Saturday, 13 April 2019 09:01

መወዳእትኡ የጸብቆ

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እቲ “ቀውዒ ዓረብ” ዝብል ስያሜ ዝተዋህቦ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ኣብ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ዕምሪ ምልካውያን ስርዓታት ዝሓጸረሉ እውን እዩ ነይሩን ጌናውን ይቕጽል ኣሎ። እዚ ዕምሪ ምልካውያን ብኽልተ መገዲ እዩ ዝሓጽር ዘሎ። እቲ ቀዳማይ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ኮይኑ፥ እቲ ካልኣይ ብደጋዊ ሓይሊ ዝተሰነየ እዩ።

እተን ከም ኣብነት ብደጋዊ ሓይሊ ዕምሪ ምልኪ ዝሐጸራ ሃገራት በዓል ዒራቕ፥ ሊብያ፥ ወዘተ ክኾና ከለዋ፥ እተን ብህዝባዊ ናዕቢ እሞ መወዳእትኡ እቲ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ  ስልጣን ዝጨበጠለን እየን። እዚ ድማ ኣብ ከም በዓል ግብጺ፥ ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ድማ ኣብ ሱዳን ዝተራእየ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ እቲ ስልጣን እቲ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ እዩ ጨቢጥዎ። እዚ ዘይጎነጻዊ ቃልሲ ክሳብ ክንደይናይ ሓያል ምዃኑ ትምህርቲ ክንቀስመሉ ንኽእል ኢና። እዚ ንደምበ ተቓውሞ ንሓያሎይ ዓመታት ነቲ ስነፍልጠታዊ ተንታኑ ኣዘንቢዕካ ተመኩሮ ዘይጎነጻዊ ከምዘይዕወት ገርካ ዝቐርብ ዝነበረ ዘእርም እዩ።

ብዝኾነ እቲ ስልጣን ኣብ ኢድ ብወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ ምስ ዝወድቕ ኣሉታውን እወንታውን ሸነኽ ክህልዎ እዩ። እቲ እንታይነት ናይቲ ስልጣን ዝጭብጥ ሓይሊ  ነታ ሃገር ኣብ ከመይ ዝበለ ኩነት እዩ ክመርሓ ዝብል ሓደጋታት ዝሓዘለ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ናይዚ ምልክት ድማ እቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዝረአ ዘሎ ተመኩሮ እቲ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ ስልጣኑ ብሰላማዊ መገዲ ንህዝቢ (ስቪል) የረክብዶ።? ወይ ስልጣን ብሒቱ ከምቶም ዝቐደሙ ስልጣን ጨቢጦም ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ቸቸይ ዝበሉ  እዩ ከኸውን?

ንኣብነት ኣብ ሱዳን ብ1969 ብህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ኣቢሉ ጀነራል ኑመይሪ ነቲ ስልጣን ምስ ሓዘ ድሕሪ 16 ዓመት ስልጣኑ ንህዝቢ ከየረከበ ነሱ ውን ብህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ካብ ስልጣኑ ተገሊፉ። ሽዑ ነቲ ስልጣን ዝጨበጠ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ ብጀነራል ስዋር ኣልዘሃብ ንሓደ ዓመት መሪሑ ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ስልጣን ናብ ስቪል ኣመሓላሊፉ። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ እቲ ኩሉ ግዜ ስልጣን ዝሕዝ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ መብዛሕትኡ ግዜ ንሱ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ኣብ ምልካዊ ምሕደራ እዩ ዝኣቱ።

ስለዚ ሓድሓደ ከምቲ ናይ ጀነራል ስዋር ኣልዘሃብ ስልጣን ዝጭብጡ ናብ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራ ከሰጋግር ዝገበሮ ኣይሰኣንን እዩ። ሕጂ እውን ኣብ ሱዳን ድሕሪ ህዝባዊ ናዕቢ ወይ ዘይጎነጻዊ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ስልጣን ጨቢጡ ዘሎ ወተሃደራዊ ሓይሊ እዩ። ከምቲ እቲ ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ጀነራል ዝበሎ ድማ ነቲ ስልጣን  ንኽልተ ዓመት ክመርሖ ምዃኑ እምበር ድሕሪ ክልተ ዓመት እንታይ እዩ እቲ ትልሚ ኣይገለጸን። ኣብዘን ናይ ክለተ ዓመት ናይ ስልጣን ግዜኡኸ እንታይ ዓይነት ለውጢ ኢዩ ክገብር ዝብል ዓብይ ሕቶ ዘልዕል ምዃኑ ኣይንረስዕ።

ኣብ ናትና ተመሊስና ከመይ ክኸውን እዩ? ዝብል ሕቶ ክንምልስ የድሊ። ኩነታት ኤርትራ እንተተመልኪትና እቲ ወድዓዊ ኩነት ደጊም በሲሉ እዩ፥ እቲ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ማሕበራውን ቁጠባውን በዓል ቤታዊ ዓቕሚ ግን ጋና ኣይበቐዐን ዘሎ። ኣይበቐዐን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ ተመኩሮ ናይ ዘይጎነጻዊ ኣገባብ ኣቀላልሳ ዘይምህላው፡ ከምኡ’ውን እቲ ኣተሃላልዋ ደላይ ለውጢ ገሊኡ ንውደባን ጥርናፈን ዝጸልእ፥ ውድባትን በርገሳውያን ማሕበራትን ድማ ንሓድሕደን ዘይቃደዋን፥ ነፍሲ ወከፈን ገደብ ሓላፍነተን ኣብ ዝሰሓታሉ ህሞት ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ሳልሳይ ነጥቢ እታ ሃገር ንኹልና ተቓወምትን ደገፍትን ብሓባር ትምልከተና ክንሳ፡ ነቲ ደጋፊ ስርዓትየ ዝብል ብዘጓኒ ዓይነት ኣቀራርባ ንጐዓዝ ምህላውና፥ እቲ ካልእ ድማ እቲ ደጋዊ ሓይሊ ብኸመይ ዝበለ ሜላን ምስጢርን ይኸይድ ምህላው ኣይንግንዘብን ዘሎና።

ኣብ መወዳእታ እቲ ኩሉ ዝካየድ ናይ ስርሕ ፍንጥሕ ጥርናፈታት ናብ ውሽጢ ዝስሕበና ዘይኮነስ ንደገ እንዝረወሉ ኮይኑ “ኣነ ጥራሕ እየ” ኣብ ዝብል ናይ ስልጣን ውድድር ደረጃ ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ስለዚ ነዚ ኹሉ ክንፈትሓሉ ዝግባእ ተደላዪ ዕማም ቦዂሩና ኣሎ። እቲ ስርዓት ሎሚ ዲዩ ጽባሕ ናይ ግዜ ገደብ ይንዋሕ ይሕጸር ብዘየገድስ ክወድቕ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። እቲ ኣዝዩ ሓደገኛን ተሃዋስን ስለ ዝኾነ ክንነቕሓሉ ዝግባእ ጉዳይ ግና ኣሎ። ንሱ ድማ እዚ ኣብ ደገ ዘሎ ተቓዋሚ ብዘይወዓል ሕደር ሰልፍታት ኣብ ነሓድሕደን ከምኡ እውን በርጌሳውያን ማሕበራት ብዘይቅድመ ኩነት ተቐራሪበን  መሰጋገሪ ፍኖተ ገበይ (road map) ክሕንጽጻ ይግበአን። ካብኡ ሓሊፉ መወዳእትኡ የጸብቐልና እዩ ዝበሃል።

