም፡ “እዚ ጉጅለ ንብዓት ሓርገጽ’ዩ ዝነብዕ ዘሎ”  ብዝብል ካብ ቃልሲ ዘይበኾሩ ኣካላት ምንባሮም ዘይዝንጋዕ እዩ።

እቲ ኣካይዳኡ ክጅምር እንከሎ ቅኑዕ መሲሉካን መመኽነይታታት እናጸብጸብካን ዕድል ዝሃብካዮ ደሓር ክጠልም እንከሎ ክሳብ ክንደይ መሪር ምዃኑ ሎሚ ኣብ ልቢ ኤርትራዊ ዘይወጽእ ስንብራት ኮይኑ ዘሎ እዩ። ነዚ ተጣዒስካ ዘይምለስ “ካብ ንግሆኡ፡ ሕገመንግስቲ የድልየና፡ ዘይተመረጸ ኣካል ኣይምረሓና፡ መሰላትና ይከበርልና፡ ብጸጋታት ሃገርና ናይ ምጥቃም መሰልና ይወሓሰልና…. ወዘተ” ኢልና መኪትና እንተንነብርኮ ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ  ድኽነትን ውርደትን ኣይመወደቕናን ዝብል ጣዕሳ ናይ ብዙሓት ከም ዝኾነ ንከታተሎ ዘለና እዩ። እቲ መፍትሒ ግና በቲ ንድሕሪት ዘይምለስ ምጥዓስ ዘይኮነ፡ እንደገና ከይድገም ምቅላስ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ  ፋሕጭንግራሕ ኢልካ ዘይኮነስ ሓቢርካ ኢዩ ዝዕወት።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብዚ ኣትይዎ ዘሎ ደልሃመት ብቃልሲ ክወጽእ ከም ዝደሊ ብዝተፈላለየ ኣገባባት ብጋህዲ ዘርእዮ ዘሎ እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ እቲ ካብ ቀደሙ ንመንፈስ ሓልዮትን ጽቡቕ ድሌትን ህዝብና እናመዝመዘ ናይ  ምልኪ መሓውራቱ ዘደልድል ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ ነዚ ህዝባዊ ጠለባትን ናይ ምዕዋቱ ቃልስን ደቚሱን ጓዕጺጹን ብምሉእ ዓቕሙ ክጻባእ ከም ዝጸንሐ፡ ክንከታተሎ ዝጸናሕና እዩ። ክሳብ ዕለተ-ስዕረቱ ነዚ ኣገባብ ከም ዝቕጽሎ ከኣ ንርእዮ ኣለና። ካብቲ ህግደፍ ቃልሲ ህዝብና ንከበርዕን ዝጥቀሞ ሜላታት፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ህዝቢ ሓቢሩ ድምጹ ከየስምዕን፡ ተወዲቡ ኣንጻሩ ኢዱ ንከይስንዝርን ዘይምትእምማን ከም ዝሓድሮ ጌርካ ሓድነት ህዝብ ምድኻም ኢዩ። ሓድነት ንዘይምውሓስና ግና ጠቕሊልና ንህግደፍ ጥራይ ነሰክሞ ገበን ኣይኮነን። “ሓደ ሓረስታይ ብተደጋጋሚ ጤለ-በጊዑ ብወኻርያ ዝብላዓ እንተኮይነን፡ ቆላሕታኡ ናብ ወኻርያ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ናብቲ ጓሳ’ውን ከቕልብ ይግበኦ” ዝብል ኣበሃህላ ኣሎ። ንሕና እቶም ምእንቲ ለውጢ ኣንጻርቲ ጉጅለ እንቃለስ ዘለና እውን ንገዛእ ርእስና ንህግደፍ ነዕንግሎ ከይንህሉ  ከነስተብህል ይግበኣና። ናይቶም ጉልባቦም ቀሊዖም እቲ ጉጅለ ዘዝበሎ ዝደግሙ እንዳወሓዱ ዝኸዱ ዘለዉ ወገናትናኳ ክሳብቲ ኩነታት ዝግለጸሎም ንግደፎ።

ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ ወጽዓ ሓቢርና ንምምካት ቅድም ቀዳድም፡ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነት ሃገርናን ሓድነት ህዝቡናን ከም ብሌን ዓይንና እንሕሉ  ኤርትራውያን ምዃን ይግበኣና።  ኣብ ርእሲኡ ከኣ ምልካዊ ምሕደራ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምቅዋም መባእታዊ መራኸቢና ክኸውን እኹል እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ከም ኣድላይነቱ፡ ብዛዕባ እምነትና፡ ኣውራጃና፡ ቋንቋና፡ ባህልና….. ወዘተ ምሕሳብን ዝምዕብልሉ ብልሓት ምሕሳብን ነውሪ ኣይኮነን። ብዛዕባ መጻኢት ኤርትራ እትምረሓሉ ራኢ ምስትንታን’ውን ከምኡ። ነዚ ቅድሚቲ መባእታዊ መራኸቢ ዝኾነና ዝጠቐስናዮ መሰረታዊ ጉዳያት እንተ ሰሪዕናዮ ግና ንቕድሚት ዘሰጉመና ኣይኮነን። እኳደኣ ብኣንጻሩ ነቲ ናይ ሓባር መባእታዊ ረቛሕታት፡ ኤርትራውነት፡ ናጽነት፡ ልኡላውነት፡ ሓድነት ህዝብን ምውጋድ ወጽዓ ህግደፍን ዘትርር ክኸውን እዩ ዝግበኦ። እቲ ኣብ መጻኢ ዝቕጽል ዝርዝር ህንጸት ሃገር እውን ኣብዚ ኣቐዲምና ዝመድመድናዮ፡ ጽኑዕ መሰረታዊ ናይ ሓባር ባይታ፡ ህዝቢ ብዘጽድቖ ሕገ-መንግስቲ እንዳተኣልየ ዝህነጽ እዩ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ። እዚ ማለት ኣብ መጻኢ እነካይዶ ህንጸት ሃገር  ኣብቲ ኣቐዲምና ዘንበርናዮ ጽኑዕ መሰረት ዝድለብን እናሻዕ ከም ሓድሽ ዘይጅመር ክኸውን እንከሎ እዩ ዘድምዕ።

ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮና ክንድህስስ እንከለና ገዛእትና ምልሕላሕ ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ከም ቀንዲ መሳርሒ መንበርከኺና ይጥቀምሉ ከም ዝነበሩ ወትሩ እነዘንትዎ እዩ። ንኣብነት ግዝያዊ ምምሕዳር ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ በዚ ንስምዒታት ብጉጉይ መንገዲ ኣነሃሂርካ ህዝቢ ናይ ምክፍፋል ተግባር ካብ እንኸሶም ገዛእቲ ሓደ እዩ። እቶም ካለኦት ገዛእቲ እውን ነናቶም ኢንታታት ነይርዎም። መግዛእታዊ ተመኩሮ ክንዝክር እንከሎና፡ ዝውሰድ ኣውንታ እንተልይዎ ንምውሳድ ወይ ነቲ ክድገም ዘየብሉን  ንምኹናን እዩ። ካብቲ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ   ክድገም ዘየብሉ ክነሱ ክድገም እንዕዘቦ፡ እቲ ሓሓሊፉ ዝረአ ንኤርትራዊ ናጽነትና፡ ልኡላውነትናን ሓድነት ህዝብናን ዝህድድ ኣካይዳ ናይ ምድጋሙ ዝንባለታት እዩ።

ኤርትራውያን ሎሚ ካብዚ ዘለናዮ ሃገርን ህዝብን ናይ ምድሓን መዋጽኦ የድልየና ኣሎ። ነዚ መዋጸኦ ንምርካብ ኢና ከኣ ንቃለስ ዘለና። በብወገና ብዝተወደበ ይኹን ብዘይተወደበ፡ “መዋጸኦ እዩ” እንብሎ ኣተሓሳስባታት ኣለና። እዚ በብኹርናዑ ተመዚዙ ዘሎ ዘይተኣርነበ ሓሳባት ሒዝካ በበይንኻ ምውፋር እንተቐጺሉ፡ ብዘይጥርጥር መፍቶ ናይቲ ብምርሕሓቕና ዝዕንገልን ኣብ ኤርትራ ሓንቲ ዘየፍረየ ኣተሓሳስባኡ ዞባዊ መልክዕ ንምትሓዝ ዝሃልኽ ዘሎን ጉጅለ ከም እንኸውን ርዱእ እዩ። ስለዚ እታ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘላ ምርጫ ተጸዋዊርካ ብናይ “እንካን ሃባን” መርሆ፡ ኣብ ማእከላይ ቦታ ተራኺብካ፡ ነቲ ጫፋት ኣቀራሪብካ፡ ብውሕዱ ነዚ ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ምውጋድ ዘኽእል ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ክትፈጥር ምኽኣል ጥራይ እያ። ናይ “ንበይነይ”  መንገዲ ግና ናብቲ “ካብቲ ሕማምሲ እቲ መድሃኒት  ዝተባህለ ገዲዱ” ዓይነት ሳዕቤን እዩ ክወስደና።

Saturday, 10 April 2021 20:30

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 10.04.2021

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Thursday, 08 April 2021 20:57

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 08 04 2021

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ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

“ኩነታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ትሕቲ ወጽዓ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከመይ ይግለጽ?”፡ ዝብል ሕቶ ክቐርብ እንከሎ መልሱ ብዝተፈላለዩ መልከዓት ክቐርብ ዝኽእል እዩ። ብዘይ ሕገመንግስቲ ኣብ ዝመሓደረሉ፡ ብዘይመረጾም ባእታታት፡ ዘየጽደቖም ኣውጃትን ዘይሳተፈሎም ትካላትን ኣብ ዝምረሓሉ፡ ናይ ድሕንነቱ ውሕስነት ኣብ  ዘየብሉ፡ መሰረታዊ ዲሞክራስያውን ሰብኣውን መሰላቱ ኣብ ዘይክበረሉ፡ ብናይ ሃገሩ ጸጋታት ብናጽነት ኣብ ዘይጥቀመሉ ኩነታት ዝነብር ዘሎ ህዝቢ እዩ ኢልካ ምምላስ ይከኣል። ነዚ ዝያዳ  ብጥርኑፍ ዝገልጽ መልሲ እንተድልየ ከኣ፡ “ኣብ ገዛእ ዋኒኑ ዝተነፈገ ህዝቢ’ዩ” ኢልካ ምጥቕላል እውን ይከኣል።

ህዝቢ ኣይኮነንዶ ከምዚ ናይ ኤርትራ ብኣዝዩ መሪር፡ ካብኡ ብዝተሓተ ደረጃ ክውጻዕ እንከሎ እውን ኣንጻር ወጽዓን ወጻዕቱን ከም ዝሓስብ ርዱእ እዩ። እዚ ሓሳቡ ከከም ኩነታቱ ብግብሪ ዝሓሸ ኩሉ ሓቆፍ ራህዋ ብምጥላብ ናብ ቃልስን ተቓውሞን ከበርኾ እውን ንቡር እዩ። እዚ ከምዚ ዓይነት ህዝባዊ ምብርባር ንክቕልጥፍ ወይ ንክድንጒ፡  ንከድምዕ ወይ ንዘይከድምዕ ዝውስኑ ረቛሕቲ ኣለዉ። ናይቲ ተወዲቡ ዝቃለስ ህዝቢ ጽንዓት፡ ተጸዋርነት፡ ተሳተፍነትን ተስፋ ዘይምቑራጽን ወሳኒ ረቛሒ እዩ። ናይቲ ዝተወደበ ቃልሲ ናይ ርሑቕን ቀረባን ቀዳምነታት ክትሰርዕ ምብቃዕ፡ ናይ መንነት ፍልልያት፡ ባህላዊ ይኹኑ ሃይማኖታዊ፡ ቦታዊ ወይ ቋንቋዊ  ነቲ መሰረታዊ ህዝባውን ሃገራውን ረብሓታት ብዝሕግዝ ኣገባብ ከም ዝመሓደሩ ምግባር ንኣድማዕነት እቲ ቃልሲ ወሳኒ እዩ።

ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ናይቲ ወጻዒ ኣካል፡ ከም ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝኣመሰለ፡ ባህርያትን ክብደት ወጽዓኡን ብግቡእ ምርዳእ’ውን ኣብ መስርሕ እቲ ውዱብ ህዝባዊ ቃልሲ ግደ ኣለዎ። ብመሰረቱ እቲ ኣገባብ ኣወዳድባን ዝኽተሎ ናይ ኣተገባብራ ስልትን እውን ንናይዚ  ወጻዒ ኣካል ባህርን ዓቕምን ብዝምልከት ኣብ ጽጹይ መጽናዕቲ ብዝተመስረተ ኣብ ግምት ምእታው የድሊ። እዚ መጽናዕቲዚ ብግቡእ ኣብ ዘይጸጸየሉ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ፡ ከምዚ ኣብ መንጎ ዓይነት ሕማምን ንዓኡ ክፍውስ ዝእዘዝ መድሃኒትን ብዘይምስምማዕ ከጋጥም ዝኽል ቅልውላው፡ ጽልግልግ ከስዕብ ዝኽእል እዩ። ናይ ገሊኦም ወጻዕቲ ጥበብ ኣቀራርባ ኣብ ገለ ጉዳያት ናብ ናይቲ ህዝቢ ድሌት ዝቀራረብ ዝመስል መልክዕ ይሕዝ እዩ። ኣብ ገሊኡ ግና ኣዝዩ ናይ ከብድን ሕቖን ምርሕሓቕ ዘለዎ እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ ኣብ መንጎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ምምሕዳር ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ዘሎ ኩነታት፡  እታ “ኤርትራውነት” እትብል እንተዘይኮይኑ፥ ካልእ ንምሕደራ ዝምልከት ዘራኽብ የብሎምን።

እቲ “ኣብ ገዛእ ዋኒኑ ዝተነፍገ ህዝቢ” ዝብል ኣገላልጻ ደረጃታት ኣለዎ። ገሊኦም ወጻዕቲ ህዝቢ የሳትፉ ከም ዘለዉ ንምምሳል፡ ሕገመንግስቲ የተኣታትዉ’ሞ ኣብ ኣተገባብራኡ ነቲ ህዝቢ ይሽፍጥዎ። ምርጫ የካይዱ እሞ ጠማዚዞም ናብ ረብሓኦም የውዕልዎ። ትካላት ፍትሒ ደኲኖም መናውሒ ዕድመኦም ኣብ ስልጣን ይጥቀሙለን። ኣብ ከም ናይ ኤርትራ ዝኣመሰሉ ወጻዕቲ ግና ከም መርኣያ ኣዝዩ ዝኸፈአ ወጽዓኦምን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዘለዎም ክቱር ንዕቀትን ነዘን ኣቐዲመን ዝተጠቕሳ፡ “ሕገመንግስቲ፡ ምርጫ፥ ትካላት ፍትሒ”፡ ዝብላን ተመሳሰልቲ ሓረጋትን ካብ መዝገበ ቃላቶም ይሓክወን። ኮታ “ካብ ጸለምካስ ኳኽ ምምሳል” ዝዓይነቱ ቅዲ ይጥቀሙ።

እቲ ካልእ ህዝቢ ናብ ዋኒኑ ንከየድህብ ዝጥቀምሉ መንግዲ ብናቱ ኣጀንዳ ብዛዕባ ወጻዕቱ ተቓሊሱ ዝስዕረሉ ጉዳይ ንከይዛረብ ኣብ ናቶም መዳህለሊ ኣጀንዳ ጅሆ ክሕዝዎ ዘጻውድዎ መጻወድያ እዩ። ቅትለትን ማእሰርትን ይፍጽሙ፡ ህዝቢ ብዛዓብዚ ፍጻመታት ይዛረብን ይሓስብን ንሳቶም ከኣ ነቲ ኣጋጣሚ ተጠቒሞም ተንኮሎም ይፍሕሱ። ናይቲ ህዝቢ ቀልቢ ይስሕብ እዩ ኢሎም ዝገመትዎ ፍጻመ ከም ዘጋጠመ ኣምሲሎም በቲ ንኸምዚ ተግባራት ዝሰርሕዎ ትካላቶም የውርዩ። ንኣብነት ንዲክታተር ኢሳያስ ክንደይ ግዜ ቀቲሎም ከም ዘተንስእዎ ምዝካር ይከኣል። ስለዚ ነቲ ህዝቢ ብናቱ ዘዕውቶን ዝመረጾን መድረኻዊ ዛዕባ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብቲ ንሳቶም ከምቲ ዝጥዕሞም ገይሮም ዝቐረብሉ መኣዲ ጥራይ ከም ዝነብር ናይ ምግባር ኣደንዛዚ ምህዞኦም እዩ። ህዝቢ ካብዚ ወጻዒኡ ብዝኾዓቶ መትረብ ናይ ምፍሳስ መጻወዲያ ወጺኡ ብናቱ ኣጀንዳ ክሳብ ዘይተዛረበ ንወጻዕቱ ናይ ምስዓር ዕድሉ ጸቢብ እዩ። ስለዚ ካብቲ ዝጸናሕናዮን ዘለናዮን ጸላኢ መመቲሩ ዘቕረበልካ መርዚ ናይ ምኹላስን ንዘዝተሰምዐ ምክልኻልን ወጺእና ናብ ኣጥቃዒ ኣጀንዳ ንሰጋገረሉ ኩነታት ምፍጣር እውናዊ እዩ።

