ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ): ብ28 ሕዳር 2021 ነዊሕ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ፍሉይ ምምኽኻራዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ፡ ብዛዕባ ኣገደስትን እዋናውን ዛዕባታት ዘትዩ። ኣብ መእተዊ እዚ ኣኼባ ኣቦመንበር ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰዲህኤ ኣቶ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) “እንኳ ደሓን መጻእኩም” ድሕሪ ምባል፡ እቲ ፍሉይ ኣኼባ ዝተጸወዓሉ ምኽንያት ኣብሪሁ።

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣብዚ ኣኼባኡ ቀዳምነት ሂቡ ዝረኣዮ፡ ከም መቐጸልታ ናይቲ ክስረሓሉ ዝጸንሐ ንምሕያልን ምድልዳልን ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ዝምልከት እዩ። ኣብዚ ዛዕባ፡ ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት ዓለም ክሳብ ሕጂ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ጻዕሪ ዳህሲሱ ኣብ ቀጻሊ እውን ሰልፎም ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ንምሕያል ከም ዝጽዕቱ ጽኑዕ እምነት ከም ዘለዎ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ መዝጊቡ።

ኣብ ርእሲዚ ኣኼባ ብሓፈሻ ኩነታት ሓይልታት ለውጢ ኤርትራ ብፍላይ ከኣ ናይ ሓባር ጽላል ንምምስራት ብፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ዝግበር ዘሎ ጻዕርን በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ንምግንዛብን ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኩርነዓት ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ምዕባለታትን ሓበሬታታትን ዘትዩን መዚኑን። ኣኼባ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ ውድባት፡ ሰልፍታትን ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላትን ምሕዝነታት ይፍጠሩ ከም ዘለዉ ክርዳእ ክኢሉ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ምሕዝነታት ምፍጣሩ ዝድገፍ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ቀዳምነት ሰሪዕካ ክስረሓሉ ዝግበኦ ግና ንኹሉ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ዘሳትፍ ሰፊሕ ጽላል ምምስራት ኣዝዩ ኣገዳስን እዋናውን ምዃኑ ተረዲኡ። በዚ መሰረት ሰዲህኤ ንኹሉ ምድንጓያትን ዕንቅፋታትን በዲህካ፡ መስርሕ ምምስራት ሰፊሕ ጽላል ንምዕዋት ብፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ (ፖሓኤ) ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ክሳብ ዝዕወት ብዘለዎ ዓቕሚ ክቃለሰሉ ድልዊ ምዃኑ ርእዩ።

እዚ ኣኼባ ዝተማኸረሉ ካልእ ጉዳይ፡ እዚ ንመላእ ዞባና ኣብ ሓደጋ ከየውድቖ ዘስግእ ዘሎን ኣብ ኤርትራ ሓያል ጽልዋ ዘለዎን፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ እዩ። ነዚ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ዝተመያየጠሉ እቲ ህልዊ ናይ ሓይልታት ኣሰላልፋ እንታይ ከም ዝመስል ርእዩ። ካብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ጀሚርካ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት ኣብ ውግእ ኢትዮጵያ ትግራይ ዘርእይዎ ዘለዉ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ሓጋዚ ከም ዘይኮነ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገንዘቦ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ “እቲ ውግእ ብዘተ ክፍታሕ ዝነበረ ተስፋ” ንድሕሪት ምምላሱ ከም ዘተሓሳስብ እውን ርእዩ። ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ናይቲ ውግእ ሓደጋ ኣብዚ ሕጂ ዝረአ ዘሎ ሓደገኛ ደረጃ ከይበጽሐ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ  ዝወርድ ዝነበረን ዘሎን ኩሉ ዓይነት ግህሰታት ተቓዊሙን ፖለቲካዊ ሚዛን ሂቡን፡ ደጋጊሙ “ኣብ ክንዲ ብውግእ ብዘተን ልዝብን ክፍታሕ” ኣቕሪብዎ ዝነበረ መዋጽኦ ሕጂ’ውን ህያው ስለ ዝኾነ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ግቡእ ቆላሕታ ክህብዎ ደጊሙ ኣዘኻኺሩ።

ብዛዕባ መጻኢ ዝምድና ኤርትራ፡ ብሓፈሻ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ብፍላይ ምስ ትግራይ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከም ናይ ቀረባ ጐረቤት ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት ነናቶም ሓሳብ የንጸባርቑ ከም ዘለዉ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ መዚኑ። ሰዲህኤ ብወገኑ ኣብቲ ካብ ቅድም ብመሰረት ብጉባአ ዝጸደቐ ናይ ዝምድና ፖሊሲኡ ነቒሉ፡ ኣብ ናይ ክልቲኡ ህዝብታት ናይ ሓባር ረብሓን ሰላማዊ ጉርብትናን ምትሕግጋዝን ኢድ ዘይምትእትታውን ዝተሰረተ ንክኸውን ከም ዝኣምንን ንክዕወት ከም ዝቃለሰሉን  ኣነጺኡ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ንናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣበርክቶ ኣባላትን ደገፍትን ሰዲህኤ ዳግማይ ንኢዱ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ እውን ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ንምዕባለታት ብመንጽር መትከል ሰልፎምን ኣርሒቕካ ምርኣይን እንዳመዘኑ ሰልፎም  ናይ ምሕያል ቃልሶም ብዝለዕለ ናህሪ ክቕጽሉ ጸዋዒቱ ኣሕዲሱ።

