AFRICAETHIOPIAHORN OF AFRICA

The Globe talked to several victims of sexual violence by Tigrayan forces in Geregera. The village is about 100 kilometres southwest of Lalibela, a popular tourist town in the Amhara region, famous for its ancient churches hewn into the sides of mountains. The interviews were obtained independently, without the involvement of government officials. To ensure the security of the victims, The Globe is not revealing their identities. The survivors described how some Tigrayan soldiers went from village to village and raped the women and girls they found, until they retreated from the area in mid-September.

Source: Globe and Mail

LUCY KASSAGEOFFREY YORKAFRICA BUREAU CHIEF

Ethiopian government soldiers ride in the back of a truck on a road near Agula, north of Mekele, in the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia on May 8.BEN CURTIS/THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

As Tigrayan fighters march relentlessly closer to Addis Ababa in a military offensive that threatens to topple the Ethiopian government, disturbing evidence of brutal abuses is emerging from some of the towns and villages captured by the rebels.

The evidence, gathered by human-rights researchers and The Globe and Mail, suggests that Tigrayan soldiers have perpetrated the same kind of sexual violence documented among the Ethiopian and Eritrean troops the rebels have been fighting for the past year.

The Tigrayan military advances, sometimes in co-operation with Oromo insurgents, have already led to the evacuation of many foreign diplomats and United Nations staff from the Ethiopian capital.

The rebels are now reported to be about 220 kilometres from Addis Ababa – possibly closer. Many Western governments, including Canada’s, have urged their citizens to leave the country as soon as possible because of the risk of fighting in the capital.

To corroborate the reports of rape and sexual assault, and to see if such abuses have spread to other regions, The Globe interviewed women and girls in the village of Geregera, in the Amhara region.

The village was captured by Tigrayan troops in late August. Soon afterward, four Tigrayan soldiers broke into the home of a 12-year-old girl.

“They ordered me to take off my clothes,” the girl told The Globe. “When I refused, one of them slapped me in the face and stripped off my clothes. My father tried to defend me, but they beat him and threatened to kill us all.”

For hours, until she lost consciousness, the soldiers took turn raping her, she said. She recounted the attack with difficulty, speaking between sobs and long pauses. Her mother gave permission and was present for the interview.

“They raped me in front of my father,” the girl said. “They would get angry and beat me when I tried to fight back, so I stopped. I was so scared they would kill me and my father.”

The Globe investigation found that the girl was one of many to suffer sexual assaults by Tigrayan troops. But all sides in the worsening war have been guilty of similar attacks.

The war began in November, 2020, when the Ethiopian military, supported by Eritrean troops, launched a massive offensive in northern Ethiopia’s Tigray region. The region had defied the federal government by demanding autonomy and refusing to cancel a scheduled election last year.

Almost from the beginning of the war, human-rights researchers and United Nations agencies have documented the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war. The earliest reports emerged in Tigray in late 2020, revealing frequent sexual assaults by Ethiopian and Eritrean troops, along with Amhara militias, as part of their offensive to gain control of the region.

More recently, the war has expanded to new regions, including Amhara, after Tigrayan forces launched a counteroffensive. After regaining control of much of their home region, the Tigrayans have advanced into Amhara and closer to Addis Ababa – reportedly exhibiting a similar pattern of sexual violence along the way.

Many of the victims have been unable to get medical treatment or mental health care, largely because of the fighting, the growing number of military checkpoints, the shutdown of electricity and telecommunications, the destruction of health centres and a government blockade of humanitarian supplies to some regions.

“One year since Tigray’s devastating conflict began, survivors of sexual violence – from gang rape to sexual slavery – remain in desperate need of health care and support services,” Nisha Varia, women’s rights advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, said in a report this month.

In the village of Geregera, the 12-year-old girl has received no medical treatment for her injuries, nor any other health support, not just because of the social stigma that surrounds sexual assaults but because of the shortage of health facilities in the area. Almost three months after the brutal attack, some of her internal injuries persist – she still suffers from urinary incontinence.

The Globe talked to several victims of sexual violence by Tigrayan forces in Geregera. The village is about 100 kilometres southwest of Lalibela, a popular tourist town in the Amhara region, famous for its ancient churches hewn into the sides of mountains.

The interviews were obtained independently, without the involvement of government officials. To ensure the security of the victims, The Globe is not revealing their identities.

The survivors described how some Tigrayan soldiers went from village to village and raped the women and girls they found, until they retreated from the area in mid-September.

Zewde, a mother of two in Geregera, said her 14-year-old daughter was among those who were gang-raped by Tigrayan troops.

On the afternoon of Aug. 28, she said, her daughter disappeared. A group of villagers found the girl dumped in a nearby forest and carried her home.

“She was bleeding and unconscious,” Zewde told The Globe tearfully. “She was scratched and beaten.”

Her daughter, still in shock, could barely speak for days. Only weeks later did Zewde learn what had happened, although her daughter is still uncertain of how many soldiers were involved in the attack.

“She has nightmares,” Zewde said. “Sometimes she counts them as five. Other times she said they were six. But she is certain about one thing: Her abusers were uniformed fighters from Tigray.”

