Cameraman tells soldiers to ‘finish off survivors’ in exclusive video seen by Telegraph that appears to be evidence of slaughtered civilians

Groans can be heard from a seriously wounded man squirming on the floor between two corpses.

Chatting as they wander through the aftermath of what appears to be a mass execution of civilians in the Tigray region, soldiers laugh and joke among themselves.

Off to one side they spot a young man who seems to have survived by pretending to be dead.

“You should have finished off the survivors,” the cameraman says in Amharic, Ethiopia’s lingua franca, in an apparent rebuke of the perpetrators of the massacre.

These are scenes from a video clip obtained exclusively by The Telegraph showing the first evidence of what appears to be a war crime carried out by the Ethiopian army. Around 40 bodies in civilian clothes can be seen in the four-minute clip.

Ethiopian and Eritrean forces have for months been battling troops loyal to the former Tigrayan regional government in a war that has left thousands dead and millions on the brink of starvation.

The Ethiopian federal government has imposed a mass communications black-out in Tigray, meaning little is known about the conflict and making it hard to verify a flood of accounts of war crimes from survivors.

The video footage seen by The Telegraph, which is too graphic to publish, has circulated online in shorter form among local journalists and bloggers – deemed rare proof of the alleged brutality of Addis Ababa’s forces.

The Telegraph was able to geolocate the video to Debre Abay monastery in central Tigray – about 175 miles west of Tigray’s capital, Mekele. It has also confirmed that the clip has not been doctored.

Although the timing of the apparent massacre was not possible to ascertain, a pro-Tigrayan blog reported Ethiopian soldiers had killed 100 civilians at the same monastery on Jan 5.

Ethiopian and Eritrean forces are fighting troops loyal to the former Tigrayan regional government CREDIT: GETTY IMAGES

Experts who were sent the footage called on the Ethiopian government to launch an immediate investigation.

“This is disturbing footage to watch and I would expect the Federal Government to allow the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission full access to establish the facts and to ensure that there is proper accountability for these killings” said Dr Alex Vines, Africa Director at Chatham House.

“It is time to move beyond warnings and statements of concern to investigations and legal proceedings to hold perpetrators accountable for mass atrocities,” added Judd Devermont, Africa Director at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies think tank in Washington DC.

Read more: Dispatch: In the desperation of the Ethiopian conflict, only slivers of hope remain

Ethiopia’s state-run Human Rights Commission (EHRC) confirmed to The Telegraph that they were examining the shorter clip of the massacre that has circulated online.

“The EHRC is aware of the purported video and is working to verify its authenticity,” said the organisation’s spokesman, Aaron Maasho. “We have a team on the ground and will investigate the incident should we confirm its veracity.”

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s press secretary, Billene Seyoum, did not respond to requests for comment.

The cameraman in the footage, presumed to be an Ethiopian soldier, is heard speaking in an accent from southern or western Ethiopia.

At one point, he interrogates a survivor of the carnage, who is lying on the floor covered in dirt from head to toe.

“Why were you here in the first place?” the cameraman barks.

“I live in the home over there,” the young man – barely audible – replies in Tigray’s local Tigrigna language, gesturing towards nearby homes. The cameraman responds with a barrage of curses.

At one point, off-screen civilians plead for mercy as soldiers weigh up whether to kill another survivor seen trying to limp away to safety.

Eventually, they agree to leave him.

The video emerged after The Telegraph published dozens of Tigrayan refugees’ accounts of killings, artillery bombardment and looting in Tigray in November.

In recent weeks, human rights organisations and aid workers have issued reports that many in Tigray are now facing starvation, with people already eating leaves to survive or dying in their sleep.

The United Nations Special Adviser on Genocide Prevention said that it has received multiple reports of extra-judicial killings, mass executions, sexual violence, looting and impeded humanitarian access. Earlier this month the body warned that the atrocities in Tigray were likely to get worse.

Last week, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said that Ethiopian federal forces carried out apparently indiscriminate shelling of urban areas in the Tigray region, including Mekele, a city of half a million people, in November 2020 in violation of the laws of war.

The Telegraph was sent about two dozen photos, also too graphic to publish, showing the bodies of children blown to pieces by the Ethiopian federal government’s artillery barrage of the city.

In addition to Tigray’s internet and phone services being shut down for the entirety of the war, journalists and aid workers have been barred from the region.

The resulting humanitarian disaster has left 4.5 million people in need of emergency assistance. A coalition of Tigray’s political opposition recently stated that more than 50,000 people might have died since fighting began on November 4th.

In November last year, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, declared victory after his troops’ capture of Mekele – but sporadic fighting continues.

Despite the lack of communication, journalists and rights groups have been able to confirm that forces on both sides of the war have committed atrocities against civilians.

Retreating Tigrayan forces killed hundreds of civilians in the town of Maykadra on November 9th, using blunt objects, according to rights group Amnesty International.