ቀዳም 27 ሕዳር 2021 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ኣኼባ፡ ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ኣውዲቑ። ጉባኤ ዞባ ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ንምሕያል ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዜ ወፈያ ገንዘብን ንዕጫ ዝወድቕ ኣቕሓ ክቕረብን ብዘጽደቖ ዉሳኔ እዩ እቲ መደብ ተኻይዱ። በዚ ኣገባብ ኣታዊ ዝኸውን ገንዘብ ንማሕበራውን ውደባውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ንምዕዋት ዝውዕል እዩ።

ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ እዛ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ክትወድቕ መደብ ምስተለመ ኩሎም ኣባላት ብጻዕቒ ተዋፊሮም ስድራቤትን ፈተውትን ከም ዝሳተፉ ብምግባር ኣዝዩ ዕዉት መደብ ከምዝኸውን ጌሮም። ኩሎም ቲኬት ዝገዝኡ ፈተውትን ደገፍቲ ሰልፍናን ዝተዓደምሉ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ናይ ዙም ኣኼባ፡ ኣኼበኛታት እናተመልከቱ ዕጫ ወዲቓ ኣብ ሮቸስተር ኒው ዮርክ ዝተሸጠት ቲኬት ቁጽሪ 763175 ተዓዊታ።    

ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ብ $500 (ሓሙሽተ ሚእቲ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ዝተገዝአት 675 ቲኬታት ብ $10 (ዓሰርተ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ብምሻጥ ልዕሊ $6,000 (ሽዱሽተ ሽሕ) ኣታዊ ክትገብር ክኢላ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ንኹሎም እቶም ኣብ ንጥፈታት ናይዚ ዕጫ ብጻዕቂ ዝተዋፈሩ ኣባላትን፡ ዕጫ ብምግግዛእ ወፈያኦም ዘበርከቱ ዜጋታትን ልዑል ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ። ኣብ ዝመጽእ ተመሳሳሊ መደባት ሓገዝ ናይ ፈተውትን ደገፍትን ከምዘይጋደፈና ምሉእ እምነት ኣሎና።

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ። 

የቐንየልና።

ምልኪ ይፍረስ! ፍትሒ ይንገስ!

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

11-28-2021

ቀዳም 27 ሕዳር 2021 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ኣኼባ፡ ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ኣውዲቑ። ጉባኤ ዞባ ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ንምሕያል ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዜ ወፈያ ገንዘብን ንዕጫ ዝወድቕ ኣቕሓ ክቕረብን ብዘጽደቖ ዉሳኔ እዩ እቲ መደብ ተኻይዱ። በዚ ኣገባብ ኣታዊ ዝኸውን ገንዘብ ንማሕበራውን ውደባውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ንምዕዋት ዝውዕል እዩ።

ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ እዛ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ክትወድቕ መደብ ምስተለመ ኩሎም ኣባላት ብጻዕቒ ተዋፊሮም ስድራቤትን ፈተውትን ከም ዝሳተፉ ብምግባር ኣዝዩ ዕዉት መደብ ከምዝኸውን ጌሮም። ኩሎም ቲኬት ዝገዝኡ ፈተውትን ደገፍቲ ሰልፍናን ዝተዓደምሉ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ናይ ዙም ኣኼባ፡ ኣኼበኛታት እናተመልከቱ ዕጫ ወዲቓ ኣብ ሮቸስተር ኒው ዮርክ ዝተሸጠት ቲኬት ቁጽሪ 763175 ተዓዊታ።    

ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ብ $500 (ሓሙሽተ ሚእቲ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ዝተገዝአት 675 ቲኬታት ብ $10 (ዓሰርተ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ብምሻጥ ልዕሊ $6,000 (ሽዱሽተ ሽሕ) ኣታዊ ክትገብር ክኢላ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ንኹሎም እቶም ኣብ ንጥፈታት ናይዚ ዕጫ ብጻዕቂ ዝተዋፈሩ ኣባላትን፡ ዕጫ ብምግግዛእ ወፈያኦም ዘበርከቱ ዜጋታትን ልዑል ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ። ኣብ ዝመጽእ ተመሳሳሊ መደባት ሓገዝ ናይ ፈተውትን ደገፍትን ከምዘይጋደፈና ምሉእ እምነት ኣሎና።

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ። 

የቐንየልና።

ምልኪ ይፍረስ! ፍትሒ ይንገስ!

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

11-28-2021

Saturday, 27 November 2021 20:47

Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 27.11.2021

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ሓሙሽተ ኤርትራውያን ተቐዳደምቲ ብሽክለታ ምስ ካለኦት 10 ኣፍሪቃውያን ተቐዳደምቲ ንብሉጽ ኣፍሪቃዊ ተቀዳዳማይ 2021 ክወዳደሩ ከም ዝተሓጽዩ ማዕከን ዜና ቢቢሲ ሓቢሩ። እዞም 5 ኤርትራውያን ዝርከብዎም 15 ኣፍሪቃውያን ተቐዳደምቲ ብስክሊት ኣብቲ ዝካየድ ዓመታዊ  ውድድር ብኣካየድቲ ውድድር ትሮፒካለ ኣሚሳ ቦንጎ (ዙር ጋቦን) ዝውሃብ ኣፍሪቃዊ ሽልማት ንምውሳድ ዝተሓጽዩ እዮም።

እቶም ነቲ ኣህጉራዊ  ውድድርን ሽልማትን ተሓጽዮም ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን፡ ኣብ ቅድድም ሻምፕዮና ዓለም ተሸላሚ ብሩር መዳልያ ዝኾነ ቢንያም ግርማይ፡ መርሃዊ ቅዱስ፡ ሄኖክ ሙሉብርሃን፡ ናትናኤል ተስፋጽዮንን ናሆም ዘርኣይን እዮም።