ኣብዚ ሓደ ክዝንጋዕ ዘየብሉ ጉዳይ፡ ከምቲ ኩልና እንኣምነሉ፡ ካብዚ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ተወጻዕን ወጻዕን ምትሕንናቕ ስዒርና ክንወጽእ፡ ብሓባር ተወዲብና ክንቃለስ ክንበቅዕ ዘይስገር እዩ። እዚ ወሳኒ ዝኸውን ብሓጺሩ በበይንና ብእነበርክቶ ክንስዕር ስለ ዘይንኽእል እዩ። ብሓባር ምቅላስ ክሳብ ክንደይ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ ካብ እንርደኦ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮ ቃልስና እውን፡ መጻኢና ኣብ ሓቢርካ ምቅላስ ዝውሰን ምዃኑ እዩ ዘረደኣና። ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ኣንጻር ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ ምሕዝነት ሃገራዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶን  ካለኦትን ናይ ሓባር መድረኻት ናይ ምምስራትና ምስጢር ከኣ ንሱ እዩ። ሎሚ እውን እነሆ ብሓባር ዘቃልስ ሰፊሕ መእከቢ መድረኽ ምርካብ ዝያዳ ኣብ ዝጐለሓሉ ወሳኒ እዋን ንርከብ ኣለና።

እዞም ኣቐዲሞም ዝተገልጹ ግና ክሳብ ሎሚ ዘየዕወቱና መጠራነፊ መድረኻት፡ ሎሚ እውን ይለዓሉ እዮም። “ንሳቶም ስለ ዘየዕወቱና ካልእ መድረኽ ንምሃዝ” ምባል እውን ልሙድ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እንተኾነ ክሳብ ሎሚ ናይ ዘይምዕዋትና ጠንቂ እቲ “ዘየዕወተና” እንብሎ ዘለና መድረኻት፡ ምሕዝነት፡ ኪዳን፡ ሃገራዊ ባይቶን ካለኦት ውዳበታትን ድዩ ወይስ ናይቶም ኣብኡ ንዋሳእ ዝነበርና ኣካላት ሕጽረት እዩ? ኢልና ብግቡእ ምምማይ የድልየና። ሓደ ውዳበ ጸገም እንተለዎ ናይቶም ኣብቲ ውዳበ ዝዋስኡ፡ ቅንዕና፡ ቅርቡነትን ሓልዮትን እንተልዩ፡ ጉድኣት ከየኸተለ ናይ ምትዕርራይን ምምሕያሽን ሰፊሕ ዕድል  ኣለዎ። ኣብቶም ነቲ ውዳበ ህይወት ክሰኹዕሉ ዝግበኦም ተዋሳእቲ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ጥዕና እንተዘየልዩ ግና፡ ዝኾነ መልክዕ ይሃልዎ እቲ ግኡዝ ውዳበ  ኣይዕርይን እዩ። ስለዚ “እቲ ዝሓለፈ  ኣወዳድባታት ፈሺሉ እዩ’ሞ ሓድሽ ኣውዳድባ ንምሃዝ” ዘይኮነ፡ “ካብቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረ ሕጽረትና ተማሂርና ሓድሽ፡ ሓላይን ሓላፍነታውን ኣተሓሳስባዶ ኣማዕቢል ወይ ኣይፋልናን” ዝብል ሕቶ ምምላስ ቀዳምነት ምሃብ ከድልየና እዩ። መልስና “ኣይፋልናን” እንተኾይኑ፡ ውዳበታት ምቕያር ፋይዳ የብሉን። መልስና “እወ ሓድሽ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣማዕቢልና” እንተኾይኑ ግና ምዕዋትና ዉሁብ እዩ።

APRIL 8, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

Source: Al-Monitor

Mariam al-Mahdi

April 7, 2021

CAIRO — The round of negotiations on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam between the Egyptian, Sudanese and Ethiopian ministers of water and irrigation concluded April 6 without agreement in Kinshasa, Congo. No consensus was even reached to continue the diplomatic process to settle the unresolved disputes over the filling and operation of the dam.

Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Ahmed Hafez said in a press statement after the meetings ended, “The meeting has not achieved any progress and will not result in an agreement on relaunching the negotiations. Ethiopia refused the Egyptian and Sudanese proposal to form an international quartet led by the Democratic Republic of Congo as mediator between the three countries.” He also said, “Ethiopia also refused a proposition that Egypt made during the closing session and Sudan supported to resume negotiations under the wing of the Congolese president and with the participation of observers.”

He added, “The Ethiopian stance once again proves the lack of Ethiopia’s well-intentioned political willingness to negotiate. It is stalling and procrastinating, and it is clinging to a formal and ineffective negotiation mechanism.”

The round of talks was held in Congo because the country now heads the African Union Commission. The three-day talks between the ministers of water and irrigation of Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia began April 4 after Ethiopia insisted on proceeding with the second stage of filling the dam reservoir during the flood season in July and retaining around 13.5 billion cubic meters of water.

The Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs blamed Sudan and Egypt for the failure of the talks and seeking to “undermine the AU-led process and take the matter out of the African platform,” adding that the scheduled second filling of the dam will proceed as scheduled.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi released statements that directly threatened and warned against any measures that infringe upon Egyptian interests in Nile water.

The talks aimed at determining the approach, process and timing of negotiations, in addition to mechanisms ensuring commitment to them to secure constructive negotiations and overcome the stalemate that has cast a shadow over the talks since the sponsorship of the African Union began in June 2020. The objective was to reach a comprehensive and legally binding agreement on the filling and operation of the dam in a way that would ensure the interests of the three countries and maintain the rights of the two downstream countries, avoiding the creation of risks or damages for Egypt and Sudan when the dam stores water.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry said during the first session of the Kinshasa talks April 4 that the negotiations “are the last chance to reach an agreement on the operation and filling of the dam before the next flood season.”