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅ ከምቲ ልማዱ ንነዊሕ ግዜ ካብ መራኸቢ ብዙሃን ርሒቑ ምስ ጸንሐ፡ ብ17 ለካቲት 2021  ምስተን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘለዋ ናይ ብሕቲ ንብረቱ ዝኾና ሚድያታት ክልተ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ቃለ መሓትት ኣካይዱ። ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ኣዳልዩ ዝሃቦም ሕቶታት ዝሓተትዎ እቶም ልሙዳት ጋዜጠኛታቱ ሱሌማን ዑስማን ዓበን ጳውሎስ ነታባይን እዮም። እዚኣቶም ከምቶም መልእኽቲ ኢሳያስ ናብ ወጻኢ ኣብ ምምልላስ ሓንሳብ ምስተጸምዱ ዘይቅየሩ ዑስማን ሳልሕን የማነ ገብረኣብን ዘይትክኡ ሓተቲ ኢሳያስ ስለ ዝኾኑ፡ ቃለ መሓትት ኣሎ ምስተባህለ ንሳቶም ከም ዝመጹ ዘይገመተ ኣይነበረን።

ኢሳያስ ኣብዚ ቃለመጠይቑ  ዋላኳ ዞባዊ መልክዕ ከትሕዞ እንተፈተነ ብኢትዮጵያዊ ዛዕባታት እዩ ጀሚሩ። ኣብ ኣመዓባብላ እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ካብቲ ኢትዮጵያዊ ገዛኢ ሰልፊ ብልጽግና ዝብሎ ብዝመልከዐ ኣወቂቡ ኣቕሪብዎ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ (ህወሓት) ጸላዊ ኣካል ናይ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ዝነበረሉ ግዜ፡ ብሓፈሻ ብዛዕባ ብዙሓት ጉዳያት ዝያዳ ከኣ ብዛዕባ ትሕዝቶ  ሕገመንግስቲ ምዒዱስ ሰማዒ ከም ዝሰኣነ ገሊጹ። ነቲ ኢትዮጵያ ንዝያዳ 20 ዓመታት ዝተመርሓትሉ ሕገመንግስቲ ከኣ “ናይ ነታጒ ምቕባር ፖለቲካ መጻወቲ” ኢልዎ። ኣብዚ እውን እቲ ቃና ኣገላልጻኡ ካብቲ ንተመኩሮ ህወሓት ኣትሪሮም ዝነቕፉ ኣካላት ዝብልዎ እንተዘይገዲዱ ዝፍለ ኣይነበረን። እቲ ኣዝዩ ዝገርምን ዘተዓዛዝብን ከኣ ኢሳያስ ብናይ እንዳማቱ ሕገመንስቲ ዝወራዘ ዘሎ ትሕዝቶኡ ብዘየገድስ ንኤርትራ ብዘይ ሕገመንግስቲ ይገዝኣ ኣብ ዝሃለወሉ እዋን ምዃኑ እዩ። ኣብ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ ክዛረብ እንከሎ  ሃዲእካ ብምሕሳብ፡ ቀዳምነታት ሰሪዕካ ብምስራሕ…. ወዘተ ክተሓዙ ዝግበኦም ጉዳያት ከም ዝነበሩ እውን ጠቒሱ። “ክሳብ ክንዲ'ዚ ዝርዳእን ሓላይን ካብ ኮነ ደኣ ኣብ ኢርትራ ከምኡ ዘይገብር?” ዝብል ሓታታይ እንተዝረክብ እንታይ ምመለሰ እንድዒ። ምስዚ ኩሉ ግና፡ በዚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ዞባዊ ናይ ምዃን ሰፊሕ ዕድል ዘለዎ ቅልውላው ስግኣት ከም ዘለዎ ኣይሓብአን። ነብሱ ካብቲ ጉዳይ ከርሕቕ  ብዘምስል ከኣ ደጋጊሙ ናይዚ ቅልውላው ዋናታት ናይ ምርሓቕ ምልክታት እውን ኣርእዩ።

ካብቲ ቀንዲ ዕላማታትን ትሕዝቶን ናይዚ ቃለ መጠይቑ ሓደ፡ ንሓቂ ሓቢእካ ነቲ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣህጉራዊ ትካላትን ሃገራትን፡ ኤርትራ ካብ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ ብዘይቅድመ-ኩነት ብህጹጽ ሰራዊታ ክትስሕብ ዘቕርብዎ ዘለዉ መጠንቀቕታት ኣቕጣጫኡ ንምስሓት እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ከምቲ ልሙድ ብተግባር ብዘይስነ ናይ ቃላት ተስፋ ኣብ ስልጣን ናይ ምቕጻል ኣሽካዕላል ተልእኮ ዘለዎ ምዃኑ ርዱእ እዩ። እቲ ኣብ ክንዲ ብኤርትራዊ ጉዳይ ዝጅምር ንዘይኤርትራዊ ዛዕባ ምቕዳሙ ከኣ ሓድሽ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ ዘገርም እዩ። ከምዚ ምግባሩ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ካብቲ ብቐጥታ ዝምልከቶ ኤርትራዊ ባይታ ንደገ ብዝጥምት ዘይኮነ፡ ካብ ደገ ናብ ኤርትራ ብዝምዕብል ፍታሕ ናይ ምምጻእ ቀይናን ሃቐነ ከም ዘለዎ የርኢ። በቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ በቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብዛዕባ ኤርትራ ዝተዛረቦ ዘይግብራዊ ባዶ ተስፋታት “ሰማዒ ኣይረክብን እየ” ኢሉ ኣገባብ ምቕያር  እውን ይመስል። በዚ ይኹን በቲ ቃለመሓትት ኢሳያስ፡ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን እዋናዊ ሕቶታቱን ተገዳስነት ከም ዘየብሉ ዘመልክት እዩ።