እቶም መወዳርቶም ከኣ፡ ጉስታቭ ባሶን፡ ኒኮላስ ዲላምኒ፡ ርያን ሂብሲን  ልዊስ መንቲጅስን ዝተባህሉ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃውያን ይርከብዎም። ኣብ ርእሲዚ ቦፓውል ዳውሞትን ሶሊማነ ኮነን ዝተባህሉ ደቂ ቡርኪናፋሶ፡ ዝሳተፉ ኮይኖም፡  ካብ ካሜሩን ከኣ፡ ብክሎቪስ፡ ካምዞንግን ኣርቱስ ተላን፡ ኣሊስያካ ሲሶን ካብ ኣይቮሪኮስት፡ ያሲር ሓምዛ ካብ ኣልጀርያን እውን  ከም ዝተሓጽዩ እቲ ዜና ሓቢሩ።

ኣብ 2020 ኤርትራዊ ቢንያም ግርማይን ያሲም ሓምዛ ካብ ኣልጀርያን ዝበለ ኣፍሪቃዊ ተቐዳዳማይ” ተባሂሎም ብኣካየድቲ ላ ትሪፒካለ ምሽላሞም ዝዝከር ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ 2021 ቢንያም ግርማይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብዘርኣዮ ተወዳዳርነትን ብዘመዝገቦ ዓለምለኻዊ ውጽኢትን  ንናይ 2021 ክወስድ እዩ ዝብል ልዑል ግምት ኣሎ ።

ቢንያም ግርማይ 24 መስከረም 2021 ኣብ ቤልጂም፡ ፍላንደርስ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ውድድር ሻምፕዮን ብሽክለታ ዓለም ናይ ትሕቲ 23 ዓመት 2ይ ደረጃ ብምውጻእ ተሸላሚ ብሩር ሜዳልያ ምዃኑ ይዝከር።

ቢንያም ንኤርትራ ኣብ ውድድር ሻምፕዮን ቅድድም ብሽክለታ ዓለም ፈላሚ መዳልያ ዘመዝገበ ተቐዳዳማይ ብምዃን ዝበረኸ ዓወት ምስ ምምዝጋቡ ኣብዚ ተሓጽይዎ ዘሎ ውድድር ክዕውት ከምዝኽእል ብዙሓት ይግምቱ። እዚ ውድድር ካብ ዝተጀመረሉ 2012 ኤርትርውያን ተወዳደርቲ ንሓሙሽተ ግዜ ብልጫ ምውሳዶም ኣብቲ ጸብጻብ ተሓቢሩ።

እስከ ንኤርትራና ከም ዓባይ መርከብ ንመስላ። ኣብዛ መርከብ ዝተጻዕና ዝተፈላለየ ኣገልግሎት ዝህባ ነናተን ህልውና ዘለወን ጀላቡ እውን ኣለዋ። እዛ መርከብ ውቅያኖሳትን ባሕርታትን ሰንጢቓ ካብኣ ዝድለ ኣገልግሎት ከተበርክትን ህልውነኣ ዓቂባ ክትቅጽልን ናይዘን ዘሳፈረተን ጀላቡ ብጽሒት ወሳኒ እዩ። እተን ጀላቡ ዝተሰለፋሉ ተልእኮታት ክፍጽማ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ህላወአን ትርጉም ክህልዎ እውን፡ ናይታ እተሳፍረን ዓባይ መርከብ ግደ ወሳኒ እዩ።

ካልእ ይትረፍ እተን ጀላቡ ምእንቲ ህልውነአን፡ ኣብቲ ንኹለን ዝምልከተን ምዕቃብ ህልውና ናይታ ሓቛፊተን ዓባይ መርከብ ብሓባር ክዓያን ክናበባን ተደላዪ እዩ። ኣብቲ ነንበይነን ዝህበኦ ኣገልግሎትን ህልውናአን ዝዕቅባሉን ብብዙሕ መምዘንታት ዝፈላለ እውን ነታ ሓቛፊተን ብዘይሃስን ብዘይከፋፍልን ተኸኣኢለን ካብ ምቕጻል ካልእ መተካእታ የብለንን። እዚ እተን ጀላቡ እንተፈተዋ ዝገብረኦ እንተጸለኣ  ከኣ ዝገድፈኦ ዘይኮነ፡ ዘይስገር ናይ ኩለን ማዕረ ቅሩብነት ዝሓትት  ናይ ህልውናአን ወሳኒ ሓላፍነት እዩ።

ነታ ዓባይ መርከብ ከም ኤርትራ መሲልናያ ኣለና። እተን ጀላቡ ከኣ ነተን፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ብሄር፡ ኣውራጃ፡ ዝያዳ ድማ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ዝማእከለን መንነታት፡ ውዳበታትን ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላትን ከኣ ከምተን ኣብታ መርከብ ዝተሳፈራ ጀላቡ ጌርና ንውሰደን እሞ፡ ነቲ ዝምድናአን በዚ መንፈስ ንቓንዮ። እዘን ከም ጀላቡ ተመሲለን ዘለዋ ኣብ ክሊ ዝኾነ ዛዕባ ወይ ኣተሓሳስባ ይወደባ ብዘየገድስ  ካብ ህልወና እዛ ዓባይ መርከብ ኤርትራ ዝተፈልየ ህልውናን ቀጻልነትን የብለንን። ኩለን ናይታ ዝዋሰኣላ ኤርትራ ህልውና ናይ ምዕቃብ፡ እቲ ሓደ ናይቲ ካልእ እጃም ዘይትከኣሉ ንኹለን ዝምልከት ግደታ ኣለወን። ንልኡላውነትን ሃገርነትን ኤርትራ ከይዓቀብካ ዝኾነ ዓይነት ውዳበ ይሃለውካ ቀጻልነት የብሉን። እዚ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘሎ ፈላሊኻ ክረአ ዘይከል ዝምድና ኣዕሚቑ  ዘርእየና ኢዩ።