An Egyptian technical source who participated in the Kinshasa meetings told Al-Monitor, “The Egyptian delegation attended the Kinshasa meetings based on instructions from the political leadership to offer several alternative solutions to the remaining points of contention through serious dialogue and diplomatic means. The Egyptian suggestions were backed by Sudan and observers participating in the meetings.”

The source added on condition of anonymity, “A detailed report about the meetings and their outcomes will be presented, and the situation will be assessed, given the failure to reach an agreement and the Egyptian political leadership’s halt of negotiations. Moving forward, Egypt has several scenarios to deter any attempts to impose a fait accompli and sabotage the Nile water.”

During the talks, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mariam al-Mahdi had warned against unilateral measures that Ethiopia might take in filling the dam reservoir. In statements cited by the Sudan News Agency, she said Ethiopia’s first filling of the dam “unilaterally resulted in a week of thirst, and it negatively affected irrigation and the animal wealth needs. By proceeding with the second filling despite Sudan’s warnings, Ethiopia would be achieving short-term political gains.” She said, “Sudan refuses any unilateral filling of the dam because a conflict over resources would mean an unwanted future for Africa.”

Mohamed Nasreddin Allam, a former Egyptian minister of water resources, told Al-Monitor, “If Ethiopia proceeds with the second filling without Egypt and Sudan’s approval, it would be somewhat declaring war.”

Hani Raslan, an expert at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, told Al-Monitor, “Ethiopia has made its own bed by proceeding with the second filling in any case. Egypt is unlikely to accept that another state controls the fate and lives of 100 million Egyptians. The Ethiopian leadership is responsible for dragging the region into an unjustified conflict.”

Raslan said, “There were many opportunities to reach consensual solutions to cooperate in the eastern Nile and achieve the interests of all parties by generating electricity to Ethiopia and not harming the water supplies of Egypt and Sudan, thus avoiding a conflict that would be costly for all. However, Ethiopia has dealt with the GERD issue as a zero-sum game, without caring about peaceful coexistence with its neighbors.” The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is also known by its initials, GERD.

He said any decision to launch a military attack on the dam could strengthen Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration “amid the conflicts and divisions inside Ethiopia, particularly with the nearing elections.”

With the failure of the negotiations, international law expert Musaed Abdel Aty told Al-Monitor, “Egypt and Sudan have a legal commitment to return to the Security Council, under Article 7, and brief it by giving a unified speech that includes a legal and technical narration of what happened during the negotiation rounds under African Union auspices. Their briefing must describe the current situation in the region and Ethiopia’s clear and direct threats to peace and security, and it must urge the council to fulfill its role and issue a decision to stop the second filling until a satisfactory agreement that guarantees the interests and rights of the downstream countries is reached.”

He added, “The Kinshasa talks revealed the Ethiopian recklessness and foiling of any chance at peaceful settlement of the conflict by refusing international mediation. This is a violation of the rules of international law.”

Before the meetings, Sisi had addressed the Congolese president in a letter in which he said Egypt was striving for an agreement to be reached fairly quickly, before the flood season.

Abdel Aty said, “Sisi’s discourse carried several connotations about Egypt’s respect for the African Union’s efforts and quest to solve the dispute through diplomatic and peaceful means.”

Coincidentally with the meetings of the ministers of water and irrigation in Kinshasa, the chief of staff of Egypt’s armed forces, Mohamed Hegazi, was in Sudan attending the end of air maneuvers of the Nile Eagles 2 exercise, in which top Egyptian fighter jets participated, at Merowe air base. The exercise follows the Nile Eagles 1 maneuvers held in November. Hegazi said, “Egypt stands by the Sudanese army. We are in the same boat, and we look forward to a promising and secure future.”

NAIROBI (Reuters) - Border clashes between Ethiopia’s Afar and Somali regions have killed at least 100 people, a regional official said on Tuesday, the latest outbreak of violence ahead of national elections in June.

Around 100 civilians were killed since clashes broke out on Friday and continued through Tuesday, Ahmed Humed, deputy police commissioner for the Afar region, told Reuters by phone. He blamed the violence on an attack by Somali regional forces.

Ali Bedel, a spokesman for the Somali region, said 25 people had been killed on Friday and an “unknown number of civilians” died in a subsequent attack by the same forces on Tuesday.

Both sides deny having initiated the attacks and blame the other for the violence. Reuters could not verify whether the 25 deaths claimed by the Somali official were in addition to the 100 deaths or included in that figure.

Clashes along the border predate the six-month-old conflict in the north that has pitted the federal government against the former ruling party of the Tigray region.

Yet the violence has intensified just as Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government is trying to assert control over Tigray - underscoring how the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize winner is struggling to keep the country together. The election is regarded as a litmus test for the country’s fragile unity, challenged by many newly resurgent regional and ethnically based parties.

“The Somali region special forces ... attacked the areas of Haruk and Gewane using heavy weapons including machinegun and rocket-propelled grenades. Children and women were killed while they were sleeping,” Ahmed said.

In 2014 the boundary between the two states was redrawn by the federal government, then headed by a multi-ethnic ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Three small towns were transferred to Afar from Somali, which has since tried to win them back.

As a result militias from the two eastern states have clashed before over their disputed boundaries. In October last year 27 people were killed in a wave of clashes over the border, with each side blaming the other.

Source=At least 100 killed in border clashes between Ethiopia's Somali and Afar regions - official | Reuters

APRIL 7, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: Daily Telegraph

In an exclusive investigation, witnesses tell of 182 civilians killed in cold blood as reports of human rights abuses in the region escalate

Activists gather outside the United Nations to protest the Tigray conflict

In early February, the crash of shells and bullets in the remote Jawmaro mountains in northern Ethiopia seemed to have stopped.

Civilians in Abi Addi, a town in the Temben region of Central Tigray, were relieved. At last, a small measure of peace.

But on February 10, all the terrors of Ethiopia’s civil war descended on the town and at least a dozen surrounding villages.