Others from the same village gave similar accounts to The Globe. None of the victims, they said, had received any medical or psychological help after the soldiers attacked them.

“At first they said they would not harm the women and that their targets are only armed men,” said Meteke, one of the villagers. “But afterwards they raped and tortured our girls mercilessly.”

Meteke said she knows several of the victims, but most would not talk about their ordeals because of the stigma surrounding sexual assault.

The Globe could not independently verify the number of cases in the village. But separate witnesses estimated that dozens of women and girls, at least, were raped by Tigrayan fighters.

The Globe contacted Getachew Reda, spokesperson for the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the main Tigrayan fighting force, to ask about the allegations of sexual violence in Geregera. He did not respond to the message.

Amnesty International, in a report on Nov. 9, documented how 16 women were raped in mid-August by Tigrayan fighters who had captured another Amhara town, Nifas Mewcha, about 50 kilometres from Geregera.

The women told Amnesty that they were raped at gunpoint, robbed, physically assaulted and subjected to dehumanizing verbal attacks during the nine days when the Tigrayan soldiers controlled the town. The attacks amounted to war crimes, Amnesty said.

Fourteen of the 16 told Amnesty that they were gang-raped. Some said the Tigrayans told them that the rapes were revenge for earlier rapes of Tigrayan women by Ethiopian soldiers.

Almost all of the women had suffered physical and mental health problems as a result of the attacks, but most were unable to receive any health care because the Tigrayan soldiers had damaged and looted the town’s hospital and health clinic, the report said.

An independent humanitarian agency that normally provides health services told Amnesty that it cannot enter the area because of security concerns caused by the government’s verbal attacks on relief agencies.

A joint investigation by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the UN human rights office found strong evidence of widespread sexual assaults by all sides in the war in northern Ethiopia. It found a continuous rise in the number of survivors visiting hospitals to seek treatment for sexual and gender-based violence, with more than 1,320 hospital visits in Tigray alone in the first six months of the war.

The joint investigation, in a report released on Nov. 3, found that Ethiopian, Eritrean and Tigrayan troops were implicated in multiple reports of gang rape in more than a dozen cities and towns. The assaults were so widespread and systematic that they could be defined as crimes against humanity, it said.

“Some of the reported accounts of rape were characterized by appalling levels of brutality,” the report said. “Acts of rape were frequently intended to degrade and dehumanize an entire ethnic group.”

Some governments and activists are proposing an international convention to make sexual violence as universally prohibited in wars as chemical weapons or land mines.

“It is grotesque that sexual violence and rape is used as a weapon of war, and it’s used to exercise power over women,” British Foreign Secretary Liz Truss said in a speech last week.

She cited a study in South Sudan that found that about a third of all women had suffered conflict-related sexual violence.

“It’s wrong that it’s treated less seriously than chemical warfare or land mines,” she said.

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ): ብ28 ሕዳር 2021 ነዊሕ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ፍሉይ ምምኽኻራዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ፡ ብዛዕባ ኣገደስትን እዋናውን ዛዕባታት ዘትዩ። ኣብ መእተዊ እዚ ኣኼባ ኣቦመንበር ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰዲህኤ ኣቶ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) “እንኳ ደሓን መጻእኩም” ድሕሪ ምባል፡ እቲ ፍሉይ ኣኼባ ዝተጸወዓሉ ምኽንያት ኣብሪሁ።

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣብዚ ኣኼባኡ ቀዳምነት ሂቡ ዝረኣዮ፡ ከም መቐጸልታ ናይቲ ክስረሓሉ ዝጸንሐ ንምሕያልን ምድልዳልን ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ዝምልከት እዩ። ኣብዚ ዛዕባ፡ ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርነዓት ዓለም ክሳብ ሕጂ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ጻዕሪ ዳህሲሱ ኣብ ቀጻሊ እውን ሰልፎም ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ንምሕያል ከም ዝጽዕቱ ጽኑዕ እምነት ከም ዘለዎ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ መዝጊቡ።

ኣብ ርእሲዚ ኣኼባ ብሓፈሻ ኩነታት ሓይልታት ለውጢ ኤርትራ ብፍላይ ከኣ ናይ ሓባር ጽላል ንምምስራት ብፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ዝግበር ዘሎ ጻዕርን በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ንምግንዛብን ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኩርነዓት ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ምዕባለታትን ሓበሬታታትን ዘትዩን መዚኑን። ኣኼባ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዝተፈላለዩ ናይ ውድባት፡ ሰልፍታትን ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላትን ምሕዝነታት ይፍጠሩ ከም ዘለዉ ክርዳእ ክኢሉ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ምሕዝነታት ምፍጣሩ ዝድገፍ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ቀዳምነት ሰሪዕካ ክስረሓሉ ዝግበኦ ግና ንኹሉ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ዘሳትፍ ሰፊሕ ጽላል ምምስራት ኣዝዩ ኣገዳስን እዋናውን ምዃኑ ተረዲኡ። በዚ መሰረት ሰዲህኤ ንኹሉ ምድንጓያትን ዕንቅፋታትን በዲህካ፡ መስርሕ ምምስራት ሰፊሕ ጽላል ንምዕዋት ብፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ (ፖሓኤ) ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ክሳብ ዝዕወት ብዘለዎ ዓቕሚ ክቃለሰሉ ድልዊ ምዃኑ ርእዩ።