 ኣጠማምታ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብኣንጻርዚ ግልቡጥ እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ እታ መርከብ ኮነ እተን ጀላቡ ንሱ ጥራይ ገይሩ እዩ ዝወስድ። እዚ ምስቲ “ንሕና ሃገር ንሕና ህዝቢ” ዝብል ጓዕጻጺ መዝምሩ ኣዛሚድካ ክረአ ዝኽእል እዩ።  ስለዚ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ፖለቲካውን ህዝባውን ውዳበታታን ዘሎ ዝምድና ትርጉም ኣይህቦን እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ንዕቀት ካብ ዘርእየሉ መልከዓት ሓደ እዩ። ህግደፍ ሓንሳብ መንገዲ ምልኪ ስለ ዝመረጸን ኤርትራ ክንዲ “ንህልውነኣ ዋጋ ዝኸፈለ ሓርበኛ ህዝቢ”  ዝኣክል ሕቡን ዋና ከም ዘለዋ ኣብ ግምት ኣየእቱን እዩ። ካብዚ ዕዉር ትዕቢትን ንዕቀትን ስለ ዝነቅል ከኣ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ዝምልከት “ኣነ እየ ኹሉ” ብዝብል  ብዘይዝኾነ ይኹን ቅቡል ውክልና፡ ብስም ህዝብን ሃገርን ኤርትራ ሓደገኛ ዘይትካላውን ዘይሕጋውን ውሳነታት ይውስን። እቲ ውሳነታት ድማ ብዋጋ እቲ ዋና ኤርትራ ክነሱ ኣብቲ ውሳነ ኢዱ ዘይሓወሰ  ህዝብን ንብረቱን እዩ ዘተግብሮ።

ኩሉ ህግደፍ ዝገብሮ ንኤርትራ ዘየርብሕ እኳደኣ ናብ ሓደጋ ዘእትዋ ኢድ ምትእትታዋት ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣንጻር ሱዳን፡ የመንን፡ ጅቡትን ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣንጻር ኢትዮጵያን በብግዜኡ ዘካየዶን ሰፍ ዘይብል ዋጋ ዘኽፈለን ውግኣት ካልእ ናይዚ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ መንገዱ መግለጺ እዩ። ኣብዚ ሎሚ እዋን ናይ ህግደፍ ናይ ነዊሕ ግዜ ተመኩሮ ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲኻ ካብ ድሌትን ባህግን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ምኻዱን ንሃገርና ኣብዚ ዘላቶ ስግኣት ከእትዋን ኣይኮነንዶ ንኤርትራውያን ንዘይኤርትራዊ ኣካላት እውን ውሁብ እዩ። ኣይገብሮን እምበር ንዓና ኮነ ንሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ብርቂ ተረኽቦ ዝኽውን ህግደፍ መሰረታዊ ረብሓ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወ መንገዲ እንተዝሕዝ እዩ።

 እቲ ኣዛራብን ሕቶታት ዘኸትልን ዝኸውን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ህግደፍ ኣንጻር ረብሓኡን ክብሪ ሃገሩን እንዳ ዓንደረ እንከሎ ፡ ኣብ ገዛእ ጉዳዩ ስቕ ክመርጽ እንከሎ እዩ። ስቕ ኢሉ ክበሃል እንከሎ ዓው ኢሉ ዘይምዝራቡ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እምበርከ፡ ማዕረ’ቲ ክብደት ጭቆናኡን ህግደፍ ዝኸዶ ዘሎ ናይ ጥፍኣት መንገድንከ   የስተብህለሉዶ ይህልዉ? ክትብል እውን ስለ ዝድርኽ እዩ። እቲ ዝያዳ ዘገርም ከኣ ገለ ዝተዓዛዘሮምን ሓንሳብ ካብ ኣተኹዎ ኣይወጽእን ኢሎም ኣብ ህልኽ ዝኣተዉን ኤርትራውያን  ኣገልገልቲ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ነዚ ዘይርትዓውን ዘይፍትሓውን ኣሽካዕላል፡ ርዒሞም “ንኺድ ጥራይ” ክብልዎ እንከለዉ እዩ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኢትዮጵያውያን “ምዕራባውያን ሃገራትን ናይ ዜና ማዕከናቶምን ካብ ጉዳይና ኢድኩም ኣልዕሉ” ብዝብል ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ዘካየድዎ ሰልፍታት፡ ባንዴራ ኤርትራ እውን ትውዛወዝ ምንባራ ዝተዓዘብናዮ እዩ። ስም ኤርትራ ኣብ ከምዚ ተረኽቦ ክለዓል እንከሎ፡ ንዓና ሓይልታት ለውጢ’ውን  ኣስደሚሙና። ብዙሓት ኣብ ማሕበራዊ መራኸብታት ዝነጥፉ ኢትዮጵያውያን እኳ “ንሕና ዝያዳ ሚእቲ ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኢና። ጉዳይና ባዕልና ክንዓምም ዘእኽል ዓቕምን ድምጽን ስለ ዘለና ናይ ሓሙሽተ ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓገዝ ስለ ዘየድልየና ዓዲ ይውዓሉልና” እናበሉ ክሕጭጩ ሰሚዕናዮም። ኣብ ርእሲዚ  ካብቲ ኣሸሓት ኤርትራውያንን ኢትዮጵያውያንን ዝሃልቅሉ ዘለዉ ጀሚርካ፡ ንኩለ-መዳያዊ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ጉዳዮም ዝረግሙን ዝቃወሙን ኢትዮጵያውያን ውሑዳት ኣይኮኑን።  እቲ ኣንጻር ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኤርትራ ዘሎ ዓለም ለኻዊ  ውግዘት ከኣ ኣብ ዘለዎ እዩ።