ድራር መንታይ

ዝሓለፈ ሓደ ዓመት ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ፡ ካብቲ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝነበሮ ዝምድና ኣእሽኹ ተሓቢእሉ ዝነበረ በዓቲ ተገዲዱ ምስወጸ፡ ካብ ማይ ከም ዝወጸ ዓሳ  ከዕለብጠሉ ዝጸንሐ ግዜ እዩ። እቲ ፈቐድኡ ስግኣት ሰንዲሕዎ ዝስሕቖን ዝለፋለፎን ዝነበረ ከኣ፡ ውሽጣዊ ስግኣትን ሻቕሎትን ዝወለዶ እምበር ናይ ብሓቂ ከምዘይነበረ ናይ ብዙሓት በላሕቲ ግምት እዩ። ብዙሓት ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ዝፈልጥዎ ኣካላት ኩነታቱ ርእዮም “እምበርከ ንሱ ድዩ እዚ ሰብኣይ” ዝብልሉ ዝነበሩ ትዕዝብቲ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን።

ኢሳይያስ ነቲ “ንሕና ዘምጻእናዮ ለውጢ እዩ። ሃንደበት ዝመጸ ዘይኮነስ ነዊሕ ዕድመ ዘለዎ እዩ” ክብሎ ዝጸንሐ ኣብ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዝተራእየ፡ ለውጢ ዲና ክንብሎ ጽገና  ክንድቲ ትንፋስ ክሳብ ዝሓጽሮ ኣፍልቡ ዝወቐዓሉን ኣፉ ክሳብ ዝትርተር ዝሰሓቐሉን ብውሽጡ ከቐጽሎ ከምዘይከኣለ ዘመልክት ብዙሕ ሓላፍዘላፍን ናይ ዶባት ምዕጻውን ምኽፋትን ንዕዘብ ኣለና። እዚ ድማ እቲ ለውጢ ብናይ ካልኦት ዞባዊ ሕሳብ ንኢሳይያስ ንከተግብሮ ዝተዋህቦ እምበር፡ ናቱ ከምዘይነበረን ከምዘይኮነን ዘምልክት እዩ። እዚ ዝምድና ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ባዕሉ ሓሲቡ ዘምጸኦ ነይሩ እንተዝኸውን ኣይመደፈሮን። ምኽንያቱ እንተደፊርዎ ሳዕቤኑ እዚ ሕጂ ገማዕማዕ ኢሉ መጨበጢኡ ጠፊእዎ ዘጻብበሉ ዘሎ ኩነታት ዘኸትል ስለ ዝኾነ። እዚ ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና እዚ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ኣብቲ ሓሲበሉን ኣጽኖዐዮን ኢሉ ዝወስዶ ምርጫታት እውን ዓበይቲ ጌጋታት ከም ዝፍጽም ብምስሓት ኣይኮነን። ኣዋጅ ጸወታ ተወዲኡ (Game is over) ከም ኣብነት ዝውሰድ እዩ።

ዲክታቶር  ኢሳይያስ ኩነታቱ ኣብ ኤርትራ ጸገም ኣለዎ ኢልካ ጥራይ ዝሕለፍ ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ኩሉ ነገሩ ጸገም ስለ ዝኾነ። ብዘይቃለዓለም ምምሕዳሩ ኣብ ኤርትራ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ግናይ እዩ ኢልካዮ ምሕላፍ እዩ ዝሓይሽ። ነቲ ግናዩ ዘህድእ ዋላ ቁንጣሮ ኣውንታ’ውን የብሉን። ሎሚ ከኣ እቲ ጸገሙ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ጥራይ ዝድረት ኣይኮነን። ደጊም ከምቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኣብ ኤርትራ ገዛ ዓጺኻ ብኻለኦት ምጥቃውን ምሕጫጭን የለን። እቲ ማዕጾ ተሰይሩ እዩ። ናይ ለውጢ ንፋስ ናብን ካብን ኤርትራ ክነፍስ ዝኽልክሎ ማዕጾ የለን። ናይዚ እዋንዚ ዕላል ህዝቢ ኣብ ሕንብርቲ ኤርትራ ኣስመራ ከኣ ነዚ ዘረጋግጽ ኮይኑ ኣሎ።

እቲ ብኤርትራውያን ካብ ውሽጢ ሃገርን ዲያስፖራን መመሊሱ ዝስስን ዘሎ ናይ ለውጢ ማዕበል ደጊም መላሲ የብሉን። ኤርትራዊ ኩነታት ብናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ሕጊ እምበር ብናይቲ ዲክታቶር ጽቡቕ ድሌት ይቕለስ ከምዘየለ ብዙሕ ምልክታት ንርኢ ኣለና። ንኢሳይያስ ኣጻቢብሉ ዘሎ እምበኣር እዚ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ንኤርትራ ከቢብዋ ዘሎ ህቦብላ’ውን ካብ ድሌትን ትጽቢትን ወጻዕቲ ወጻኢ ዝሕንበብ ዘሎ እዩ። ሓደ እዋን በቲ ኣብ ቱንዝያ፡ ግብጺ፡ ሊብያን ካለኦት ሃገራት ከባብናን ዝተወለዐ ናይ ለውጢ ሽግ ዝብዳዕ ዝነበረ እዚ ኤርትራዊ ዲክታቶር፡ እቲ ማዕበላት ኣብ በቦታኡ ተደሪቱ ዝተርፍ’ዩ ዝመስሎ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ እዚ ህቦብላታት ዕቤቱ ሓልዩ ዝመጽእ ምዃኑ ሕጂ ባዕሉ እቲ ህቦብላ ይዛረብ ኣሎ። ንዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ከኣ “መጻኹኻ” ይብሎ ኣሎ። እዚ ናይ ለውጢ ማዕበል ብድሌት ኢሳይያስ ዝዕቀንን ዝዕገስን ዘይኮነስ፡ ብናቱ መስርሕ ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ዝጸንሕዎ ዲክታቶራት እንዳመልዓሰ ዝጐዓዝ ምዃኑ ምልክታት ንርኢ ኣለና።