እዚ ኣኼባ ዝተማኸረሉ ካልእ ጉዳይ፡ እዚ ንመላእ ዞባና ኣብ ሓደጋ ከየውድቖ ዘስግእ ዘሎን ኣብ ኤርትራ ሓያል ጽልዋ ዘለዎን፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ እዩ። ነዚ ብዝምልከት ኣብ ዝተመያየጠሉ እቲ ህልዊ ናይ ሓይልታት ኣሰላልፋ እንታይ ከም ዝመስል ርእዩ። ካብ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ጀሚርካ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት ኣብ ውግእ ኢትዮጵያ ትግራይ ዘርእይዎ ዘለዉ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ሓጋዚ ከም ዘይኮነ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተገንዘቦ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ “እቲ ውግእ ብዘተ ክፍታሕ ዝነበረ ተስፋ” ንድሕሪት ምምላሱ ከም ዘተሓሳስብ እውን ርእዩ። ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ናይቲ ውግእ ሓደጋ ኣብዚ ሕጂ ዝረአ ዘሎ ሓደገኛ ደረጃ ከይበጽሐ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ  ዝወርድ ዝነበረን ዘሎን ኩሉ ዓይነት ግህሰታት ተቓዊሙን ፖለቲካዊ ሚዛን ሂቡን፡ ደጋጊሙ “ኣብ ክንዲ ብውግእ ብዘተን ልዝብን ክፍታሕ” ኣቕሪብዎ ዝነበረ መዋጽኦ ሕጂ’ውን ህያው ስለ ዝኾነ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ግቡእ ቆላሕታ ክህብዎ ደጊሙ ኣዘኻኺሩ።

ብዛዕባ መጻኢ ዝምድና ኤርትራ፡ ብሓፈሻ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ብፍላይ ምስ ትግራይ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከም ናይ ቀረባ ጐረቤት ዝተፈላለዩ ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት ነናቶም ሓሳብ የንጸባርቑ ከም ዘለዉ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ መዚኑ። ሰዲህኤ ብወገኑ ኣብቲ ካብ ቅድም ብመሰረት ብጉባአ ዝጸደቐ ናይ ዝምድና ፖሊሲኡ ነቒሉ፡ ኣብ ናይ ክልቲኡ ህዝብታት ናይ ሓባር ረብሓን ሰላማዊ ጉርብትናን ምትሕግጋዝን ኢድ ዘይምትእትታውን ዝተሰረተ ንክኸውን ከም ዝኣምንን ንክዕወት ከም ዝቃለሰሉን  ኣነጺኡ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ንናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣበርክቶ ኣባላትን ደገፍትን ሰዲህኤ ዳግማይ ንኢዱ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ እውን ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ንምዕባለታት ብመንጽር መትከል ሰልፎምን ኣርሒቕካ ምርኣይን እንዳመዘኑ ሰልፎም  ናይ ምሕያል ቃልሶም ብዝለዕለ ናህሪ ክቕጽሉ ጸዋዒቱ ኣሕዲሱ።

ቀዳም 27 ሕዳር 2021 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ኣኼባ፡ ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ኣውዲቑ። ጉባኤ ዞባ ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ንምሕያል ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዜ ወፈያ ገንዘብን ንዕጫ ዝወድቕ ኣቕሓ ክቕረብን ብዘጽደቖ ዉሳኔ እዩ እቲ መደብ ተኻይዱ። በዚ ኣገባብ ኣታዊ ዝኸውን ገንዘብ ንማሕበራውን ውደባውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ንምዕዋት ዝውዕል እዩ።

ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ እዛ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ክትወድቕ መደብ ምስተለመ ኩሎም ኣባላት ብጻዕቒ ተዋፊሮም ስድራቤትን ፈተውትን ከም ዝሳተፉ ብምግባር ኣዝዩ ዕዉት መደብ ከምዝኸውን ጌሮም። ኩሎም ቲኬት ዝገዝኡ ፈተውትን ደገፍቲ ሰልፍናን ዝተዓደምሉ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ናይ ዙም ኣኼባ፡ ኣኼበኛታት እናተመልከቱ ዕጫ ወዲቓ ኣብ ሮቸስተር ኒው ዮርክ ዝተሸጠት ቲኬት ቁጽሪ 763175 ተዓዊታ።    

ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ብ $500 (ሓሙሽተ ሚእቲ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ዝተገዝአት 675 ቲኬታት ብ $10 (ዓሰርተ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ብምሻጥ ልዕሊ $6,000 (ሽዱሽተ ሽሕ) ኣታዊ ክትገብር ክኢላ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ንኹሎም እቶም ኣብ ንጥፈታት ናይዚ ዕጫ ብጻዕቂ ዝተዋፈሩ ኣባላትን፡ ዕጫ ብምግግዛእ ወፈያኦም ዘበርከቱ ዜጋታትን ልዑል ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ። ኣብ ዝመጽእ ተመሳሳሊ መደባት ሓገዝ ናይ ፈተውትን ደገፍትን ከምዘይጋደፈና ምሉእ እምነት ኣሎና።

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ። 

የቐንየልና።

ምልኪ ይፍረስ! ፍትሒ ይንገስ!