In exclusive testimony shared with the Telegraph, 18 witnesses told how Ethiopian federal soldiers and Eritrean troops surrounded the area and went from house to house killing a total of 182 people.

“I saw dead bodies scattered, bodies half-eaten by dogs. The soldiers did not allow anyone to get close to the corpses,” said 26-year-old Tesfay Gebremedhin from the village of Semret, who fled into the mountains along with many other terrified young men.

“But later, they started to feel disturbed by the terrible smell of the dead bodies. So they covered the bodies with dust.”

One of those who survived the massacre in Wetelako village was five-year-old Merhawit Weldegebreal. She was shot in her leg. Her uncle, Abrha Zenebe, died trying to shield her from the bullets.

“The soldiers came and shouted at my uncle. They also shouted at my father. But dad ran away. The soldiers hit my uncle in his leg with their guns. And then they shot him in his belly. They also shot me in my knee,” the little girl told the Telegraph on the phone from her hospital bed in the Ayder hospital in the regional capital Mekele.

60-year-old Amdemaryam Mebrahtu, a survivor of the massacre recovers in hospital

60-year-old Amdemaryam Mebrahtu, a survivor of the massacre recovers in hospital

Since the Nobel Peace Prize-winning Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed sent the most powerful military in Africa into the country’s northern Tigray region to oust its ruling party in November, all hell has been unleashed on the ethnic Tigrayan people.

Mr Abiy sided with forces from Eritrea and ethnic militias from Tigray’s neighbouring Amhara region to crush forces loyal to the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in a three-pronged attack.

Now a deluge of credible reports pointing towards a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing, rapeand man-made starvation are emerging.

Survivors told the Telegraph that civilians, mainly farmers, had been massacred in Abi Addi and the villages of Adi Asmiean, Bega Sheka, Adichilo, Amberswa, Wetlaqo, Semret, Guya, Zelakme, Arena, Mitsawerki, Yeqyer and Shilum Emni – villages about 60 miles from Tigray’s capital.

Four brothers in their 20s were among those killed at Adi Asmiean. Gebremedhin, Kibrom, Gueshaya and Tesfamariym Araya were at the family farm, harvesting their sorghum crop when Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers arrived.

Witnesses told the Telegraph they were shot and their bodies were dumped in a nearby crater. It took five days for their father, Araya Gebretekle, and his eldest son, Mebrahten Araya, to find the bodies of their loved ones.

“When they took my sons, I was in town with Mebrahten purchasing some goods. Returning home, I heard neighbours saying the Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers took many young men from the village. That was when I also learned my sons were among those taken,” says Mr Araya.

Mr Araya was only able to identify his sons by their clothing. “They asked me if I was sure the bodies belonged to my sons. I told them I was sure. How can I not know my sons?” he says.

In the village of Adi Asmiean near Abi Addi, parents and elders say that they begged Ethiopian soldiers to allow burials to take place.

Solomon Gebremaryam, a 32 year old civil servant and survivor of the massacre

Solomon Gebremaryam, a 32 year old civil servant and survivor of the massacre CREDIT: Lucy Kassa

“On February 15, the Ethiopian soldiers showed us the whereabouts of the dead bodies they threw into the crater. We went there with some parents of the dead. When we arrived, all villagers could not move an inch towards the bodies because of the terrible smell,” says Hadush Meruts, a local priest.

Mr Meruts and three other priests managed to retrieve just seven corpses.

“It was difficult to pull them out. Most were already eaten by wild animals. Others were half-eaten by dogs. Their bodies were torn into pieces; their faces were filled with insects. We splashed fuel on the bodies to cleanse the insects,” he says.

When asked for comment about the massacre, Eritrea’s information minister, Yemane Gebremeskel, could not address the events of Abi Addi specifically.

“The government of Eritrea has zero tolerance for and never targets civilians in war. But in the past four months, we have seen a barrage of fabricated accusations mainly from TPLF remnants,” he said.

The Telegraph asked the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s office to comment but had received none at the time of going to press.

APRIL 6, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

A report by the American based World Peace Foundation accuses the Ethiopian federal forces, Eritrean troops and Amhara militia of committing what they describe as “starvation crimes on a large scale,” in Tigray.

Hunger, acute malnutrition and causing deaths and the study says that 50 – 100 deaths a day “is credible.”

Although the authors admit that information is incomplete, because journalists and aid workers are unable to visit large parts of Tigray they conclude that the armed forces are “deliberately causing starvation” and that the available data is “extremely alarming”, “pointing to a massive crisis.”

They highlights the impact that the war has had on Tigray’s population. Of the 5.7 million people some 4.5 million are estimated by the United Nations to be in need.

Since March 22nd this year, aid agencies report that they have had improved access to Tigray and that some supplies have been transported into the region. But areas under the Tigray Defence Force are still all but impossible to reach. This has meant that emergency relief supplies have only reached approximately 1 million of the 4.5 million people in need.

The study points out that since the outbreak of the fighting in November 2020 the food security has deteriorated very rapidly. They quote the Famine Early Warning System’s prediction that by May 2021 large parts of Tigray will be in a Phase 4 crisis. It is just one step below a formal famine and lives will be lost.

The absence of food is not – the authors argue – a phenomenon to be seen on its own.

Families have been deprived of their means of survival by a range of measures inflicted upon them by the invading forces. These include looting, the theft of livestock and cattle and the destruction of crops.

To this list are added the damage inflicted on factories across Tigray, which have meant that families cannot supplement their incomes by wages. Banks too have been destroyed and  records lost or frozen. This has left 400,000 households unable to access their savings.

In a forward to the report the former Prime Minister of New Zealand, Helen Clark, says that the fighting must stop to allow the humanitarian agencies to reach the people in need. Presently there is little hope of this plea being answered.

The report ends: “our stark conclusion is that the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea are starving the people of Tigray.”