እስከ ናብቲ መእተዊ ሓሳበይ   ክምለስ። ኣብ ብዙሓት ናይ ለውጢ ውዳበታት እንዋሳእ ብዙሓት ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት ኣለና። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሓደ ካብዞም ኣካላት እዩ።  ኤርትራ ድማ ንኹልና ብማዕረ እያ እትብጸሓና። ኤርትራን ህዝባን ንልኡላውነቶም፡ ልምዓቶም፡ ሰላሞምን ዲሞክራስያውነቶምን ናይ ኩልና ኣበርክቶን ቃልስን ይጽውዑ ኣለዉ። ስለዚ ነቶም ኣይኮነንዶ ብዛዕባ ናይ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስያውነት ክሓልዩ፡ ንህልውነኣ ዝፈታተኑ ዘለዉ ህግደፍን ናይ ግዳም መሻርኽቶምን ብኣትኩሮ እናጠመትና፡ ንሕና ሓይልታት ለውጢ፡ ክውገን ዝኽእል ፍልያትና ግቡእ መኣዝን ኣትሒዝና ኣብ ዝዓበየ ናይ ህልውናን ለውጥን ዕማም ብሓባር ክንቃለስ ኣብ እንግደደሉ ወሳኒ እዋን ምህላውና ኣይንረስዕ። ከምቲ ዝድለ ናይ ዘይምብርባር ድኽመት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጥራይ እነላግበሉ ዘይኮነ፡ ናባና’ውን ክንጥምት ግድን እዩ። ህግደፍ እናተወጠረን ዓቕሊ ኣናጽበበን ክኸይድ እንከሎ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ሓይልታት ለውጢ ክንብርኽ ዝግበኣና፡ ከምኡ ንደክም ምህላውና ንቡር ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ መርከብና ከይትጥሕል ንምድሓና ናብ ንቡር ቦታና ንምድያብ ንብቃዕ።

‫الرئيسية‬  مقالات  السودان قد يكون على وشك خسارة فرصته التاريخية للانتقال إلى ديمقراطية
مقالات - 26 نوفمبر 2021, 16:27