ኣብቲ ውሑድ ደቓይቕ ሂቡ ዝተዛረበሉ ኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ዛዕባታት ዘቕረቦ ሓሳባት፡ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብዙሕ ግዜ ዝበሎን ኣብ ክንዲ ፍታሕ ዝሕብር፡ ነቲ ህዝቢ ዝፈልጦን ፍታሕ ዝጽበየሉን ጸገማት’ዩ ቃላት እንዳቀያየረ ደጋጊምዎ። ንኣብነት ብጉዳይ ኮቪድ-19ን ምክልኻሉን ኣብ ዝምልከት ከብርህ እንከሎ፡ ብትሑት ተገዳስነት፡ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ብሩህ ክነሱ “ጥዕና ናይ ምሕላው ዓቕምና ዜሮ እዩ፡ ካብዚ ዜሮ ኢና ከኣ ክንጅምር” ኢሉ። ብዛዕባ መጻኢ መፍትሒ ክዛረብ እነከሎ ከኣ “መሳጢ ፖሊሲ ኣለና፡ ግና ከኣ ናይ ምትግባሩ ዓቕሚ የብልናን” ይብሎ። እዚ ንሰማዒኡ “እሞ ኣይትብከ እንድዩ ዘብክየኒ ዘሎ” ዘብል እምበር መፍትሒ ዘምጽእ ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ህዝብና ብጉልባብዚ ተላጋቢ ሕማም ኮረና ስለ ዝተዓጽወ ዝወርዶ ዘሎ ሕሱም ስእነት ኩሉ ዓይነት ቀረባት ስለ ዘይተሰመዖ ከኣ “ብሰንኪ ሕማም ኮረና ዘጋጠመ ቁጠባዊ ለውጢ የለን” ክብሎ ኣይሓፈረን። ከምቲ ልሙድ ምትላሉ ከኣ “ቁጠባና ዝዓብየሉ ኩነታት ንምፍጣር ጽላት ብጽላት ንመዝንን ቀዳምነታትና ንሰርዕ ኣለና” ይብል እሞ “ብሚኒስትሪ ንግዲ ዝምእከል ኣካል ተመዚዙ ኣብዚ መዳይዚ ይሰርሕ ኣሎ” ኢሉ። ዘገርም እዩ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ካብቲ ቀደም “ፖሊሲ ጥሙር ሕርሻ”  ዝበሃል ዝነበረ እሞ ዝፈሸለ  ጀሚርካ ክንደይ ሓይሊ ዕማማት ተመስሪተን ብዘይፍረ ከም ዝፈረሳ ንዝፈልጥ ህዝብስ ሎሚ እውን ብኸምዚ ዓይነት “መወዳእታ ዘየብሉ ናይ ቃላት ተስፋ” ክሽፍጦ ምፍታኑ ናይ ጥዕና እዩ ክትብሎ ዘጸግም እዩ።

ኢሳያስ ነዚ ቃለ መጠይቕዚ ክህብ እዩ ምስ ተባህለ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት ነናቶም ግምት ነይርዎም። መብዛሕትኡ ኤርትራዊ ካብ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ተመኩሮኡ ነቒሉ ካብ ኢሳያስ ተስፋ ስለ ዝቖረጸ፡  “ሓድሽ ነገር ኣየምጽእን እዩ” ዝብል ግምት ነይርዎ። ገለ ወገናት ግና ምስዚ ዝረአ ዘሎ ንኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ዝጸሉ ኢትዮጵያውን ዞባውን ምዕባለን ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ዝተሳተፈሉ ውግእ ኣብ ትግራይ ይካየድ ምስ ምህላዉን “ብዛዕባኡ ገለ ይብል ይኸውን” ዝብል ትጽቢት ዝነበሮም እውን ነይሮም። ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ውግእ ትግራይ ኣትዩ ምህላዉ ብብዙሓት ዓለም ለኻዊ ትካላት፡ ብመራሕቲ ጸለውቲ ሃገራት፡ ብላዕለዎት ወተሃደራውን ሲቪላውን ሰብ መዚ ኢትዮጵያን  ሓለፍቲ ግዝያዊ ምምሕዳር ክልል ትግራይን ብዓብይኡ ከኣ ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ መረጋገጺ ዝወሃበሉ ዘሎ እዩ።