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

11-28-2021

ቀዳም 27 ሕዳር 2021 ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ኣኼባ፡ ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ኣውዲቑ። ጉባኤ ዞባ ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ሰልፊ ንምሕያል ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዜ ወፈያ ገንዘብን ንዕጫ ዝወድቕ ኣቕሓ ክቕረብን ብዘጽደቖ ዉሳኔ እዩ እቲ መደብ ተኻይዱ። በዚ ኣገባብ ኣታዊ ዝኸውን ገንዘብ ንማሕበራውን ውደባውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ ንምዕዋት ዝውዕል እዩ።

ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ እዛ ላፕ-ቶፕ ኮምፕዩተር (Laptop Computer) ኣብ ዕጫ ክትወድቕ መደብ ምስተለመ ኩሎም ኣባላት ብጻዕቒ ተዋፊሮም ስድራቤትን ፈተውትን ከም ዝሳተፉ ብምግባር ኣዝዩ ዕዉት መደብ ከምዝኸውን ጌሮም። ኩሎም ቲኬት ዝገዝኡ ፈተውትን ደገፍቲ ሰልፍናን ዝተዓደምሉ ንህዝቢ ክፉት ኣብ ዝነበረ ናይ ዙም ኣኼባ፡ ኣኼበኛታት እናተመልከቱ ዕጫ ወዲቓ ኣብ ሮቸስተር ኒው ዮርክ ዝተሸጠት ቲኬት ቁጽሪ 763175 ተዓዊታ።    

ሓንቲ ላፕ-ቶፕ ብ $500 (ሓሙሽተ ሚእቲ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ዝተገዝአት 675 ቲኬታት ብ $10 (ዓሰርተ ቅርሺ ኣሜሪካ) ብምሻጥ ልዕሊ $6,000 (ሽዱሽተ ሽሕ) ኣታዊ ክትገብር ክኢላ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ንኹሎም እቶም ኣብ ንጥፈታት ናይዚ ዕጫ ብጻዕቂ ዝተዋፈሩ ኣባላትን፡ ዕጫ ብምግግዛእ ወፈያኦም ዘበርከቱ ዜጋታትን ልዑል ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ። ኣብ ዝመጽእ ተመሳሳሊ መደባት ሓገዝ ናይ ፈተውትን ደገፍትን ከምዘይጋደፈና ምሉእ እምነት ኣሎና።

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ። 

የቐንየልና።

ምልኪ ይፍረስ! ፍትሒ ይንገስ!

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

11-28-2021

Saturday, 27 November 2021 20:47

Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 27.11.2021

Written by

ሓሙሽተ ኤርትራውያን ተቐዳደምቲ ብሽክለታ ምስ ካለኦት 10 ኣፍሪቃውያን ተቐዳደምቲ ንብሉጽ ኣፍሪቃዊ ተቀዳዳማይ 2021 ክወዳደሩ ከም ዝተሓጽዩ ማዕከን ዜና ቢቢሲ ሓቢሩ። እዞም 5 ኤርትራውያን ዝርከብዎም 15 ኣፍሪቃውያን ተቐዳደምቲ ብስክሊት ኣብቲ ዝካየድ ዓመታዊ  ውድድር ብኣካየድቲ ውድድር ትሮፒካለ ኣሚሳ ቦንጎ (ዙር ጋቦን) ዝውሃብ ኣፍሪቃዊ ሽልማት ንምውሳድ ዝተሓጽዩ እዮም።

እቶም ነቲ ኣህጉራዊ  ውድድርን ሽልማትን ተሓጽዮም ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን፡ ኣብ ቅድድም ሻምፕዮና ዓለም ተሸላሚ ብሩር መዳልያ ዝኾነ ቢንያም ግርማይ፡ መርሃዊ ቅዱስ፡ ሄኖክ ሙሉብርሃን፡ ናትናኤል ተስፋጽዮንን ናሆም ዘርኣይን እዮም።

እቶም መወዳርቶም ከኣ፡ ጉስታቭ ባሶን፡ ኒኮላስ ዲላምኒ፡ ርያን ሂብሲን  ልዊስ መንቲጅስን ዝተባህሉ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቃውያን ይርከብዎም። ኣብ ርእሲዚ ቦፓውል ዳውሞትን ሶሊማነ ኮነን ዝተባህሉ ደቂ ቡርኪናፋሶ፡ ዝሳተፉ ኮይኖም፡  ካብ ካሜሩን ከኣ፡ ብክሎቪስ፡ ካምዞንግን ኣርቱስ ተላን፡ ኣሊስያካ ሲሶን ካብ ኣይቮሪኮስት፡ ያሲር ሓምዛ ካብ ኣልጀርያን እውን  ከም ዝተሓጽዩ እቲ ዜና ሓቢሩ።