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ለውጥ ድዩ ጽገና ዝብሉ ሕቶታት ዘልዓለን መዓርፎኡ ጌና ዘይተፈልጠን ምንዕዓብ ተዓዚብና። እዚንኢሳይያስ በዓል ጽብቑ ከምዘይኮነ፡ ምንቕናቕ ኤርትራውያን ሓይልታት ለውጢ ኣብ ውሽጥን ወጻእን መስካሪ እዩ። ኣብ ኣልጀርያ ዝተራእየ ህዝባዊ ሓይልን ውጽኢቱን ተዓዚብና። መልእኽቱ ኣብ ኣልጀርያ ተሓጺሩ ዝተርፍ ዘይኮነ ናብዚ ናይ ሃገርና ዝብኢ’ውን መልእኽቲ ኣለዎ። እነሆ ሕጂ ከኣ ኣብ ድርኩኺት ኢሳይያስ፡ መራሒ ሱዳን ዑመር ኣልበሽር ጸግዑ ሒዙ። እዞም ተረኽቦታት ድሕሪ ሕጂኸ  ናበይ ገጾም ክኸዱ እዮም ኣብ መጻኢ ብናይቶም ኣብ ሃሃገሮም ዘለዉ ኣብ ለውጢ ረብሓ ዘለዎም ኣካላት ዝውሰን እዩ። ብውሕዱ ግና ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነት ዝበሪኹ ዝተራእየሎም  ተረኽቦታት እዮም። እሞኸደኣ ኣብ ታሪኹ ካብዚ ባህራሪ ዲክታተር  ዝዓቢ ናይ መግዛእቲ መንደቕ ዘፍረሰ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ነዚ ወታቲፍካ ዝተሰርሐ ኢሳያሳዊ ዘይርጡብን ዘይሕጋውን መንደቕ ዘይኮነስ ግድግዳ ምፍራፍ ከጸግሞ’ዩ ማለት ድዩ? ኣይመስለንን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ትዕግስቱ ኣብ ፍርሒ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ ሃገራዊ ሓልዮት ዝተመስረተ ምንባሩ ኣብ ዘረጋግጽ ግዜ በጺሕና ኣለና። ትዕግስቲ ከኣ ከም ኩሉ ኣምራት ደረት ስለ ዘለዎ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እንተኾነ ካብኡ ንላዕሊ፡ እንተዘየሎ፡ ኣሰር ህዝብታት፡ ቱኒዝያ፡ ሊብያን ግብጽን ሕጂ ድማ ሱዳን ምሓዝ ከምዘየጸግሞ ከርኢ ኣብ ዝግደደሉ ደረጃ በጺሕና ኣለና።

እዚ ኣብ ሱዳን ዝኽፈት ዘሎ ምዕራፍ፡ ብዛዕባ ኩለመዳያዊ ቃንኡ ኣብ መጻኢ እንከታተሎ ምዕባለ ኮይኑ፡ ብዓብይኡ ንዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስን ደቀመዛምርቱን ዘመሓላልፎ ረዚን መልእኽቲ ኣለዎ። ናይቲ መልእኽቲ ማእከል ከኣ “ናይ ህዝቢ ሓያልነት” ንድሕሪት ከምዘይምለስ እዩ። መልእኽቱ ኣብዚ ዝድረት ዘይኮነ ናብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እውን እዩ። ኣብዚ ናይ ህዝቢ ሱዳን ቀጻሊ እንዳወድቕካ እንዳተንሳእካ ንለውጢ ምስራሕ እጃም ደቂ ኣንስትዮን መንእሰያትን ዕዙዝ ምንባሩ ከኣ ነቲ ናብ ኤርትራውያን ዝመሓላለፍ መልእኽቲ መሊሱ የዕዝዞ። ሓይልታት ምክልኻል ኤርትራ ካብዚ መልእኽቲ ዝዓበየ ክፋል ዝወስድ እዩ። ደጊም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣፍ ኣውጺኡ “ከምዚ እንተዘይጌርካ ኣይናትናን ኢኻ” ክሳብ ዝብሎም ክጽበ ኣይግበኦን። ናይ ብሓቂ ካብ ኣብራኽ ህዝቢ ዝወጸ ምዃኑ ከረጋግጸሉ ዝግበኦ ብዙሕ ዕድላት ኣሕሊፉ እዩ። ካብቲ ዝሓለፈ ተመሂሩ ነዚ ዕድልዚ ከባኽኖ ኣይግበኦን። ላዕለዎት ኣዘዝቲ ሰራዊ’ውን “ብልዒ ሓላፊ ሽም ተራፊ” ክብለሉ ዝግበኦ ሎሚ እዩ። ናብቶም “ይኣክል” ንብል ዘለና በሃግቲ ለውጢ’ውን መልእኽቲ ኣለዎ። ምኽንያቱ ይኣክል ምእኩል እንተዘይኮይኑ ግዳይ ከፋፋሊ ውዲት ጉጅለ ኢሳይያስ ናይ ምዃን ዕድሉ ክፉት ምዃኑ ተገንዚብና “ክንሰጥም” ናይ ግድን እዩ።

ከምቲ ንነዊሕ ጉዕዞ ፈለግ ኒል ናብ ባሕሪ መዲተራንያን፡ ኣብቲ ክበጽሖ ዝግበኦ መዓርፎኡ ከይበጽሕ፡ ኣብ ኡጋንዳ፡ ኣብ ኬንያ፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ወይ ኣብ ሱዳን ክትዓግቶ ዘይከኣል፡ እዚ ብኣርባዕተ ማእዝን ንኢሳይያስ ከቢብዎ ዘሎ ማዕበል ለውጢ እውን ናብ ኤርትራ ከይውሕዝ ዝዓግቶ ሓይሊ የለን። እዚ ካብ ኮነ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ “ጸግዑ ንክሕዝ”፡ ንሕና ከኣ እቲ ድሕሪ ኢሳይያስ ዝመጽእ ዘበን ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ “ሰናይ ዘበን” ከም ዝኸውን ንምግባሩ ጨጭሕምና ማይ ንልከ።

Thursday, 11 April 2019 22:57

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 11.04.2019

Written by
By Felix Horne
Apr 08, 2019
 
Ethiopia’s transition to democracy has hit a rough patch. It needs support from abroad
Ethiopians rally in 2018 in support of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Addis Ababa. (Yonas Tadese / AFP / Getty Images)
 

The ascent of Dr. Abiy Ahmed to the post of prime minster in Ethiopia a year ago was a rare positive story in a year filled with grim news globally. Within months of taking office, his administration released tens of thousands of political prisoners, made peace with neighboring Eritrea, took positive first steps to ensure free and independent elections, and welcomed previously banned groups back into Ethiopia. It was an astonishing turnaround in a short period.