ስለዚ ቅድም እውን ብዛዕባቲ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ብወገን ኤርትራ ድምጺ ክስማዕ ትጽቢት ካብ ነበረ፡ ብዓብይኡ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ዘካይዶ ቃለ መጠይቕ ኣይክዝለልን እዩ ኢሎም ዝግምቱ ብዙሓት ነይሮም። ኢሳያስ ሆየ ግና ቀንዲ ደጋፊ ናይቲ ኣብቲ ውግእ ተዓዊተ ዝብል ዘሎ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ምዃኑ’ኳ በቲ “ኣብ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ ግቡእና ንገብር ኣለና” ዝበሎ’ኳ እንተተኣመነ፡ ብዛዕባ ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብቲ ውግእ ግና ብንጹር ዋላ ሓንቲ ኣይበለን። ጓስይዎ ምሕላፉ ምናልባት ክሓብኦ ደልዩ እንተኾይኑ ከምቲ “ድሕሪ ማይ ናብ በዓቲ” ወይ “ድሕሪ ጌጋ ምኽሪ ይርከብ ድሕሪ ጥራጥ እግሪ ይእከብ” ዝበሃል  እዩ። ብዘይጥርጥር ግና ናይ ኢሳያስ ስቕታ ኣብቲ ውግእ ኣትዩ ይመውት፡ ይቖስልን ከም ወራርን ሰራቕን ይኽሰስን ንዘሎ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ንዕቀት ብንጹር ዘርኢ እዩ።

እምበኣር ህዝብና  ካብ ኢሳያስን ካብቲ ንሱ ዝመርሖ ዘሎ ጉጅለን ፍታሕ ክረክብ “ዘይነበሮን ዘይጠፈኦን” ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ዝጽበዮ የብሉን። እዚ ናይ ሎሚ ቃለ መጠይቕ ከኣ ከምቲ ልሙድ ናብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘመሓላልፎ መልእኽቲ ኣለዎ። እቲ መልእኽቲ ከኣ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዘለዎ ክቱር ንዕቀት ዘርእን ብመወዳእታ ዘየብሉ ናይ ቃላት ተስፋ ክቕሽሽን እምበር ፍታሕ ከምጽእ ዘይተዓደለ ምዃኑ እዩ።

"Bodies with gunshot wounds lay in the streets for days in Ethiopia’s holiest city. At night, residents listened in horror as hyenas fed on the corpses of people they knew. But they were forbidden from burying their dead by the invading Eritrean soldiers. Those memories haunt a deacon at the country’s most sacred Ethiopian Orthodox church in Axum, where local faithful believe the ancient Ark of the Covenant is housed."

Source: Associated Press

‘Horrible’: Witnesses recall massacre in Ethiopian holy city

By CARA ANNA

An elderly woman who fled to the city of Axum in the Tigray region of Ethiopia to seek safety sits with her head bandaged after being wounded during an attack on the city, Monday, Nov. 30, 2020. She later died of her wounds. As Ethiopia’s Tigray region slowly resumes telephone service after three months of conflict, witnesses gave The Associated Press a detailed account of what might be its deadliest massacre, at the sacred Ethiopian Orthodox church in Axum. (AP Photo)

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Bodies with gunshot wounds lay in the streets for days in Ethiopia’s holiest city. At night, residents listened in horror as hyenas fed on the corpses of people they knew. But they were forbidden from burying their dead by the invading Eritrean soldiers.

Those memories haunt a deacon at the country’s most sacred Ethiopian Orthodox church in Axum, where local faithful believe the ancient Ark of the Covenant is housed. As Ethiopia’s Tigray region slowly resumes telephone service after three months of conflict, the deacon and other witnesses gave The Associated Press a detailed account of what might be its deadliest massacre.

For weeks, rumors circulated that something ghastly had occurred at the Church of St. Mary of Zion in late November, with estimates of several hundred people killed. But with Tigray cut off from the world and journalists blocked from entering, little could be verified as Ethiopian and allied fighters pursued the Tigray region’s fugitive leaders.

The deacon, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he remains in Axum, said he helped count the bodies — or what was left after hyenas fed. He gathered victims’ identity cards and assisted with burials in mass graves.

He believes some 800 people were killed that weekend at the church and around the city, and that thousands in Axum have died in all. The killing continues: On the day he spoke to the AP last week he said he had buried three people.

“If we go to the rural areas, the situation is much worse,” the deacon said.

The atrocities of the Tigray conflict have occurred in the shadows. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for making peace with neighboring Eritrea, announced the fighting as the world focused on the U.S. election. He accused Tigray’s regional forces, whose leaders dominated Ethiopia for nearly three decades before he took office, of attacking the Ethiopian military. Tigray’s leaders called it self-defense after months of tensions.

While the world clamors for access to Tigray to investigate suspected atrocities on all sides and deliver aid to millions of hungry people, the prime minister has rejected outside “interference.” He declared victory in late November and said no civilians had been killed. His government denies the presence of thousands of soldiers from Eritrea, long an enemy of the Tigray leaders.

Ethiopia’s narrative, however, has crumbled as witnesses like the deacon emerge. The official overseeing Tigray’s state of emergency, Redwan Hussein, didn’t respond to questions.

Axum, with its ancient ruins and churches, holds major significance for the Ethiopian Orthodox faithful, who believe that the Ark of the Covenant, built to hold the tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments, is located there.

“If you attack Axum, you attack first of all the identity of Orthodox Tigrayans but also of all Ethiopian Orthodox Christians,” said Wolbert Smidt, an ethnohistorian who specializes in the region. “Axum itself is regarded as a church in the local tradition, ‘Axum Zion.’”

In a normal year, thousands of people would have gathered at the Zion church in late November to celebrate the day Ethiopians believe the Ark of the Covenant was brought there after it disappeared from Jerusalem in ancient times.