ኣብ 2020 ኤርትራዊ ቢንያም ግርማይን ያሲም ሓምዛ ካብ ኣልጀርያን ዝበለ ኣፍሪቃዊ ተቐዳዳማይ” ተባሂሎም ብኣካየድቲ ላ ትሪፒካለ ምሽላሞም ዝዝከር ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ 2021 ቢንያም ግርማይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብዘርኣዮ ተወዳዳርነትን ብዘመዝገቦ ዓለምለኻዊ ውጽኢትን  ንናይ 2021 ክወስድ እዩ ዝብል ልዑል ግምት ኣሎ ።

ቢንያም ግርማይ 24 መስከረም 2021 ኣብ ቤልጂም፡ ፍላንደርስ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ውድድር ሻምፕዮን ብሽክለታ ዓለም ናይ ትሕቲ 23 ዓመት 2ይ ደረጃ ብምውጻእ ተሸላሚ ብሩር ሜዳልያ ምዃኑ ይዝከር።

ቢንያም ንኤርትራ ኣብ ውድድር ሻምፕዮን ቅድድም ብሽክለታ ዓለም ፈላሚ መዳልያ ዘመዝገበ ተቐዳዳማይ ብምዃን ዝበረኸ ዓወት ምስ ምምዝጋቡ ኣብዚ ተሓጽይዎ ዘሎ ውድድር ክዕውት ከምዝኽእል ብዙሓት ይግምቱ። እዚ ውድድር ካብ ዝተጀመረሉ 2012 ኤርትርውያን ተወዳደርቲ ንሓሙሽተ ግዜ ብልጫ ምውሳዶም ኣብቲ ጸብጻብ ተሓቢሩ።

እስከ ንኤርትራና ከም ዓባይ መርከብ ንመስላ። ኣብዛ መርከብ ዝተጻዕና ዝተፈላለየ ኣገልግሎት ዝህባ ነናተን ህልውና ዘለወን ጀላቡ እውን ኣለዋ። እዛ መርከብ ውቅያኖሳትን ባሕርታትን ሰንጢቓ ካብኣ ዝድለ ኣገልግሎት ከተበርክትን ህልውነኣ ዓቂባ ክትቅጽልን ናይዘን ዘሳፈረተን ጀላቡ ብጽሒት ወሳኒ እዩ። እተን ጀላቡ ዝተሰለፋሉ ተልእኮታት ክፍጽማ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ህላወአን ትርጉም ክህልዎ እውን፡ ናይታ እተሳፍረን ዓባይ መርከብ ግደ ወሳኒ እዩ።

ካልእ ይትረፍ እተን ጀላቡ ምእንቲ ህልውነአን፡ ኣብቲ ንኹለን ዝምልከተን ምዕቃብ ህልውና ናይታ ሓቛፊተን ዓባይ መርከብ ብሓባር ክዓያን ክናበባን ተደላዪ እዩ። ኣብቲ ነንበይነን ዝህበኦ ኣገልግሎትን ህልውናአን ዝዕቅባሉን ብብዙሕ መምዘንታት ዝፈላለ እውን ነታ ሓቛፊተን ብዘይሃስን ብዘይከፋፍልን ተኸኣኢለን ካብ ምቕጻል ካልእ መተካእታ የብለንን። እዚ እተን ጀላቡ እንተፈተዋ ዝገብረኦ እንተጸለኣ  ከኣ ዝገድፈኦ ዘይኮነ፡ ዘይስገር ናይ ኩለን ማዕረ ቅሩብነት ዝሓትት  ናይ ህልውናአን ወሳኒ ሓላፍነት እዩ።

ነታ ዓባይ መርከብ ከም ኤርትራ መሲልናያ ኣለና። እተን ጀላቡ ከኣ ነተን፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ብሄር፡ ኣውራጃ፡ ዝያዳ ድማ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባ ዝማእከለን መንነታት፡ ውዳበታትን ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓላትን ከኣ ከምተን ኣብታ መርከብ ዝተሳፈራ ጀላቡ ጌርና ንውሰደን እሞ፡ ነቲ ዝምድናአን በዚ መንፈስ ንቓንዮ። እዘን ከም ጀላቡ ተመሲለን ዘለዋ ኣብ ክሊ ዝኾነ ዛዕባ ወይ ኣተሓሳስባ ይወደባ ብዘየገድስ  ካብ ህልወና እዛ ዓባይ መርከብ ኤርትራ ዝተፈልየ ህልውናን ቀጻልነትን የብለንን። ኩለን ናይታ ዝዋሰኣላ ኤርትራ ህልውና ናይ ምዕቃብ፡ እቲ ሓደ ናይቲ ካልእ እጃም ዘይትከኣሉ ንኹለን ዝምልከት ግደታ ኣለወን። ንልኡላውነትን ሃገርነትን ኤርትራ ከይዓቀብካ ዝኾነ ዓይነት ውዳበ ይሃለውካ ቀጻልነት የብሉን። እዚ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘሎ ፈላሊኻ ክረአ ዘይከል ዝምድና ኣዕሚቑ  ዘርእየና ኢዩ።