But the progress has created new challenges. Ethiopia’s rapid transition away from authoritarianism unleashed waves of dissatisfaction and frustration that had been crushed by the ruling party for decades. If Abiy (Ethiopians are generally referred to by their first names) can’t maintain law and order and come up with a plan to address the causes of that anger without repressive measures, his country’s considerable gains will be threatened.

There aren’t many success stories around the world as nations transition from authoritarianism to democracy. Ethiopia has a chance to become a model, but it will need significant help confronting its challenges.

There’s no evidence that Abiy’s administration has a clear strategy for addressing these growing tensions.


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As Ethiopians have become less afraid of voicing opinions, long-standing grievances have taken on new intensity. Disputes over access to land and complex questions of identity and administrative boundaries have led to open conflicts and score-settling, often along ethnic lines. Dissatisfaction has also been growing over long-standing questions about who gets to govern and manage the rapid growth of the capital, Addis Ababa. The rising tensions across Ethiopia have led to the displacement of more than2 million people since Abiy took office. And as tensions increase, this number is likely to rise.

Social media, meanwhile, has grown in popularity, and it is awash with hate speech. Firearms are flooding into many parts of the country. And local and federal authorities are losing control over security in many parts of the country. It’s a toxic mix with critical nationwide elections coming up in just over a year.

Progress is hampered by the lack of action from Abiy’s government, which has done little to calm inter-ethnic tensions and remedy the underlying issues. And institutions that could resolve such complex grievances are not yet seen as independent enough to address them in a nonpartisan way, following years of ruling party control. And perhaps most worryingly, there’s no evidence that Abiy’s administration has a clear strategy for addressing these growing tensions.

As Abiy’s popularity has waned, so has support for his reform agenda. There is mounting concern that Ethiopia risks becoming ungovernable if conflict and insecurity continue to rise. Some insist that if that happens a return to authoritarianism is the only way to keep the country together. It is not too late for Abiy to turn this situation around and build on the seeds of democracy he nurtured in his first few months in office. But a plan of corrective action, restoration of law and order, and some confidence-building measures are urgently needed from Abiy’s government.

Many Ethiopians living in the diaspora, including in the Los Angeles area, have backed Abiy’s effort at bringing democracy to Ethiopia. Ethiopians living abroad have raised more than $1 million to help some of those displaced by conflict.

Their efforts should be backed by the U.S. and other Western nations who have key long-standing partnerships with Ethiopia, including in the areas of migration, counter-terrorism and economic growth. They need to ensure that Abiy’s experiment with democracy succeeds. Should it fail, there would be dire humanitarian consequences for this country of over 100 million, many of whom protested against bullets and arrests from security forces for years in the hopes of a transition to a more rights-respecting government.

The United States and its allies can best support Ethiopians by continuing to offer praise for the reforms while also asking sometimes difficult questions about how Abiy’s government plans to restore law and order and address underlying grievances, and by determining what role the United States and other allies can play in making this happen. In Abiy, Ethiopia has a leader who, based on available evidence, genuinely wants that transition but may need a helping hand.

The next year is likely to determine how history remembers Abiy — and how democratic principles fare in Ethiopia.

Felix Horne is the senior Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Source=https://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-horne-ethiopia-abiy-ahmed-democracy-20190408-story.html

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

እዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና መዋእል፡ ዞባዊ ጥራይ ዘኮነስ ዓለም ለኻዊ ምቅርራብ እውን ዝድለየሉ መዋእል እዩ። ንነዊሕ ግዜ ብዘይዘእምን ምኽንያት፡ ገዛ ዓጽዩ ንህዝቢ ጅሆ ሒዙ ተሓቢኡ ዝጸንሐ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ፡ “ዞባ ቀይሕ ባርን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን” ዝብላ ሓረጋት መውጽእ ኣፉ ገይርወን ዘሎ፡ ካብ መሰረታዊ  ሓቢርካ ናይ ምዕባይ መትከል ዝነቐለ ኣይኮነን ኢልካ ንምግማት ዘጸገም ኣይኮነን። ከምዚ ዓይነት መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ ኣብ ከመይ ኩነታት፡ መዓስን ብመንን ይለዓል ዝብሉ ሕቶታት ኣብ ግምት ምእታው ኣብ ቦታኡ ኮይኑ፡ ኩለመዳያዊ ዞባውን ከባብያውን ምትእስስሳርን ምድግጋፍን ዝድገፍ እምበር ዝንጸግ ኣይኮነን።

እዚ ብዙሕ ዝድረፈሉ ዘሎ ናይ በዓል ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ከባብያዊ ምትሕብባር ምስ ናይተን ኣብ ዞባዊ መድረኽ ብሓባር ክሰርሓ ዝደልያ ሃገራት ዘቤታዊ ዕቤትን ቅዲ ምምሕዳርን ክናበብ እንተዘይክኢሉ፡ ኣብ መዓላ ዝበጽሕ ኣይኮነን። ዞባዊ ዕቤት፡ እኩብ ድምር ዕቤት ናይተን ኣብቲ ዞባዊ ብምትሕብባር ዝዋሰኣ ሃገራት እምበር ስለ ዝደረፍካሉ ጥራይ ከም ማና ካብ ዞባዊ ሰማይ ዝዘንብ ጸጋ ኣይኮነን። ርቡሕን ህዱእን ዓቕሚ ዘለወን ሃገራት ዝምስርተኦ ዞባዊ ምውህሃድ፡ ቀጻሊ ርቡሕን ህዱእን ይኸውን። ኣብ ኢደን ኣብ ሃሃገረን ዘጥረየኦ ዝጭበጥ ትሕዝቶ ዘየብለን ሃገራት ዝምስርተኦ ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ባዶ እዩ ዝኸውን። ኮታ ከምቲ “ዝዘራእካዮ ኢኻ ትሓፍስ” ዝበሃል። ኣብ ዞባዊ ዛዕባ ተዋሳኢ ንክትከውን ቁጠባዊ ዓቕሚ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ዘተኣማምን ሰላም፡ ምርግጋእን ህዝባዊ ተቐባልነትን’ውን ወሳኒ እዩ።