Instead, the church had become a refuge for people who fled the fighting elsewhere in Tigray. They sheltered there as worship services were underway two days before the anniversary.

Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers had arrived in Axum more than a week earlier, with heavy bombardment. But on Nov. 28 the Eritrean soldiers returned in force to hunt down members of the local militia who had mobilized against them in Axum and nearby communities.

The deacon recalled soldiers bursting into the church, cornering and dragging out worshippers and shooting at those who fled.

“I escaped by chance with a priest,” he said. “As we entered the street, we could hear gunfire all over.” They kept running, stumbling over the dead and wounded along with others trying to find places to hide.

Most of the hundreds of victims were killed that day, he said, but the shooting and looting continued the following day.

“They started to kill people who were moving from church to home or home to home, simply because they were on the street,” another witness, visiting university lecturer Getu Mak, told the AP. “It was a horrible act to see.” He watched the fighting from his hotel room, then ventured out as it eased.

“On every corner, almost, there was a body,” he said. “People were crying in every home.”

Another witness, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, said soldiers killed a man at his home near the Zion church. “How can I tell you? So many dead,” said the man, who has since escaped to the Tigray capital, Mekele.

After the killings in Axum came an uneasy period with soldiers roaming the streets and families searching for loved ones. At night, hyenas descended from nearby hills.

The city began to smell of death as some bodies went untouched for days.

“I saw a horse cart carrying around 20 bodies to the church, but Eritrean soldiers stopped them and told people to throw them back on the street,” said Getu, the university lecturer.

Finally, when the soldiers left the city to pursue other fighters, residents mobilized to bury the bodies, the deacon said.

“We could not do a formal burial,” he said. “We buried them en masse” in graves near the Zion church and others.

Some of the dead were among the hundreds of thousands of people in Tigray displaced by the conflict and not known to Axum residents. Their identity cards were collected in churches, where they await the discovery of loved ones.

The deacon said residents believe the Eritrean soldiers were taking revenge for the two-decade border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea that played out nearby and ended after Abiy became prime minister. Some of the soldiers told residents they had been instructed to kill people as young as 12, he said.

Another witness, a 39-year-old who gave only his first name, Mhretab, and escaped weeks ago to the United States, asserted that Ethiopian federal police did nothing to rein in the Eritrean soldiers.

“I said to them, ’Listen, you’re Ethiopian, they’re destroying Ethiopian cities. How is this possible?‴ Mhretab recalled.

”They said, ‘What can we do? This shouldn’t have happened from the beginning. This is from above,’” indicating that it had been decided by senior officials, he said.

He said he ferried bodies to a mass grave by the Zion church and estimated that he saw 300 to 400 there.

The deacon believes that the Eritrean soldiers, in their hunt for Tigray fighters, have killed thousands more people in villages outside Axum. “When they fight and lose, they take revenge on the farmers and kill everyone they can find,” he said. “This is what we’ve seen in the past three months.”

Getu echoed that belief, citing his uncle, who survived such a rural confrontation.

The deacon has not gone to the villages outside Axum. His work remains with his church, where services continue even as he says the Tigray conflict is as fierce as ever.

“We’re also protecting the church,” he said. “Even now, I’m talking to you from there. We are not armed. What we do is mostly watching. And, of course, praying that God protects us.”

Thursday, 18 February 2021 19:46

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 18.02.2021

Written by

News and Press Release Source 

 Posted 17 Feb 2021 Originally published 17 Feb 2021

February 17th, 2021 ― Doha: The representation office of Qatar Red Crescent Society (QRCS) in Sudan has completed Phase 1 of an emergency response to the recent influx of Ethiopian refugees from the war-ravaged Tigray Region of Ethiopia.

Food and nonfood aid was distributed to thousands of refugees facing severe conditions at the Tunaydbah refugee camp, Gadarif State.

The distributions included 2,500 food parcels, each containing 44 kg of food items like flour, rice, lentils, tea, salt, and vegetable oil, as well as 2,000 hygiene kits. In total, these provisions were received by 4,500 refugee families, or an average of 27,000 beneficiaries.

These were part of Phase 1 of the project, which involves multiple sectors, at a total cost of QR 6,681,818. It is planned to distribute another 1,000 food parcels, to be shipped from Qatar later this month, sending the overall number of food parcels to 3,500.

Over the coming period, Phase 2 will be initiated to distribute 2,180 relief kits (kitchenware, blankets, soap, jerry canes, water storage containers, tarpaulins, and washing powder. In relation to water and sanitation, 300 permanent toilets will be delivered and installed. In partnership with the Sudanese Red Crescent Society (SRCS), the camp’s health center will be furnished and operated to offer primary health care services.

Dr. Awadallah Hamdan, Head of QRCS’s office in Sudan, said the organization would be always there for Sudan. The State of Qatar, he asserted, will continue to support the Ethiopian refugees in Sudan with diverse relief interventions. QRCS has already responded to many disasters in the country, including the flash flooding and COVID-19. It works together with SRCS on large-scale health and development projects in Darfur and many other states.