كانت فرصة تحول السودان إلى نظام ديمقراطي حقيقي منذ بداية شراكة العسكريين والمدنيين في أغسطس 2019 ضئيلة ثمً صارت تتضاءل باستمرار حتى وصلت إلى ما يشبه الانعدام إثر انقلاب 25 أكتوبر ولاحقاً اتفاق رئيس الوزراء مع العسكر والذي أدى إلى تخفيف الضغوط الدولية على الانقلابيين وإلى إرباك بعض القوى المدنية الرافضة للانقلاب.
يبدو أن العسكريين امتلكوا مبكراً استراتيجية واضحة تهدف إلى بناء نظام سياسي يكون تحت وصايتهم الدائمة، تُجرى فيه انتخابات في ظل قوانين يشرفوا على صياغتها وإقرارها وموازيين قوى تميل لصالحهم، نظام يكون منسجماً مع محيطه الإقليمي ومندمجاً في النظام الدولي مما يساعده على الإفلات من العزلة والعقوبات.
سعى العسكر، الذين توفرت لهم عوامل قوة عديدة؛ أدوات القمع، الوحدة الداخلية، المال والدعم الإقليمي، سعوا منذ انقلابهم على البشير للحصول على دعم سياسي داخلي ليتمكنوا من البقاء في السلطة وتنفيذ أجندتهم السياسية المستقبلية. وجد الانقلابيون ثلاثة مصادر رئيسة يمكنهم أن يحصلوا منها على الدعم السياسي؛ بقايا النظام السابق، الإدارة الأهلية والحركات المسلحة.
لم يستغرق الحصول على دعم الإدارة الأهلية وقتاً طويلاً فهي مخزون يستخدمه من يمتلك السلطة. أما بقايا النظام السابق فقد كانت قدرة العسكر في الحصول على دعم سياسي منهم وستظل محدودة بسبب الشكوك بين الطرفين وارتباطات العسكر بالمحور الإقليمي الرافض للإسلام السياسي. حقق العسكر أحد أكبر الاختراقات السياسية من خلال اتفاق جوبا مع بعض الحركات المسلحة فقد حصلوا من خلال الاتفاق على كتلة اكتسبت شرعية محلية ودولية، مشابهة لهم في مرجعيتها وقد يكون لبعضها، إن لم يكن كلها، نفس رعاة العسكر الإقليميين كما ضمنوا اتفاق جوبا حشوات سُميت مسارات زادت من حظوظ الحركات المسلحة وحلفائهم العسكر في السلطة.
لم يكن الانقلاب معني فقط بمنع تسليم رئاسة مجلس السيادة إلى المدنيين كما تنص الوثيقة الدستورية لكنه هدف أيضا إلى تحقيق الهيمنة الكلية على مجلس السيادة لضمان تشكيل مؤسسات الفترة الانتقالية بما يخدم العسكر. حاول العسكر في البداية التخلص من الأشخاص الذين كانوا يقفون عثرة أمام هيمنتهم على مجلس السيادة من خلال المناداة بحل الحكومة وتكوين حكومة كفاءات، تشكيل تحالف سياسي ينازع قوى الحرية والتغيير شرعية تمثيل الشارع، خلق اضطرابات اجتماعية، والتشويه والتهديد لخصومهم من المدنيين وعندما فشلت تلك الوسائل لجأوا لاستخدام القوة وأعادوا صياغة موازيين القوة بما يخدم أجندتهم.
بإعادة تشكيل مجلس السيادة بموالين لهم سيكون بمقدور العسكر تكوين المؤسسات التي ستحدد ملامح مرحلة ما بعد الانتقال مثل المجلس التشريعي، مفوضية الانتخابات ومفوضية الدستور، تعيين رئيس القضاء (تم تعيينه) والنائب العام بما يضمن توظيف تلك المؤسسات وهؤلاء الأفراد لصالح استراتيجيتهم في الوصول إلى نظام سياسي مُسيطر عليه من قبلهم.
قصد العسكر من اتفاقهم مع رئيس الوزراء تخفيف الضغوط الداخلية والدولية عليهم. يبدو إنهم عرفوا طبيعة شخصية رئيس الوزراء وفهم الرجل لطبيعة دوره. الذين جاءوا بالدكتور حمدوك لرئاسة الوزارة كانوا يقرأون من نفس كتاب النظام السابق. اعتقد نظام البشير أن سبب مشكلاته الداخلية هو عزلته الدولية فأعلن عن تعيين حمدوك وزيراً للمالية عله ينجح في فك تلك العزلة قبل أن يرفض حمدوك المنصب. لم يكن لدى حمدوك ميزة عندما اُختير وزيراً لمالية النظام السابق ورئيساً لوزراء الفترة الانتقالية سوى علاقاته الدولية التي اكتسبها من عمله لفترة طويلة في المؤسسات الدولية.
عندما قال رئيس الوزراء في تبريره لإبرام الاتفاق مع العسكر أنه أراد المحافظة على الإنجازات الاقتصادية التي تحققت في الفترة الماضية إنما كان يؤكد على نفس رؤية الآخرين للدور المطلوب منه. إذا كان رئيس الوزراء يعتقد أن إنجازاته الاقتصادية ستدخله التاريخ فهو مخطئ. سيتم تقييم دوره في الفترة الانتقالية من خلال ما قدمه لقضية التحول الديمقراطي وإذا استمر في اتفاقه الحالي مع العسكر فستتم الإشارة إليه باعتباره أحد الذين قوضوا الفرصة التاريخية لانتقال السودان لنظام ديمقراطي حقيقي. هذا لا يعفى القوى المدنية الأخرى من مسؤوليتها فهي بالتأكيد أكبر من مسؤولية أي شخص مهما عظم دوره. يفترض في القوى المدنية أن تتحد الآن حول برنامج واضح يسعى لتوفير كل الشروط الضرورية لضمان انتقال البلاد إلى ديمقراطية حقيقية ورفض أية صيغة تعطي العسكر حق الوصاية على الفترة الانتقالية أو تمكنهم من تقويض الانتقال الديمقراطي.
الديمقراطية ليست فقط انتخابات كما يردد العسكر وأنصارهم فهي نظام متكامل لإدارة الدولة. سياسياً تضمن الديمقراطية حق المواطنين في اختيار حكامهم ومحاسبتهم، اقتصادياً توفر ظروف أفضل للنهوض حيث تخضع خطط التنمية والتشريعات المرتبطة بها لسلطة الشعب بما يمنع العشوائية والفساد، اجتماعياً توفر الديمقراطية فرصاً أفضل للتعايش بين مختلف تكوينات البلاد، تضمن توفير التعليم الحديث وفرص النهل من الثقافات المحلية وتطويرها والتفاعل الإيجابي مع الثقافات العالمية. تضمن الديمقراطية الحقيقية احترام حقوق الإنسان وتمنع أية انتهاكات لها وجود قضاء مستقل وإعلام حر، كما إنها ضرورية للاستقرار.
إذا لم يتم تغيير تركيبة مجلس السيادة الحالية من خلال نقل السلطة كلياً للمدنيين أو إحداث نوع من التوافق يعطي المدنيين الغلبة لتشكيل مؤسسات الفترة الانتقالية ستجد البلاد نفسها في نهاية الفترة الانتقالية تحت نير ديكتاتورية من نوع جديد فتتبدد التضحيات العظيمة التي قدمها نساء وشباب السودان في سبيل التخلص من هيمنة العسكر على السلطة وعلى موارد البلاد.

INTER PRESS SERVICE

From the early days of UN peacekeeping to some of today’s most vital operations, Ethiopian men and women have played an important role in the UN’s efforts to advance peace in the world’s hot spots. The country’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations dates back to 1951, as part of the UN multinational force in the Korean War. Credit: United Nations

UNITED NATIONS, Nov 25 2021 (IPS) - In Hollywood movies, the legendary Wild West was routinely portrayed with gunslingers, lawmen and villains—resulting in the ultimate showdown between the “good guys and the bad guys”.