 ኣጠማምታ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብኣንጻርዚ ግልቡጥ እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ እታ መርከብ ኮነ እተን ጀላቡ ንሱ ጥራይ ገይሩ እዩ ዝወስድ። እዚ ምስቲ “ንሕና ሃገር ንሕና ህዝቢ” ዝብል ጓዕጻጺ መዝምሩ ኣዛሚድካ ክረአ ዝኽእል እዩ።  ስለዚ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ፖለቲካውን ህዝባውን ውዳበታታን ዘሎ ዝምድና ትርጉም ኣይህቦን እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ህግደፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ንዕቀት ካብ ዘርእየሉ መልከዓት ሓደ እዩ። ህግደፍ ሓንሳብ መንገዲ ምልኪ ስለ ዝመረጸን ኤርትራ ክንዲ “ንህልውነኣ ዋጋ ዝኸፈለ ሓርበኛ ህዝቢ”  ዝኣክል ሕቡን ዋና ከም ዘለዋ ኣብ ግምት ኣየእቱን እዩ። ካብዚ ዕዉር ትዕቢትን ንዕቀትን ስለ ዝነቅል ከኣ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ዝምልከት “ኣነ እየ ኹሉ” ብዝብል  ብዘይዝኾነ ይኹን ቅቡል ውክልና፡ ብስም ህዝብን ሃገርን ኤርትራ ሓደገኛ ዘይትካላውን ዘይሕጋውን ውሳነታት ይውስን። እቲ ውሳነታት ድማ ብዋጋ እቲ ዋና ኤርትራ ክነሱ ኣብቲ ውሳነ ኢዱ ዘይሓወሰ  ህዝብን ንብረቱን እዩ ዘተግብሮ።

ኩሉ ህግደፍ ዝገብሮ ንኤርትራ ዘየርብሕ እኳደኣ ናብ ሓደጋ ዘእትዋ ኢድ ምትእትታዋት ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣንጻር ሱዳን፡ የመንን፡ ጅቡትን ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣንጻር ኢትዮጵያን በብግዜኡ ዘካየዶን ሰፍ ዘይብል ዋጋ ዘኽፈለን ውግኣት ካልእ ናይዚ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ መንገዱ መግለጺ እዩ። ኣብዚ ሎሚ እዋን ናይ ህግደፍ ናይ ነዊሕ ግዜ ተመኩሮ ኣብ ግምት ኣእቲኻ ካብ ድሌትን ባህግን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ምኻዱን ንሃገርና ኣብዚ ዘላቶ ስግኣት ከእትዋን ኣይኮነንዶ ንኤርትራውያን ንዘይኤርትራዊ ኣካላት እውን ውሁብ እዩ። ኣይገብሮን እምበር ንዓና ኮነ ንሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ብርቂ ተረኽቦ ዝኽውን ህግደፍ መሰረታዊ ረብሓ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወ መንገዲ እንተዝሕዝ እዩ።

 እቲ ኣዛራብን ሕቶታት ዘኸትልን ዝኸውን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ህግደፍ ኣንጻር ረብሓኡን ክብሪ ሃገሩን እንዳ ዓንደረ እንከሎ ፡ ኣብ ገዛእ ጉዳዩ ስቕ ክመርጽ እንከሎ እዩ። ስቕ ኢሉ ክበሃል እንከሎ ዓው ኢሉ ዘይምዝራቡ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ እምበርከ፡ ማዕረ’ቲ ክብደት ጭቆናኡን ህግደፍ ዝኸዶ ዘሎ ናይ ጥፍኣት መንገድንከ   የስተብህለሉዶ ይህልዉ? ክትብል እውን ስለ ዝድርኽ እዩ። እቲ ዝያዳ ዘገርም ከኣ ገለ ዝተዓዛዘሮምን ሓንሳብ ካብ ኣተኹዎ ኣይወጽእን ኢሎም ኣብ ህልኽ ዝኣተዉን ኤርትራውያን  ኣገልገልቲ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ነዚ ዘይርትዓውን ዘይፍትሓውን ኣሽካዕላል፡ ርዒሞም “ንኺድ ጥራይ” ክብልዎ እንከለዉ እዩ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኢትዮጵያውያን “ምዕራባውያን ሃገራትን ናይ ዜና ማዕከናቶምን ካብ ጉዳይና ኢድኩም ኣልዕሉ” ብዝብል ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ዘካየድዎ ሰልፍታት፡ ባንዴራ ኤርትራ እውን ትውዛወዝ ምንባራ ዝተዓዘብናዮ እዩ። ስም ኤርትራ ኣብ ከምዚ ተረኽቦ ክለዓል እንከሎ፡ ንዓና ሓይልታት ለውጢ’ውን  ኣስደሚሙና። ብዙሓት ኣብ ማሕበራዊ መራኸብታት ዝነጥፉ ኢትዮጵያውያን እኳ “ንሕና ዝያዳ ሚእቲ ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኢና። ጉዳይና ባዕልና ክንዓምም ዘእኽል ዓቕምን ድምጽን ስለ ዘለና ናይ ሓሙሽተ ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓገዝ ስለ ዘየድልየና ዓዲ ይውዓሉልና” እናበሉ ክሕጭጩ ሰሚዕናዮም። ኣብ ርእሲዚ  ካብቲ ኣሸሓት ኤርትራውያንን ኢትዮጵያውያንን ዝሃልቅሉ ዘለዉ ጀሚርካ፡ ንኩለ-መዳያዊ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ጉዳዮም ዝረግሙን ዝቃወሙን ኢትዮጵያውያን ውሑዳት ኣይኮኑን።  እቲ ኣንጻር ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኤርትራ ዘሎ ዓለም ለኻዊ  ውግዘት ከኣ ኣብ ዘለዎ እዩ።