Al-Sayed Abdulazeem, SRCS’s manager of the Tunaydbah refugee camp, commended the diversity and size of the food parcels provided by QRCS for the Ethiopian refugees, compared to other humanitarian providers. He described the aid as “timely to alleviate the suffering of the beneficiaries”.

Eng. Abdulmoneim Othman, the camp’s manager from Sudan’s Commission of Refugees (COR), praised QRCS’s efforts and interventions and promised to offer all possible support to facilitate their work.

The Ethiopian refugees at the camp appreciated the ongoing relief aid from QRCS, which reflected on their smiling faces and thankful words as they happily received the relief items.

Over the past few months, Ethiopian refugees have been displaced by the violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. The latest estimates issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) indicate 61,209 registered refugees. $157 million is needed to respond to the urgent needs of up to 115,000 refugees and 22,000 host communities in Sudan and Djibouti until June 2021.

Gaps remain in all sectors, from water, sanitation, and hygiene to health facilities, food, shelter, protection response, especially youth protection activities, and psychosocial support. Fuel shortages, limited numbers of vehicles, and limited road access are also posing a challenge to the relocation of the new arrivals, as well as the provision of supplies to the different sites. There is a dire need of energy, especially alternative cooking energy.

As famine warnings are triggered and food is stolen from markets, the government blames supporters of ousted president al-Bashir

Protesters build a brick barrier blocking on a main road in the capital Khartoum, during a demonstration against rising prices on 24 January.
Protesters build a brick barrier on a main road in the capital Khartoum, during a demonstration against rising prices on 24 January. Photograph: Ashraf Shazly/AFP/Getty Images
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Seven regions of Sudan have declared states of emergency following violent protests against food price rises. Curfews have been imposed and schools have been forced to close in 10 cities across Darfur, North Kordofan, West Kordofan and Sennar. Buildings were looted and burned, and food was stolen from markets and shops. The regions are among the poorest in Sudan.

The joint military-civilian government believes supporters of the former president, Omar al-Bashir, are behind the protests. The government recently ordered the prosecution of members of Bashir’s party.

Millions of people in the country are struggling as the cost of living continues to rise amid economic difficulties. The Sudanese pound dropped against the dollar from 260 pounds (£3.40) in November to 315 pounds last month. The annual rate of inflation increased to 269% in December, up from 254% in November, according to the Central Bureau of Statistics.

The Famine Early Warning Systems Network (Fewsnet) has said food insecurity could reach crisis levels in parts of Kordofan and Darfur in the coming months. The price of bread has soared. The cost of subsidised loaves, which have become scarce, have increased from 2 pounds to 5 pounds, while unsubsidised bread is being sold in some areas of Khartoum for 15 or 20 pounds, and up to 50 pounds in Darfur and Kordofan. In January, the price of 1kg of sugar was 220 pounds, up from 150 pounds in 2020. Sudan is being encouraged by the international community to devalue its currency in order to get loans.

Mohamed Babikir, an activist who took part in the protests that led to Bashir’s downfall in 2019, said protests had not stopped since 2019. “People are always protesting here and there, demanding justice for those who have been killed, or demanding better politics by having freedoms and the civilian transmission in governance.”

Bashir el-Sadig, a teacher at a girls’ secondary school in the capital of North Kordofan, El-Obeid, which has seen large protests, told the Guardian that more than half of his pupils need help buying food, adding: “Many of them work as cleaners as well, to help themselves and their families. People really are struggling and that’s the mistake of the government in the centre, they didn’t provide enough subsidised food.”

Abdulraheem Ahmed, a teacher at a boys’ high school in Er Rahad, a city to the south of El-Obeid, said: “My wife and I are only two, and we used to eat fruit every two months, now we stopped having fruit, because it is too expensive. I also walk to school instead of taking transportation, which costs me about 100 pounds. I think I should buy something to eat instead of wasting that on transportation.”

FEBRUARY 16, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Warnings about deterioration of press freedom as independent journalists endure harassment, denied access to embattled northern region.

Source: Al Jazeera

Ethiopia’s Tigray conflict and the battle to control information

By James Jeffrey

The government-imposed lockdown of the northern region and communications blackout affecting the internet, mobile phones and landlines has made access and assessment for aid agencies dealing with the unfolding humanitarian crisis extremely difficult. It has also made it next to impossible for media seeking entry to investigate artillery attacks on populated areas, deliberate targeting and massacres of civilians, extrajudicial killings, widespread looting and rape, including by suspected Eritrean soldiers.

At the same time, journalists in the country have been detained, faced threats and harassment – and even attacks.

“This is the worst period in my 10-plus years of journalism,” said one Addis Ababa-based Ethiopian freelance journalist, who, like every journalist contacted for this article, insisted on anonymity due to fear of reprisals, both professional and physical.

The journalist noted that even before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered the November 4 offensive to remove the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) after attacks of federal army bases, the government was already using new anti-hate speech and fake news legislation against critical journalists. “The risk was mainly restricted to imprisonment and verbal harassment. Now, you have the extra risk of losing your life or having your house ransacked as well as vicious social media trolling.”

The journalist said they have had to abandon several writing projects, including one on the plight of a small ethnic group caught up in the secretive Tigray conflict, due to fears about “plain old thuggery and intimidation of journalists”.