ሃገራት ቅድሚ ናብ ዞባዊ ምትእስሳር ምምጥጣረን ነናይ ገዛእ ርእሰን ኩለመዳያዊ ዕማም ከጻፍፋ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ዝባኑ ቀሊዑ ናብ ዕቤት ዝመጣጠር ናይ ህዝቢ ዲሞክራስያዊ ተሳትፎ ዘውሕስ ምምሕዳር ክህልወን ይግባእ። ኣብ ዞባዊ ቁጠባዊ ምዕባለ ሒዘንኦ ዝቐረባን ዝወዳደራሉን ናይ ህዝቢ ተሳትፎ ዕድል ዝኸፍት ንጹር ቁጠባዊ ፖሊሲ ምህላው ከኣ ግደኡ ኣዝዩ ዕዙዝ እዩ። ብመንጽር እዚ ብሓፈሻ ንዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ቀይሕ ባሕርን፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ንኤርትራና ዝምልከት ጉዳይ እንተዳህሰስና፡ ኤርትራ ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብ ዞባዊ መድረኽ ክትወዳደርን ክትተሓባበርን፡ እቲ ዝተሓተ ሓንቲ ሃገር ከተማለኦ ዝግበኣ መባእታዊ መዕቀንታት እውን ስለ ዘየማለአት ኣብ መንጎ ምህላውን ዘይምህላውን ትሰሓግ ዘላ ሃገር እያ። ኤርትራ ብሕገ-መንግስቲ ዘይትምራሕ፡ ልዕልና ፍትሒ ዝተነፍጋ፡ ዜጋታታ ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብ ተወዳዳሪ ልምዓት ክሳተፉ፡ ናይ ምንባር መሰል ተነፊግዎም ኣብ ዓዲ ጓና ናይ ዝነብሩላ፡ ኩሉ ትሕተ-ቅርጸኣ ናይ ዝዓነወ፡  ሃገር ዜጋ ኮይኑ ከምዘሎ፡ ኣይኮነንዶ ካልእ ተዓዛቢ እቲ ናይዚ ኩሉ ሕጽረታት ተሓታቲ ገበነኛ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ዝመርሖ ጉጅለ እውን ዝኽሕዶ ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ ከምቲ “ኣብ ከብዲ ጽጉብ፡ የለን ጥሙይ” ዝበሃል ወጽዓ ህዝቢ ወጽዓና’ዩ ዘይብሉ፡ ምስቲ ዲክታቶር ኣብ ሓደ ጠላም መኣዲ ዝምገቡ ወይ ካብ ኣስመራ ናብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ምጋሽ መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ዝመስሎም፡ ውሑዳት ወገናት ግና ዓው ኢሎም’ኳ እንተዘይጨደሩ፡ ሰላሕ ኢሎም “ሃገር ጽቡቕ እያ ዘላ” ዝብሉ ናይ ምምዝዛን ሕልናኦም ንህግዲፍ ዘረከቡ ይህልዉ።

ብደረጃ ዞባ ቀይሕ ባሕርን ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን እውን፡ ካብ ኤርትራ ዘይትሓይሽ ሃገር’ኳ እንተዘየለ፡ ቀጻሊ ዕቤትን ሰላምን ዘምጽእ ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ንምንጻፍ ዘኽእል ህዱእ ባይታ የለን። ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ሱዳንን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ጅቡትን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሶማልን ሶማልያ ላንድን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኬንያን ሱማልን ዘሎ ዘይርጡብ ዝምድናታት እንተመዚናዮ፡ ኣይኮነንዶ ከምቲ ዝድረፈሉ ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ንምፍጣር ከም ጐረባብቲ ተኸኣኢልካ ንምንባር እውን ዘኽእል ኣይኮነን። ምስ ጐረቤት ኣብ ምስሕሓብ ምእታው፡ ሓደ መግለጺ ሃገራዊ ዘቤታዊ ወኒንካ ከተጣጥሕ ናይ ዘይምብቃዕ እዩ። እዚ ብሰፊሑ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብጋህዲ ዝረአ እዩ። እቲ ኢሳይያስ ሓሓሊፉ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ውግእ ክኸፍተሉ ዝጸንሐ ሸፋጢ ባህሪኡ  ሕጂ እውን ምስኡ እዩ ዘሎ። ቅድሚ ሕጂ ምስ ዝኾነት ሃገር ክናኸስ ዝጸንሐ፡ እቲ ዓብዒብዎ ክኸይድ ዝፍትን ናይ ህዝቢ መሰረታዊ መሰል ከይትንከፎ ናይ ዝገብሮ ህድማን ስግኣትን ኣካል እዩ። ንኹሎም ጐረባብቲ ዝኸሶም ከኣ ከምቲ “ነዳይስ ናይ ልቡ ይሓልም” ዝበሃል ግብሩ ፈሊጡ፡ ኣብ ጉዳየይ ኣትየሙኒ ናይ ዝብል ብህራረ እዩ።

እቲ ኣብ ከምዚ ቀንዲ ሕመረቱ ህድማ ካብ ውሽጣዊ ጉዳይካ ዝምስረት ዞባዊ ምውሃድ ኣብ ድልዱል ባይታ ስለ ዘይምስረት ምፍራሱ ዘይተርፍ እዩ። ድሮ’ኳ ወዮ ናይ ኢሳይያስ ከም ኣባጉንባሕ ዘይግራትካ ምኹላል ክኹርመሽ ጀሚሩ ኣሎ። ኢሳይያስስ ምስ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዲቕ ዝበለ ጽልእን ቂምን እንከሎ፡ ንበዓል ሶማል ክንዓርቕ ኢና ነዓናይ እንተበልዎ ዘብዘብ ምባሉስ ምስ ምንታይ ከም ዝቑጸር እንድዒ። ከምቲ ሓደሓደ ግዜ ይሓይሽ ኢልካ ዝፈተንካዮ ዝገደደ ዝኸውን፡ እንሆ ወዮ ናይ ኢሳይያስ ቀልባዕባዕን ህድማ ካብ ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ጠለባትን ዘይተጸበዮ መዓት ጐቲትሉ። ወዮ ኣበይ ከይበጽሕ ክብሎ ዝጸንሐ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተላዒሉ ኣሎ። እቲ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝቃላሕ ዘሎ ናይ “ይኣክል” ማዕበል ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ከባብታት ኤርትራ ብሽሞኛታት ህግዲፍ ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባታት እውን ኣጠቓሊልካ ክምዘን እንከሎ ናይ “ከም ቀደም ይመስለክን ውሕጅ ይወስደክን” መልእኽቲ እዩ ኣመሓላሊፍሉ። እዚ’ውን ካልእ መልክዕ “ይኣክል” እዩ።

ኢስይያስ ነዚ ሓድሽ ዘይኮነ ክነሱ፡ ኣብ ሓድሽ ወረቐት ጽሒፉ ከቕርቦ ዝፍትን ዘሎ ናይ ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ኣምር ዘምጸኣሉ ምኽንያት ሓደን ንጹርን እዩ። እዚ ድማ ነቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዘጋጥሞ ዘሎ ዕቤቱ ሓልዩ ዝመጸ ንድሕሪት ዘይምለስ፡ ወጣሪ ብደሆ ብጉልባብ ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ማይ ንምጅላሕ እዩ። ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ናቱ ኣካይዳን ናይ ዕቤት መስርሕን ዘለዎ እምበር ንዘቤታዊ ዕማም ዝትክእ “መሕብኢ” ኣይኮነን። ዘቤታዊ ዕማም እውን ንኣድላይነት ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ዝትክእ ኣይኮነን። ኮታ ዘቤታዊ ዕዮን ዞባዊ ምትሕብባርን ኣብ ሕድሕዶም ዝመላልኡ እምበር ነጻጺልካ ዝረኣዩን እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ዝትክኦን ኣይኮኑን። ስለዚ ኢሳይያስ ነቲ ኣብ ዘቤታዊ መድረኽ ዝፈሸሎ ብጉልባብ ዞባዊ ምትሕብባር ክትከኦ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ዘይሰምር ፈተነ እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ነቲ “መን መርዓት ምስ በለክን ትኮሓላ” ዝብል ምስላ ዘንጊዑ ዞባዊ ጐብለል ናይ ምዃን ዓሻ ህጥራን እውን ይህልዎ ይኸውን።