እስከ ናብቲ መእተዊ ሓሳበይ   ክምለስ። ኣብ ብዙሓት ናይ ለውጢ ውዳበታት እንዋሳእ ብዙሓት ኤርትራዊ ኣካላት ኣለና። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሓደ ካብዞም ኣካላት እዩ።  ኤርትራ ድማ ንኹልና ብማዕረ እያ እትብጸሓና። ኤርትራን ህዝባን ንልኡላውነቶም፡ ልምዓቶም፡ ሰላሞምን ዲሞክራስያውነቶምን ናይ ኩልና ኣበርክቶን ቃልስን ይጽውዑ ኣለዉ። ስለዚ ነቶም ኣይኮነንዶ ብዛዕባ ናይ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስያውነት ክሓልዩ፡ ንህልውነኣ ዝፈታተኑ ዘለዉ ህግደፍን ናይ ግዳም መሻርኽቶምን ብኣትኩሮ እናጠመትና፡ ንሕና ሓይልታት ለውጢ፡ ክውገን ዝኽእል ፍልያትና ግቡእ መኣዝን ኣትሒዝና ኣብ ዝዓበየ ናይ ህልውናን ለውጥን ዕማም ብሓባር ክንቃለስ ኣብ እንግደደሉ ወሳኒ እዋን ምህላውና ኣይንረስዕ። ከምቲ ዝድለ ናይ ዘይምብርባር ድኽመት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጥራይ እነላግበሉ ዘይኮነ፡ ናባና’ውን ክንጥምት ግድን እዩ። ህግደፍ እናተወጠረን ዓቕሊ ኣናጽበበን ክኸይድ እንከሎ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ሓይልታት ለውጢ ክንብርኽ ዝግበኣና፡ ከምኡ ንደክም ምህላውና ንቡር ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ መርከብና ከይትጥሕል ንምድሓና ናብ ንቡር ቦታና ንምድያብ ንብቃዕ።

‫الرئيسية‬  مقالات  السودان قد يكون على وشك خسارة فرصته التاريخية للانتقال إلى ديمقراطية
مقالات - 26 نوفمبر 2021, 16:27