Full Report Below

WPF Starving Tigray report April 2021

ናይ ኤርትራ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነት ምናልባት ንድሕሪት ክመልስ ዝፍትን እምበር፡ ዝኽእል ሓይሊ የለን። እቲ  ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ዝሰነዖ ኣገባብ ምምሕዳር ነቲ ናጽናትን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ንምምጻእ ዝተኸፍለ ክቡር ዋጋ ዝምጥን ኣይነበረን ኣይኮነን። እዚ ተግባሩ “ሓደገኛ ሳዕቤን ደኣ ከየምጸኣልና” ዝብል ከኣ ብኹሪ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነይሩ። ንናይ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብተንኮላት ዝተላዕጠጠ፡ ብጉርሒ ዝዘቕበበ ኣተሓሕዛ ዝተዓዘበ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብዛ ናጻን ልኡላዊትን ሃገሩ ምእንቲ ዘተኣማምን ራህዋን ቅሳነትን  ክቃለስ ግድን ስለ ዝነበረ እነሆ  ይቕጽል ኣሎ።

ናይዚ ዝቕጽል ዘሎ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መዓርፎ ኣበይን መዓስን ምዃኑ ዝኣገሞምን ምንዋሕ ናይቲ ቃልሲ ጸላዕላዕ ዝበሎምን ኣካላት “ሕጂኸ ናበይን ክሳብ መዓስን?” ዝብል ሕቶ ብተደጋጋሚ ክሓቱ ምስማዕ ዝተለምደ እዩ። ናይዚ ሕቶዚ መልሲ ብሩህ እዩ። ኤርትራ ካብዚ ሎሚ ዘላቶ ናይ “ጸልማት፡ ተነጽሎን ድኽነትን ሃለዋት” ወጺኣ ልዕልናን ወሳንነትን ህዝባ ዘውሓሰ ራህዋ ክሳብ እተበስር እቲ ቃልሲ ቀጻሊ እዩ። እቶም ነዚ ዘዕውቱ ተቓልስቲ ከኣ ተተኻኻእቲ እምበር፡ ሓደ ወለዶ ጀሚሩ ንሱ ዝውድኦ ኣይኮነን።  ስለዚ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክቱር ወጽዓ ዝመንቀሊኡ፡ ኩለ-መዳያዊ ራህዋ ዝመዓርፎኡ ናይ ወለዶታት ቃልሲ እምብር፡ ንስለ ሸንኮለል ዝተኣጉደ ሓምኹሽቲ ኮይኑ ዝተርፍ ባርዕ ከም ዘይኮነ ብፍላይ መንእሰያት ብሓፈሻ ከኣ ኤርትራውያን ክንርድኦ ይግበኣና።

ሓደ እዋን ብሰንኪ ንሕቡእ ኣጀንዳ ጉጅለ ኢስያስ ዘይምርዳእ፡ ወይ ካብቲ  ንሱ ዝፍሕሶ ተንኮል “ተጠቃሚ እየ” ብዝብል፡ ዕባራ ምኽንያት፡ ነቶም ምእንቲ መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ንቃለስ ዝነበርናን ዘለናን “ሎሚ ድሕሪ ናጻ ሃገር ምውናንናከ እንታይ ደልዮም እዮም?” ዝብል ምሉስ ሕቶ ናብቶም ንምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን እኩይ ኣተሓሳስባኡን ክንቃለስ ዝሓረንና ክቐርቡ ጸኒሖም እዮም። እንዳወዓለ እንዳሓደረ ግና ናይዞም ሚዛኖም ዝሰሓቱ ሓተትቲ ቁጽሪ እናነከየ ምኻዱ ተስፋ ዝህብ እዩ።

ናይዚ ስንኩፍ ሕቶ ናይዞም ዘይርጡባት ወገናት መልሲ ከም ናይ ጸሓይ ብርሃን  ንጹር እዩ። ዕላማ ናይዚ ካብ ጽባሕ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ጀሚርና ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ብሓፈሻ፡ ምእንቲ ብዙሕ ሕቶታት ዝምልስ መስረታዊ ለውጢ ኣብ ኤርትራ ምርግጋጽ እዩ። ኣብ ዝርዝሩ እንተኣቲኻ ከኣ ብዘይካ መሰረታዊ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን ሕቶታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ምምላስ፡ ካልእ ካብ ህዝቢ ዝተሓብአ  ምስጢርን ውዲትን የበሉን። ከምቲ ኩሉ ግዜ ኣብ ፈቐዶ ኣደባባያት እንምድሮን ኣብ ኩሉ መድረኻት እንጽሕፎን፡ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ዝኾነ ይኹን መልክዕ ይሓዝ፡ ዝኾነ ይኹን ኣገባብ ይከተል፡ ወጽዓን በደልን ኣብ ኤርትርና ዝነጽግ፡ ብኣንጻሩ  ራህዋን ምሉእ ዘይጐደሎ ሓርነትን ህዝቢ ከረጋግጽ ዝጽዕትን እዩ። መስርሕ ቃልስና ኣብ መንጎ ተሓለቕቲ ለውጥን ኣምለኽቲ ወጽዓን ብዘሎ ግብግብ ዝግለጽ እዩ። እዚ መስርሕ ብብዙሓት መድረኻዊ ተርኽቦታትን ክብን ለጠቕን ዝተሰነየ እዩ።  ዝኾነ ሓድሽ ተርእዮ ኣብ ዝኽሰተሉ ከኣ “ሕጂኸ ናበይ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ይዕድም። ጉጁለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ናይ ምልኪ ዕድመኡ፡ ደጊም ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን ክምድር፡ ስንኩላት ብዘይፍርዲ ክርሻን፡ ተጋደልቲ ክኣስር፡ ምስ ሱዳን፡ የመንን ጅቡትን ውግኣት ክጽሕትር፡ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ብጉዳይ ዶብ ተጐልቢቡ ውግእ ክእውጅ፡ ነባራት መራሕቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባርን ኣባላት ባይቶን ክስውር፡ ናይ ብሕቲ ሚድያ ጋዜጠኛታት ክኣስር፡ ኣብ ደሴት ላምፓዱዛ ናይ ዝሃለቑ ኣማኢት ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ኣስከሬን ክጽየፍ፡ ንመንእሰያት ኣብ ዶባት ክርሽንን ምስ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ ዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ዘይግሉጽን ዘይትካላውን ዝምድና ክፈጥርን እንከሎ ደጋጊምና “ሕጂኸ ናባይ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ኣልዒልና ኢና። ሎሚ ንዓለም ብዘገረመ፡ ዜቤታዊ ሓላፍነትካ ራሕሪሕካ መትሓጃ ብዘየብሉ ቀትዒ፡ ኣብ ውግእ ትግራይ ኢዱ ኣእትዩ ግፍዕታት ምስ ፈጸመ እውን እነሆ ከም ወትሩ “ሕጂኸ ናበይ?” ንብል ኣለና። ሎሚኳ እዚ ሕቶዚ ናትና ናይ ኤርትራውያን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኩሎም እቲ ተረኽቦ ዝደንጸዎም ዝሓትዎ ዘለዉ እዩ። ንሕቶኦም ብእገዳን ካልእ ቀጻዒ ስጉምትን ክምልስዎ ዝጀመሩ እውን ይረኣዩ ኣለዉ።

መልሲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነዚ ወትሩ ዝለዓል “ሕጂኸ ናባይ?” ዝብል ሕቶ ፡ ካብ ተመኩሮ ተማሂሩ ሎምስ “ናብ ዝሓሸ መንገዲ ራህዋን ሰላምን” ዝበል ዘይኮነ፡ በቲ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ዝተሸኽሎ “ካብ ዝኸፍአ ናብ ዝገደደ” ዝብል ምዃኑ እንግንዘቦ ዘለና እዩ። ናትና ናይ ሓይልታት ለውጢ መልሲ ከኣ፡ ባዕልና ብግብሪ ሰሪሕና እነቕርቦ  “ድሕሪ ሕጅስ ናብ ራህዋ” ክኸውን እዩ ዝግበኦ። እንተኾነ  ክሳብ ሕጂ ነዚ ርትዓዊ መልሲ ኣይተዓወትናሉን። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ከኣ ደጋጊምና  እንሓትት ዘለና። ከምቲ ኩልና ነቲ ሕቶ እነልዕሎ፡ መልሱ እውን ካብ ኩልና ምዃኑ ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግበኣናን። ክሳብ ሕጂ ክንድቲ እንሓቶ፡ መልሲ ናይቲ ሕቶና ኣብ ምርካብ ሓላፍነታውያን ኣይጸናሕናን። ሓደ ለውጢ ዝጽበ፡ እንታይ ከም ዝሰራሕካ እዩ ዝሓተካ እምበር፡ ንሱ ብወገኑ እንታይ ከም ዘበርከተ ኣየርእየካን። ኣብ መንጎ ሓደ ኣባልን ሰልፉን ውድቡን፡ ኣብ መንጐ ሓደ ኣባልን ማሕበሩን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሓደ ዝተወደበን ዘይተወደበን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን፡ ማሕበራትን ምንቕስቓሳትን ዘሎ ናይ ሓታታይን መላሳይን ዝምድና እውን ካብዚ ዝተፈልየ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ኩነታት በዚ እንተቀጺሉ “ኩልና ሓተትቲ እንተኮይና ደኣ መንዩ መላሲ ክኸውን?” ናብ ዝብል ሽንኮለል እዩ ዝወስደና።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ መንገዲ ከም ልማዱ ሎሚ እውን ተደራራቢ ሕቶታት ዘኸትል እምበር ሕቶ ዝምልስ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝወሰዶ ስጉምቲ ዘስዓቦ ሕቶታት ከይመለሰ፡  ካልእ ሕቶ ዝፈጥር ዘይሓላፍነታዊ ስጉምቲ ይወስድ። ንኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እንተላይ ህጻናት ኣብ ዘይምልከቶም ውግእ ትግራይ ኣእትይዎም ኢልና ከነማርርን ክንሓትትን ጸኒሕና። ኢሳያስ ብዝኸፈቶ ኣፍደገ ኣትዩ ዲና ሙፍቲ ዝተባህለ ኢትዮጵያዊ ኣንበሳደር “ኤርትራውያን ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ንዝተፈልዩላ ዕለት ኣይፈትዉዋን ኣየኽብርዋን እዮም”  ብዝብል ብዝፈጠሮ ህቦቡላ መዓት ሕቶታት ሓቲትና። ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ብፈደርሽንዶ ብኮንፈደረሽን ክሰምራ እየን ዝብል ከኣ ብዙሓት ተንተንቲ ንኣተገባብራኡ ከይተረፈ ዝቀባበልሉ ኣጀንዳ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እዚ ከኣ ዓብይ “ሕጀኸ ናበይ?” ክንብል ዝድርኸና ዛዕባ እዩ። ኮታ ዓይንና እንዳረኣየ፡ እዝንና እንዳሰምዐ “መርዓ ጓለን ቀላቅል መዓለን” ከይንኸውን ዘየስግእ ኣይኮነን። ካብዚ ጽልግልግዚ እቲ ቀንዲ መዋጸኦ፡ ሕቶ ሓቲትካ መልሲ ካብ ካለኦት ምጽባይ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ምምላስ እቲ ሕቶ ዓቕምኻ ዘፍቅዶ ከተበርክት ድልዊ ምዃን ኣብ ቅድሚ ኩልና ተገቲሩ ዝጽበየና ዘሎ ሓላፍነት እዩ። ከምዚ እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ መልሲ ዘይረክብ “ሕጅኸ ናበይ?” መናብርትና ክኸውን እዩ። ወይ ደሓር ተጣዒስካ ብዘይምለስ ግጉይ መልሲ ክምለስ እዩ።

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