ብዕለት 07 04 2019 ኣብ ደቡብ ጀርመን ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ጨንፈር ሰዲህኤ ንኡስ ዞባ ጀርመን፡ መብዛሕተኦም ኣባላት ጨንፈር ኣብ ዝተረኽብሉ ብመንገዲ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ኣብ ህሉዊ ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ሃገርን ከባቢኣን ዝዳህሰሰ ስፊሕ ምይይጥ ኣካይዶም

  1. ኣባላት ጨንፈር ነቲ ሰዲህኤን ሃድኤ ሕድር ኣብ ፍጹም ሕድነት ንምብጻሕ ዝካየድዎ ዘለዉ ሰፊሕ ዘተ ዘለዎም ናእዳ እንዳገለጹ ንምዕዋቱ ድማ፡ ኩሉ ዝካኣሎም ዘበለ ክገብሩ ምዃኖም ከረጋግጹ እንከለዉ፣ እቲ መስርሕ መታን ዕዉት ኮይኑ ኽወጽእን ብኡ ኣቢሉ’ውን ምስ ካልኦት ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ንምቕርራብን ሓቢርካ ንምስራዕን መንገዲ ክፈጥር ስለዝኽእል፡ ኩሎም እቶም ንፍትሒ ዝጽዕቱ ዜጋታትን ሃይልታትን ንምዕዋቱ ፖለቲካዊ ይኹን ንያታዊ ኮታስ ዝካኣሎም ምትሕብባር ክገብሩ ተደላይነቱ ብምግንዛብ ኣኼባ ጨንፈር ጸዋዒቱ ኣቅሪቡ።
  1. ነቲ ይኣክል ዝብል ኣንጻር ኢሳያስን ስርዓቱን ኣብ መላእ ዓለም ዝርከብ ህዝብና ዝካየድ ዘሎ ስፊሕን ሓያልን ሰላማዊ ናይ ለውጢ ማዕበል ዘሎና ደገፍ እንዳገለጽና፡ ኩሎም ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ኣብ ተግባር ንምስግጋሩ ሰፋሕቲ ሰላማዊ ስልፍታት ክውድቡን፡ ብምእኩልን ዝተወደበን ኣገባብ ብኪኢላታት ዝተመርሐ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ጻዕርታት ዝተሰነየ ምስዝግበር፡ ህዝብና ናይ ዓወቱ ብስራት ኮይኑ ስለ ዝረኽቦ ክም ዝስዕቦን ከም ዝሕብሕቦን ኣይንጠራጠርን ኢና። ንሕና ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ጨንፈር ደቡብ ጀርመን እውን  ምስ ኣብ ከባቢና ዝርከቡ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ብምትሕብባር ኩሉ ዓቕምና ዝፍቅዶ ክንፍጽም ክም አንኽእል ንኹሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ብምርግጋጽ፡ ኣኼባ ጨንፈር ብዝላዓለ ናይ ቃልሲ ንያት ተደምዲሙ።

ብሓባር ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ብሓባር ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ።

ኢትዮጵያ ብሓገዝ ፈረንሳ ከተቖሞ መዲባ ዘላ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ; መደበሩ ኣብ ባጽዕ ከምዝኸውን ፕረዚደንት ጅቡቲ እስማዒል ዑመር ገለ ገሊጹ።

ፕረዚደንት ጅቡቲ ነዚ ዝገለጸ፣ ምስ ሓንቲ ካብ ህቡባት መጽሔታት ፈረንሳ ዝኾነት፣ ዠን ኣፍሪክ፣ ቁጽሪ 3039፣ ካብ 7 ክሳብ 13 ሚያዝያ 2019፣ ኣብ ዘሎ ሰሙናዊ ሕታማ፣ ኣብ ገጽ 26 ሰፊሩ ኣብ ዘሎ ሰፊሕ ቃለ መጠይቕ'ዩ።

እቲ ፕርዚደንት፣ "ፈረንሳ፣ ንኢትዮጵያ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ከተቑመላ ምዃና ድሕሪ'ቲ ናይ ፕረዚደንት ኢማኑኤል ማክሮን ዑደት ተገሊጹ'ዩ። እንተኾነ ኢትዮጵያ ኣፍደገ ባሕሪ የብላን። ኣብ ጅቡቲ ድያ ከተቑሞ? ንዝብል፣ ዝቀረበሉ ሕቶ ኣብ ዝሃቦ ምላሽ፣ "ኣይፋላን። ኣብ ባጽዕ፣ ኤርትራ'ያ ከተቖሞ። ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ኣብ ግዜ ንጉስ ሃይለስላሴ፣ ዝቖሞሉ ቦታ'ዩ። ንኢትዮጵያ፣ ሃገራዊ ክብራ'ዩ። ግና ምቛም ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ኣዝዩ ክቡር'ዩ። ካብ ምቛም ሓይሊ ኣየር ይኸብር።" ኢሉ።

ኢትዮጵያ፣ ነቲ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝተበታተነ ሓይሊ ባሕራ ዳግም ከተቑሞ ምዃና፣ ምስ ፕረዚደንት ኢሳይያስ ድሕሪ ዘካየደቶ ምስጢራዊ ውዕላት እኳ እንተገለጸት፣ እቲ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ኣበይ ከምዝድኮን ብምስጢር'ያ ሒዛቶ ዘላ።

ፈረንሳ'ውን ብወገና ብዛዕባ'ዚ ንኢትዮጵያ ከተቑመላ ተሰማሚዓትሉ ዘላ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ፣ ኣበይ ከምዝምስረት ኣይገለጸትን።

እቲ ብሓገዝ ፈረንሳ ዳግም ክምስረት ምዃኑ ዝግለጽ ዘሎ ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ኣብ ኤርትራ፣ ወደብ ባጽዕ ከምዝቐውም ብወግዒ ዝገለጸ፣ ፕረዚደንት እስማዒል ዑመር ገለ ናይ መጀመርያ ኮይኑ ኣሎ።