كانت فرصة تحول السودان إلى نظام ديمقراطي حقيقي منذ بداية شراكة العسكريين والمدنيين في أغسطس 2019 ضئيلة ثمً صارت تتضاءل باستمرار حتى وصلت إلى ما يشبه الانعدام إثر انقلاب 25 أكتوبر ولاحقاً اتفاق رئيس الوزراء مع العسكر والذي أدى إلى تخفيف الضغوط الدولية على الانقلابيين وإلى إرباك بعض القوى المدنية الرافضة للانقلاب.
يبدو أن العسكريين امتلكوا مبكراً استراتيجية واضحة تهدف إلى بناء نظام سياسي يكون تحت وصايتهم الدائمة، تُجرى فيه انتخابات في ظل قوانين يشرفوا على صياغتها وإقرارها وموازيين قوى تميل لصالحهم، نظام يكون منسجماً مع محيطه الإقليمي ومندمجاً في النظام الدولي مما يساعده على الإفلات من العزلة والعقوبات.
سعى العسكر، الذين توفرت لهم عوامل قوة عديدة؛ أدوات القمع، الوحدة الداخلية، المال والدعم الإقليمي، سعوا منذ انقلابهم على البشير للحصول على دعم سياسي داخلي ليتمكنوا من البقاء في السلطة وتنفيذ أجندتهم السياسية المستقبلية. وجد الانقلابيون ثلاثة مصادر رئيسة يمكنهم أن يحصلوا منها على الدعم السياسي؛ بقايا النظام السابق، الإدارة الأهلية والحركات المسلحة.
لم يستغرق الحصول على دعم الإدارة الأهلية وقتاً طويلاً فهي مخزون يستخدمه من يمتلك السلطة. أما بقايا النظام السابق فقد كانت قدرة العسكر في الحصول على دعم سياسي منهم وستظل محدودة بسبب الشكوك بين الطرفين وارتباطات العسكر بالمحور الإقليمي الرافض للإسلام السياسي. حقق العسكر أحد أكبر الاختراقات السياسية من خلال اتفاق جوبا مع بعض الحركات المسلحة فقد حصلوا من خلال الاتفاق على كتلة اكتسبت شرعية محلية ودولية، مشابهة لهم في مرجعيتها وقد يكون لبعضها، إن لم يكن كلها، نفس رعاة العسكر الإقليميين كما ضمنوا اتفاق جوبا حشوات سُميت مسارات زادت من حظوظ الحركات المسلحة وحلفائهم العسكر في السلطة.
لم يكن الانقلاب معني فقط بمنع تسليم رئاسة مجلس السيادة إلى المدنيين كما تنص الوثيقة الدستورية لكنه هدف أيضا إلى تحقيق الهيمنة الكلية على مجلس السيادة لضمان تشكيل مؤسسات الفترة الانتقالية بما يخدم العسكر. حاول العسكر في البداية التخلص من الأشخاص الذين كانوا يقفون عثرة أمام هيمنتهم على مجلس السيادة من خلال المناداة بحل الحكومة وتكوين حكومة كفاءات، تشكيل تحالف سياسي ينازع قوى الحرية والتغيير شرعية تمثيل الشارع، خلق اضطرابات اجتماعية، والتشويه والتهديد لخصومهم من المدنيين وعندما فشلت تلك الوسائل لجأوا لاستخدام القوة وأعادوا صياغة موازيين القوة بما يخدم أجندتهم.
بإعادة تشكيل مجلس السيادة بموالين لهم سيكون بمقدور العسكر تكوين المؤسسات التي ستحدد ملامح مرحلة ما بعد الانتقال مثل المجلس التشريعي، مفوضية الانتخابات ومفوضية الدستور، تعيين رئيس القضاء (تم تعيينه) والنائب العام بما يضمن توظيف تلك المؤسسات وهؤلاء الأفراد لصالح استراتيجيتهم في الوصول إلى نظام سياسي مُسيطر عليه من قبلهم.
قصد العسكر من اتفاقهم مع رئيس الوزراء تخفيف الضغوط الداخلية والدولية عليهم. يبدو إنهم عرفوا طبيعة شخصية رئيس الوزراء وفهم الرجل لطبيعة دوره. الذين جاءوا بالدكتور حمدوك لرئاسة الوزارة كانوا يقرأون من نفس كتاب النظام السابق. اعتقد نظام البشير أن سبب مشكلاته الداخلية هو عزلته الدولية فأعلن عن تعيين حمدوك وزيراً للمالية عله ينجح في فك تلك العزلة قبل أن يرفض حمدوك المنصب. لم يكن لدى حمدوك ميزة عندما اُختير وزيراً لمالية النظام السابق ورئيساً لوزراء الفترة الانتقالية سوى علاقاته الدولية التي اكتسبها من عمله لفترة طويلة في المؤسسات الدولية.
عندما قال رئيس الوزراء في تبريره لإبرام الاتفاق مع العسكر أنه أراد المحافظة على الإنجازات الاقتصادية التي تحققت في الفترة الماضية إنما كان يؤكد على نفس رؤية الآخرين للدور المطلوب منه. إذا كان رئيس الوزراء يعتقد أن إنجازاته الاقتصادية ستدخله التاريخ فهو مخطئ. سيتم تقييم دوره في الفترة الانتقالية من خلال ما قدمه لقضية التحول الديمقراطي وإذا استمر في اتفاقه الحالي مع العسكر فستتم الإشارة إليه باعتباره أحد الذين قوضوا الفرصة التاريخية لانتقال السودان لنظام ديمقراطي حقيقي. هذا لا يعفى القوى المدنية الأخرى من مسؤوليتها فهي بالتأكيد أكبر من مسؤولية أي شخص مهما عظم دوره. يفترض في القوى المدنية أن تتحد الآن حول برنامج واضح يسعى لتوفير كل الشروط الضرورية لضمان انتقال البلاد إلى ديمقراطية حقيقية ورفض أية صيغة تعطي العسكر حق الوصاية على الفترة الانتقالية أو تمكنهم من تقويض الانتقال الديمقراطي.
الديمقراطية ليست فقط انتخابات كما يردد العسكر وأنصارهم فهي نظام متكامل لإدارة الدولة. سياسياً تضمن الديمقراطية حق المواطنين في اختيار حكامهم ومحاسبتهم، اقتصادياً توفر ظروف أفضل للنهوض حيث تخضع خطط التنمية والتشريعات المرتبطة بها لسلطة الشعب بما يمنع العشوائية والفساد، اجتماعياً توفر الديمقراطية فرصاً أفضل للتعايش بين مختلف تكوينات البلاد، تضمن توفير التعليم الحديث وفرص النهل من الثقافات المحلية وتطويرها والتفاعل الإيجابي مع الثقافات العالمية. تضمن الديمقراطية الحقيقية احترام حقوق الإنسان وتمنع أية انتهاكات لها وجود قضاء مستقل وإعلام حر، كما إنها ضرورية للاستقرار.
إذا لم يتم تغيير تركيبة مجلس السيادة الحالية من خلال نقل السلطة كلياً للمدنيين أو إحداث نوع من التوافق يعطي المدنيين الغلبة لتشكيل مؤسسات الفترة الانتقالية ستجد البلاد نفسها في نهاية الفترة الانتقالية تحت نير ديكتاتورية من نوع جديد فتتبدد التضحيات العظيمة التي قدمها نساء وشباب السودان في سبيل التخلص من هيمنة العسكر على السلطة وعلى موارد البلاد.

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