Linda Thomson-Greenfield, US ambassador to the UN, told the Security Council early this month that the warring parties in the devastating 12-month-long civil war in Ethiopia involve the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, the Eritrean Defense Forces, the Amhara Special Forces, and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front.

And invoking a Hollywood metaphor, she remarked “there are no good guys here”.

The battle is perhaps best characterized as a showdown between one set of bad guys vs another set of bad guys –despite the fact that Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who is currently leading the conflict, triggering accusations of war crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocide, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.

As in many ongoing conflicts and civil wars—whether in Afghanistan, Yemen, Myanmar, Syria, Palestine, Iraq or Ethiopia, the five veto-wielding permanent members of the Security Council, namely the US, UK, France, China and Russia, are sharply divided and protective of their allies — and their prolific arms markets.

But the conflict in Ethiopia has also resulted in a “monumental humanitarian disaster” where UN agencies and relief organizations are being hindered by the Ethiopian government from delivering food and medical supplies for political reasons.

Still, who are the merchants of death in this vicious conflict which has “already claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced upwards of 2 million people,” and where rape is being increasingly used as a weapon of war.

The World Food Programme (WFP) is providing emergency food assistance to more than 800,000 people affected by conflict in the Afar and Amhara regions of northern Ethiopia. Credit: WFP/Claire Nevill

According to figures released by international aid organizations, tens of thousands of people are reportedly displaced in Amhara and Afar regions because of active fighting in multiple locations; about two million rendered homeless overall and about seven million urgently in need of humanitarian assistance.

Ambassador Thomson-Greenfield told delegates it is time for all parties to immediately halt hostilities and refrain from incitement to violence and divisiveness.

The bellicose rhetoric and inflammatory language on all sides of this conflict only aggravate intercommunal violence. It is time for the Government of Ethiopia, the TPLF, and all other groups to engage in immediate ceasefire negotiations without preconditions to find a sustainable path toward peace, she said.

And it is long past time for the Eritrean Defense Forces to withdraw from Ethiopian territory.

“It is time to put your weapons down. This war between angry, belligerent men – victimizing women and children – has to stop,” she declared.

But one lingering question remains: where are these weapons coming from?

China and Russia, two permanent members of the UN Security Council, have been identified as the primary arms suppliers to Ethiopia.

“The time when the Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) almost solely relied on aging Soviet armament, mixed in with some of their more modern Russian brethrens, is long gone.”

“Over the past decade, Ethiopia has diversified its arms imports to include a number of other sources that presently include nations such as China, Germany, Ukraine and Belarus”.

Arguably more surprising is the presence of countries like Israel and the UAE in this list, which have supplied Ethiopia with a number of specialised weapon systems, according to a Blog posting in Oryx.

Alexandra Kuimova, Researcher, Arms Transfers Programme at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), told IPS in terms of volume (measured in SIPRI’s TIVs), Russia and Ukraine were the largest supplies of major arms to Ethiopia over the last two decades, accounting for 50 per cent and 33 per cent of Ethiopia’s imports in 2001-2020, respectively.

Deliveries from Russia included an estimated 18 second-hand combat helicopters and combat aircraft transferred to Ethiopia between 2003-2004.

The most recent deliveries included an estimated four 96K9 Pantsyr-S1 mobile air defence systems imported by Ethiopia in 2019. Deliveries from Ukraine included an estimated 215 second-hand T-72B tanks received by Ethiopia between 2011-2015.

She said there are also European states transferring major arms to Ethiopia since 2001. For example, Hungary supplied 12 second-hand Mi-24V/Mi-35 combat helicopters to Ethiopia in 2013. French Bastion vehicles delivered to the state in 2016 were financed by the US. Deliveries from Germany included 6 trainer aircraft in 2019.

Stephen Zunes, a professor of Politics and chair of Middle Eastern Studies at the University of San Francisco, who has written extensively on the politics of the Security Council, told IPS: “The perception of such conflicts as being simply an African problem ignores the fact that much of the killing would not be possible were it not for Western arms sent to the combatants.”

In most civil wars, however, small arms and light weapons were critically important, and were often backed up by major conventional weapons.

Since 2011, China has emerged as one of the largest arms suppliers to Ethiopia. Some of the known deliveries from China included a single HQ-64 air defence system delivered in 2013 and 4 PHL-03 300mm self-propelled multiple rocket launchers received by Ethiopia in 2018-2019.

Ethiopia also imported about 30 armoured personnel carriers from China between 2012 and 2014, said Kuimova.

Other media reports have provided information on the presence of Chinese Wing Loong and Iranian Mohajer-6 drones in Ethiopia. In addition, several media outlets claim that Turkey is negotiating arms deals on selling an identified number of Bayraktar TB-2 armed drones to Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, in one of the world’s worse conflict zones, namely Yemen, the air attacks are mostly by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, equipped with arms primarily from the US and UK, two permanent members of the Security Council.

According to SIPRIs Kuimova, there is not much known about transfers of major arms to Eritrea. She said it appears that the country has not received any major weapons since 2009 when the UN arms embargo on Eritrea came into force. The embargo was lifted in 2018, however, no deliveries of major arms have been documented since then.

Between 2001-2007, Eritrea’s imports of major arms included two second-hand modernized S-125-2T air defence systems supplied by Belarus in 2005. Bulgaria supplied 120 second-hand T-55 tanks in 2005. Between 2001-2004 Russia delivered 4 combat aircraft to Eritrea, and an estimated 80 Kornet-E anti-tank missiles between 2001 and 2005. Deliveries from Ukraine included 2 second-hand combat aircraft.