ብዛዕባ'ቲ ፕረዚደንት ጅቡቲ ምስ መጽሔት ዠን ኣፍሪክ ኣብ ዘካየዶ ቃለ መጠይቅ፣ ንምቛም ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ባጽዕ ኣመልኪቱ፣ ካብ ወገን ኤርትር ይኹን ኢትዮጵያ ዝተዋህበ መልሲ የለን።

ብርጋዴር ጀነራል ክንዱ ገዙ ተናኝ ዝመርሖ ላዕለዋይ ወትሃደራዊ ልኡኽ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ መደባርት ሓይሊ ባሕሪ ፈረንሳን ጅቡቲን ዑደት ከምዘካየደ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ቅንይያት ብሬድዮ ኤረና ተገሊጹ'ዩ።

ፈጸምቲ ኣካላት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ-ሕድርን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ብ6 ማዝያ 2019 ናይ ሓባር ኣኼባ ኣካይዶም። ኣብዚ ናይ ክልቲኡ ውድባት ኣባላት ፈጸምቲ ኣካላት ዝተረኽብሉ፡ ኣብዚ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ብሰንኪ ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝሓልፍዎ ዘለዉ ኩነታት ኣገዳስነት ሓድነት መተካእታ ዘይብሉ ምዃኑ መዚኖም።  ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ ከኣ እቲ ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲኡ ውድባት ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መስርሕ ሓድነት፡ ኣበጋግሳኡን በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃን ብዝምልከት ብሰፊሑ ተመያይጦም። 

መስርሕ  ምድላው 3ይን ሓባራውን ጉባአ ብዝምልከት  ክሳብ ሕጂ ተበጺሑ ዘሎ ምዕባለን ኣብ ቀጻሊ ክዕመም ብዛዕባ ዝግበኦን ስረሓትን ብደቂቕ ገምጊሞም። ኣብዚ ገምጋሞም ናይ ሓባር ናይ ዘተ ሽማግለ፡ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለን ሓጻይት ኣካልን ክሳብ ሕጂ ዝዓመምዎ ስረሓት ብዓሚቕ ተመዚኑ። ክሳብ ጉባአ ኣብ ዘሎ ግዜ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ክዕመሙ ዝግበኦም ስረሓት ኣለልዩ ብኸመይ ከም ዝዕመሙ ንምንጻር ከኣ  ሜላታት ሓንጺጹ።

እዚ ናይ ፈጸምቲ ኣካላት ኣኼባ፡ እዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መስርሕ ሓድነት ሃድኤ-ሕድርን ሰዲህኤን ንድሕሪት ከምዘይምለስ ድሕሪ ምርግጋጽ፡ ክሳብ ግዜ ጉባአ ኣብ ዘሎ ግዜ ናይ ክልቲኡ ውድባት ተመሳሳሊ ዕማም ዘለወን  ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ብሓባር ዝሰርሓሉ መንገድታት ዳህሲሱ ነንዝምልከቶም ግብራዊ መምርሒ ሂቡ። ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ ከኣ መስርሕ ሓድነት ብናይዚ ክልተ ኣካላት ዝውዳእ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ድሕሪ ሓድነት እውን ንዝያዳ ሓድነት ምስ ካለኦት ኣካላት ክጽዕት ምዃኑ ኣመልኪቱ።

እዚ ኣኼባ መሰረታት ክልቲኡ ውድባት ነቲ ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ፡ ናብ ጉባአ ዝቐርብ ሰነዳት ተመያይጥካ ሃናጺ ሓሳባት ብምሃብን ጉባአ ንምዕዋት ነገራውን ገንዘባውን ወፈያ ኣመስጊኑን ንኢዱን፡ ኣብ መጻኢ’ውን ብዝሓየለ ናህሪ ከም ዝቕጽልዎ ዘለዎ እምነት ገሊጹ። ብዘይካዚ እዚ ኣኼባ ብዛዕባ መሰረታት ክልቲኡ ውድባት  ብሓባር ዝራኸብሉን ብዛዕባ ምድላው ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2019 ኣብ ከተማ  ፍራንክፈርትን  ተመያይጡ።

The growing popular call of ‘’ ይኣክል! كفى! -- Enough is Enough ‘’ to the cruelties of the Asmara regime by waves of Eritreans at home and abroad is a real threat – probably the final blow – to  Isaias Afeworki’s several decades old dictatorship. And when the threat is real, Isaias Afeworki always uses religion and external enemies as his most trusted and so far effective weapons to fight back.

Dictator Isaias did this in a subtle manner throughout his political life extending to a half century. Recent examples are how he and his clique distorted and manipulated the 2013 incident of an Eritrean army unit led by Wedi Ali and that of a private Islamic school of the great patriot, nonagenarian Haji Mussa, in 2017. May their souls rest in peace.

To again try to use that weapon, the one-man dictatorship’s Ministry of misinformation released on 3 April 2019 yet another official lie. The released statement aimed to win back regime’s former gullible listeners by trying to tell them that Eritrean Muslims and their co-religionists in the region are their enemies. What a shame, and what a shameless regime!!

The Eritrean dictator is not a religious person. He has no religion. Yet, he until this year  knew how to play around religions in order to survive and stay in power.  

The 3 April statement by the Eritrean authorities said that enemies of Eritrea are re-organizing ‘’the obscure ‘Eritrean Muslim League’ under the mantle of ‘Eritrean Ulama’s League/Eritrean Rabita-i-Ulama.’’

But why now mention a non-existing Eritrean Muslim League in connection with the formation of a civic organization of Arabic speaking Eritrean intellectuals who have all the right to form such an association?

In simpler terms, the evil regime in Asmara wanted to invoke the word ‘’Rabita’’ – an innocent Arabic word that means ‘league’ or association – in a desperate attempt  to create new a bogyman, a new  enemy at a time when Ethiopia and its ‘Woyane’’ are no more enemies.

Only to stress, it is quite clear to the majority of Eritreans today that the PFDJ statement wanted to appeal to the erroneous and distorted perception built long ago around the Arabic phrase ‘Rabita Islamia’  for the Eritrean Muslim League of the 1940s which, to many elements opposed to Eritrean nationhood at that time, was an organization of ‘traitors’ allied with enemies of ‘‘Christian Eritrea and Ethiopia.’’ But will that Isaias -- that old master of deception -- succeed to use religion also this time round? Measuring by the political climate building around the call for ‘’Enough is Enough’’, one can assume that the vast majority of Eritreans today are of the belief that he will not succeed.

For the sake of the new Eritrean generation, one should repeat affirming the truth that ‘Rabita Islamia’ or the Eritrean Muslim League of the 1940s was not a negative force, as the dictator in Asmara and his fast dwindling clique repeated and in different forms wanted to mislead people. The Eritrean Muslim League was a great patriotic organization that can claim a lion’s share in the history of the slow and costly growth of Eritrean national awareness. It was around the love for a national Eritrean flag, a National Assembly, an Eritrean constitution with democratic rights, among others,  that Eritrean nationhood was built. The great patriots of the day, on top of them Woldeab Woldemariam and Ras Tessema Asberom, were the closest friends of the Eritrean Muslim League and its energetic nationalist leader, Ibrahim Sultan Ali.