‘Regressing signs’

The list of attacks on and intimidation of journalists in Ethiopia is growing. After the Addis Standard, one of Ethiopia’s most influential independent publications, issued a statement in early November urging the government to open channels of communication, Medihane Ekubamichael, a senior editor, was arrested at his home for “attempts to dismantle the Constitution through violence” and “outrage against the Constitution”. He was soon released – but then arrested again and held for about a month. Responsible for much of the paper’s day-to-day operations, his absence meant it had to reduce its journalistic output.

On January 19, Dawit Kebede Araya, a reporter with broadcaster Tigray TV, was found dead with gunshot wounds to his head in his car near Mekelle, Tigray’s regional capital. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has urged an independent investigation into whether his killing was motivated by his work.

On February 8, Ethiopian freelance journalist Lucy Kassa, who has reported about Tigray for several foreign media including the Los Angeles Times and Al Jazeera, said armed intruders broke into her Addis Ababa home. She said men knocked her to the ground, raided her apartment and took a laptop and other items related to her reporting, accusing her of “spreading lies” and supporting “the Tigray junta”.

Three leading Democratic US senators recently wrote to Abiy expressing concerns about the erosion of press freedoms and the government’s “draconian tactics”, while calling for the release of detained journalists.

Now, rights groups said the continuing clash about freedom of the press is rolling back gains made by the country’s long-suffering media, signalling a swing back towards authoritarian intolerance.

“The imprisonment of journalists, many of whom were held for weeks without formal charges, are an indicator of the deterioration of press freedom in Ethiopia and a sign that the government is regressing despite the positive reforms made in 2018 when Abiy became prime minister,” said Muthoki Mumo, CPJ’s representative for sub-Saharan Africa.

“Ethiopian journalists should feel free to publish critical reports and commentary, and this cannot happen in an environment where police can arrest and hold them for weeks without charge, blatantly weaponising the judicial system to intimidate the media.”

The press secretary for the Office of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia did not respond to several requests for comment.

Media landscape challenges

When Abiy was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, the committee praised his “discontinuing media censorship” among his achievements during his first 100 days in power. Positive changes to Ethiopia’s media landscape, including the country ending its block of more than 260 websites and lifting a ban on media outlets forced to work in exile, saw Ethiopia rise in the World Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) from 150 out of 180 countries in 2018 to the 99th rank in 2020. The CPJ’s 2018 annual Prison Census report on journalists imprisoned for their work around the world included no Ethiopians – a first in 14 years.

But as Abiy’s tenure has progressed, so has criticism of his lack of transparency – the prime minister announced the Tigray offensive, in effect a declaration of war, on Facebook – and for repeating what has always happened in Ethiopia when a fresh administration arrives promising reform and freedom of speech: initially new media flourish as restrictions are lifted, but within a few years, the situation returns to the old ways of previous Ethiopian governments.

The CPJ’s 2020 Prison Census published in December 2020 included seven Ethiopian journalists, the third-most among sub-Saharan African countries, after Eritrea and Cameroon (six Ethiopian journalists have been released since the report was published).

Monitors do acknowledge that the government has to deal with a media landscape that is institutionally weak, in which freedom of expression is abused by some media to foment tension and partisanship, even ethnic violence.

“There are legitimate concerns from state and non-state actors about misinformation, disinformation and incitement, particularly during times of political tension,” Muthoki said. “However, these concerns should not be used as pretext to harass the media for critical reporting; to criminalise dissenting views; or as justification to throw journalists behind bars.”

It has long been understood that Ethiopian journalists have it tougher than Ethiopia-based foreign journalists who can more easily seek backup from international agencies or embassies. Ethiopian journalists from Tigray face even more difficulties from the conflict’s fallout. Ethnic Tigrayan journalists have reportedly been collectively suspended from state media outlets, while several anchors of state-owned Ethiopian television were suspended from work for objecting to the wording of news about the Tigray war, according to a source in the industry.

Commenting on an RSF statement about the attack on Kassa, who is Tigrayan, the government’s Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check said “all individuals need to be free from any form of harm” but added the press watchdog was wrong in describing her as working for foreign organisations because she did not have the necessary press authorisation.

CPJ condemned the government unit’s statement as “disgraceful”. “Instead of identifying these attackers and holding them to account, authorities have instead sought to discredit Lucy Kassa by saying she’s not a legally registered journalist, exposing growing hostility to the [press],” it said.

‘Extreme intolerance’

But the screw seems to be turning also on foreign journalists, too. Even while being denied access in Tigray, journalists have said that members of foreign media are also portrayed by the Ethiopian state as “traitors” and enemies of Ethiopia, “paid by Western governments to destabilise Ethiopia”. Foreign reporters also report difficulties renewing work visas, while some have been threatened with deportation. Just quoting the TPLF, the region’s former governing party that has clashed with Abiy, will get you in trouble, journalists have said.

“The level of intolerance around Tigray is as extreme as anything I have seen,” said one long-term commentator on Ethiopia who recently visited the country after working there for nearly a decade, and who described Abiy as displaying “classic dictatorial tendencies”.

There have also been suggestions by journalists the government is employing a coordinated strategy to oppress and undermine journalists through social media, state media and the Ethiopian diaspora. Al Jazeera could not independently verify these claims.