“We are currently collecting, analyzing and verifying open-source information on deliveries of major arms to both Ethiopia and Eritrea over the last year,” she said.

But lack of transparency in armaments in the cases of both importer states and exporters make it difficult to determine the order and delivery dates and the exact numbers and types of weapons transferred over the last years.

For example, Ethiopia has not been submitting reports on its imports of arms to the UN Register of Conventional Arms (UNROCA), the main UN transparency instrument on conventional weapons, since 1997.

And China, one of the largest exporters to Ethiopia over the last decade, does not appear to have reported to UNROCA, information about its arms transfers to Ethiopia.

Thursday, 25 November 2021 21:26

Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 25.11.2021

Written by

Source=Ethiopia’s PM has gone to the battlefront: State-affiliated media | News | Al Jazeera

Abiy Ahmed on Tuesday promised to lead his country’s army ‘from the battlefront’ after Tigrayan rebels threatened to march on Addis Ababa.

The TPLF dominated government for nearly three decades, until Abiy came to power in 2018 [File: AP Photo]

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has gone to the front lines to lead his troops in the battle against forces from the northern Tigray region, state-affiliated media reported.

Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen Hassen would take charge of routine government business in Abiy’s absence, Fana news outlet said on Wednesday.

Other senior government officials have also immediately responded to the call made by the prime Minister to save Ethiopia and joined the campaign, he added.

State media has shown no images of Abiy, a 45-year-old former soldier and winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, at the battlefront. The government has not disclosed his location but a spokesman said he had arrived at the front on Tuesday and was joined by other government officials who heeded the call to “save Ethiopia”.

“The time has come to lead the country with sacrifice,” Abiy had said in a Twitter post late on Monday. “Those who want to be among the Ethiopian children who will be hailed by history, rise up for your country today. Let’s meet at the battlefront.”

Northern Ethiopia has been racked by conflict since November 2020 when Abiy sent troops into the Tigray region to topple the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) after months of tensions with the region’s governing party. The TPLF had controlled national politics for three decades until Abiy came to power in 2018.

Abiy promised a swift victory, but by late June the TPLF had regrouped and retaken most of Tigray, including its capital, Mekelle. Since then, the Tigrayan forces have pushed into the neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions and this week claimed control of Shewa Robit, just 220km (135 miles) northeast of the capital, Addis Ababa, by road.

On Tuesday, US Special Envoy Jeffrey Feltman said the Ethiopian military and regional militias had been able to hold back Tigrayan attempts to cut the corridor but Tigrayan forces had been able to move south towards Addis Ababa.

Much of northern Ethiopia is under a communications blackout and access for journalists is restricted, making battlefield claims difficult to corroborate.

Later on Wednesday, during a joint news conference with Colombia’s President Ivan Duque, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres called for an end to the fighting.

“The peace process in Colombia today inspires me to make an urgent call to the protagonists of the conflict in Ethiopia for an unconditional and immediate ceasefire,” Guterres said, referring to the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian government and FARC rebels.

‘Risking his life’

Mustafa Ali, co-founder and chairman of Horn International Institute for Strategic Studies, said Abiy’s decision to move to the war front was a “big gamble”.

“Aby is risking his life and he’s also risking the lives of those who are going to be alongside himself,” Ali told Al Jazeera.

“The calculation here from Aby’s administration is because … that many armed grounds are converging around Addis Ababa, he sees it fit as part of a psychological operation to inspire other Ethiopians to join the [national army] and fight this war and push back the Tigrayans,” he said.

“Ethiopia is a huge country; if it descends into anarchy then we are going have a huge problem of stability in the entire Horn of Africa,” Ali warned.

On Wednesday, hundreds of new army recruits took part in a ceremony held in their honour in the Kolfe district of Addis Ababa.

“I was amazed when I heard” Abiy planned to join soldiers in the field, one of the recruits, 42-year-old driver Tesfaye Sherefa, told AFP news agency.

“When a leader leaves his chair… and his throne it is to rescue his country. His focus is not to live, but to rescue this country, and I sobbed when he said ‘follow me’ and went to the front line.”

At least one prominent distance runner – marathoner and Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa – has joined thousands of ordinary Ethiopians keen to follow Abiy’s lead.

The marathoner gained political prominence by raising and crossing his arms as he finished the marathon at the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro – a gesture of solidarity with fellow ethnic Oromos killed while protesting against abuses committed during nearly 27 years of TPLF rule.

In the state media interview which aired Wednesday, Feyisa said he would relish the chance to fight the TPLF himself.

“When a country is violated, there is no way I will stand by and just watch,” he said.

A separate state media report quoted Ethiopia’s most famous distance-running champion, Haile Gebrselassie, as saying he, too, would fight at the front.

“What would you do when the existence of a country is at stake? You just put down everything. Alas, nothing will bind you. I am sorry!” Haile told Reuters news agency on Wednesday.

In an interview in his office in Addis Ababa, where he runs more than a dozen companies engaged in hospitality, real estate, agriculture and education, Haile, who set 27 long distance running records, spoke of the role he was willing to play in the war.

“You expect me to say until death? Yes, that is the ultimate price in a war,” the 48-year-old said. “There is no way that I can sit here due to fear because it will come to my door. It will come to my house. We wouldn’t know when it comes. We wouldn’t know who will do what.”

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA AND NEWS AGENCIES