Only to cut a long story short, I will quote below excerpts from my own article posted in Eritrean websites on 19 November 2000, sub-titled: From the Satanic Utterances of Isayas:

‘’… by his own admission, Ibrahim Sultan had to name his party after Islam ("al RabiTa al Islamia"), not because of his religious belief but because he and his group of militants found it the only easy and feasible way of rallying the majority of the Eritrean Moslems for independence [at a time when Ethiopia was winning their compatriots through religious appeal]. Al RabiTa al Islamia was not a party of religious fanatics as detractors insinuated. To my knowledge, Eritrean Moslems have never been fanatics, and in general, never deserved that epithet [to be called fanatics]…… In recent years, when political Islam mobilized masses for fundamentalist wars elsewhere, Eritrean Moslems continued to give deaf ears to any call for Jihad, a stillborn movement in our country, whose nominal existence was aided and abetted by the actions and omissions of the regime in Asmara.

‘’To stress, we never came near to religious strife save the infinitesimal incidents of 1949-50, which were the making of foreign powers, Ethiopia included.  Yet, there have been satanic writings and teachings by Eritreans repeatedly used to make believe that we had ugly mass murders, genocides and ethnic cleansing of worst degrees in contemporary history. [Read this shocking quotation by you-know-who]:

’If I were not aware of our own situation, I would have described the grisly mass murders in Somalia, Rwanda, former Yugoslavia and Liberia as barbaric crimes perpetrated by backward peoples. I would have said 'we are different, we are not like them'. But what we had gone through in Eritrea was not different from what is going on in other countries. We in Eritrea suffered mass murders, one ethnic and geographic group cleansing the other in a cowardly and inordinate manner. We have now come a long way from that past, and the present and future generations [in Eritrea] who had not seen what we did would be surprised of what is going on in Somalia, Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Liberia. The surprise comes because they did not know what had happened in our country. Seen from this angle, it would appear that the present and future generations would benefit from knowing about it. But unless done in a constructive way, making the new generation aware of a black spot in its history is a bit difficult’.

‘’If you [reader] had forgotten or if you are not aware of who said this and when, you better be reminded. The words were uttered by the Eritrean president, Isayas Afeworki, 'proudly' speaking to issue volume 1, number 1 of Reporter, an Amharic language magazine of Addis Ababa published in September 1997. The message was very clear - as clear as a similar poisonous messages he conveyed [in the long past]. …’’

To conclude, this quick writing and the excerpts from a lengthy old article cannot fully depict how much the current dictator in Eritrea has been working hard to divide Eritreans on religious and other bases. However, the time has come that he will not make it. At least I believe so.

April 06, 2019 8:17 PM
Chief of Mission Natalie E. Brown, far left, and Deputy Chief of Mission Stephen Bank, far right, pose with Rep. Joe Neguse, Rep. Karen Bass, Eritrean Minister of Foreign Affairs Osman Saleh and Rep. Ilhan Omar. The members of Congress were on an official visit to Eritrea.

Ciham Ali Abdu was born in Los Angeles and grew up in Eritrea. In December 2012, Eritrean officials apprehended Ciham when she attempted to leave the country without a mandatory exit visa. Her family hasn’t seen or heard from her since, despite attempts to learn about her whereabouts and well-being.

U.S. Rep. Karen Bass, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights and International Organizations, called for Ciham’s release in social media posts Friday.

“I was in Eritrea just last month,” Bass wrote on Twitter and Facebook. “The country’s leaders should release Ciham, who had a birthday this past week, and all of Eritrea’s political prisoners to send a message that the country is embarking on a new path that includes respect for human rights.”

Bass visited Eritrea and Ethiopia with Reps. Joe Neguse and Ilhan Omar, both of whom joined Congress in January. Neguse represents Colorado’s second district. His parents emigrated from Eritrea to the U.S. in 1980. Omar, a Somali-American, came to the U.S. as a refugee in 1992 and represents Minnesota’s fifth district.

It was the first congressional delegation to visit Eritrea in 14 years, according to the U.S. Embassy in Asmara.

Ciham Ali Abdu pictured just before her arrest on December 8, 2012, when she was 15. (Photo courtesy of the family.)
Ciham Ali Abdu pictured just before her arrest on December 8, 2012, when she was 15. (Photo courtesy of the family.)

Official denials

The Eritrean government refuses to acknowledge Ciham’s citizenship, or even her existence.

Bass, who represents California’s 37th District, near where Ciham was born, is the highest-ranking U.S. official to put a spotlight on her case. The U.S. State Department hasn’t officially confirmed Ciham’s imprisonment, saying only that the U.S. government is aware of reports about Ciham’s detainment.

Bass told reporters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, last month that she had just recently learned about Ciham’s case, according to the Associated Press. Human rights groups have for years called for the 22-year-old’s release.

At a town hall meeting Saturday in Los Angeles, Bass said she was committed to working with both the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments, along with the U.S. Embassy in Asmara, to secure Ciham’s freedom.

Seyoum Tsehaye, 66, was a war photographer during Eritrea’s 30-year struggle for independence. He later held various positions, including head of the state-run television station Eri-TV.
Seyoum Tsehaye, 66, was a war photographer during Eritrea’s 30-year struggle for independence. He later held various positions, including head of the state-run television station Eri-TV.

Vanessa Tsehaye founded One Day Seyoum, an organization focused on securing the release of her uncle, Seyoum Tsehaye, an Eritrean journalist who has been imprisoned since 2001. Tsehaye spoke to VOA Wednesday, on Ciham’s birthday.

“She has been in prison without a trial, and it can’t, it simply cannot stand,” Tsehaye said. “Even the excuses they try to use for people, like journalists or politicians, or [raising] issues about national security. And those kinds of excuses don’t stand when you are talking about a girl who was 15 when she was imprisoned for simply attempting to leave the country.”

The United Nations, Amnesty International and other rights groups have accused the Eritrean government of human rights violations designed to suppress dissent, including arbitrary detentions, forced disappearances and torture.

The government has denied those claims and criticized the U.S. and U.N. for seeking to undermine its sovereignty. VOA’s attempts to reach the Eritrean embassies in London and Washington went unanswered.

After fighting a 30-year war for independence from Ethiopia, Eritrea gained international recognition in 1993. The country has not held a national election nor ratified its constitution since then, but recent peace overtures with Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia have raised hopes for reform and justice for detainees like Ciham.

“We think that there’s a chance that Ciham might hear and see our messages,” Tsehaye said. “So we want her to know that there are people fighting for her and that she is being remembered and that we will stand in solidarity with her until the day she is released.”