But just as the government is being accused of firing out reams of propaganda and leveraging claims of fake news, so, too, have its opponents. The anti-government strategy appears to be focused on increasing activity on social media – in particular, on Twitter – with supporters encouraged to create new accounts and respond to content about the conflict while also spreading hashtags and tweeting at influential Twitter users. The government has countered by positioning itself in the role of fact-checker and provider of reliable information, usurping the job that the media should be doing.

The result is an extremely confusing information environment compounded by a general sense of suspicion about the information coming out about the conflict – all of which journalists must contend with and try to make sense of, while being impeded by the government.

“The government needs to understand the media is an important component to building a strong democratic society that can inform the public and serve as a platform for dialogue,” said Tewodrose Tirfe, chair of the Amhara Association of America, a US-based advocacy group for the Amhara, Ethiopia’s second-largest ethnic group.

“The government needs to view the Ethiopian media as a partner and not limit journalists access to conflict areas and government officials.”

FEBRUARY 16, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Ethiopian troops – some of them special forces – have seized Eritrean refugees who escaped the war in Tigray and reached the outskirts of Addis Ababa.

Sixty-eight refugees (12 children, 25 women and 31 men), who were previously housed at the four UNHCR camps in Tigray, have been detained and are appealing for help.

All are registered with the UNHCR and fear that they could be forcibly returned to Eritrea. They are asking to be released, to live in Addis with others in the local Eritrean community.

The refugees are currently being detained near a checkpoint known as Tilu Dimtu  (ቲሉ ዲምቱ). This is in the suburb of Gelan, south of the city. They are said to be being held in a metal shed close to condominium homes in the area.

When the war broke out in November last year 96,000 Eritreans were housed in four UNHCR camps situated in Tigray. Previous groups of Eritrean refugees who managed to make it to Addis Ababa were forcibly returned to the camps from which they had fled.

The UN has managed to visit the two southern camps – Mai Ani and Adi Harush – but the two northern camps are reported to have been attacked, emptied and destroyed.

The northern camps (Hitsats and Shimelba) were home to nearly 34,000 Eritreans registered with the UN before the fighting. The UN has been unable to visit these camps, but satellite photographs show them to have been extensively damaged.

ኣብ ወርሒ ጥሪ ብጉባኤ ዞባ ዝተመርጸት ሓዳስ መሪሕነት ቀዳም 13 ለካቲት 2021 ካልኣይ ኣኼባኣ ኣካይዳ። ኣጀንዳ ኣኼባኣ ሰልፍና ንምዕባይን ንምሕያልን እንውጥኖ መደባት ብጽፈት ንምትግባር ኣሰራርሓና ከመይ ይኹን ዝብል እዩ ኔሩ።

ናይ ዞባ ተቖጻጻሪ ዝተሳተፎ ኣኼባ ዝበለጸ ኣሰራርሓ ንምምራጽ ዝኣክል ምይይጥ ኣካይዱ። ግቡእ መረዳእታ ንኽወስድ ሕሉፍ ተመኩሮታት መዚኑ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ብመሰረት ቅዋም ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለ ዝወስድዎ ሓላፍነታት፡ ንነብሳ ኣብ ሰለስተ ሽማግለታት ማለት ናይ ዉደባን ቁጠባን፡ ናይ መንእሰያትን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮን፡ ናይ ዜናን ወጻኢ ርኽክባትን፡ መዲባ ብምስራሕ መደባታ ክተዐውት ወሲና።

እዚ ኣሰራርሓ’ዚ እታ ዝሓለፈት ሽማግለ’ዉን ዝሰርሐትሉን ጽቡቕ ዉጽኢት ዝተረኽቦን እዩ። ሕጂ’ዉን ዘዐዉት ኣሰራርሓ ምዃኑ ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ቀዳማይ ኣኼባ ዝተወሰነ ሓላፍነታት ኣባላት ዞባ ሽማግለ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ እዩ፡

1. ደስበለ ካሕሳይ         ኣቦ መንበር

2. ቦኽረጽዮን ጉብሳ       ሰክረታሪ / ሓላፊ ርኽክባዊ ጉዳያት

3. ፍስሃየ ፍትዊ         ሓላፊ ዉደባዊ ጉዳያት

4. ኪዳነ ፍስሃየ           ሓላፊ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን

5. ኣስገደት ምሕረተኣብ   ሓላፊት ዜናውን ባህላውን

6. ግደይ መሓሪ         ሓላፊት ጉዳያት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ

7. ረዘነ ገብረሚካኤል     ሓላፊ ጉዳያት መንእሰያት

8. ብሮት ተኽለ          ተጠባባቒ

9. የማነ ፍሰሃየ           ተጠባባቒ

10. እስቲፋኖስ በራኺ      ብጉባኤ ዞባ ዝተመርጸ ተቖጻጻሪ (ኦዲተር)

ኣብ ዝመጽእ ግዜ ደሃይ ሰዲህኤ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሒዝና ክሳብ ንመጽእ ተኸታተልትና ሰላም ቀንዩ።

 

የቐንየልና፡

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ዜና ቤት ጽሕፈት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ

02-13-2021