ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብቲ ናይ 30 ዓመታት ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን፡ ምስቲ ዝነበረ ትንፋስ ዘይህብ ጥምጥማት ብዙሓት መስተንክራት ተሰሪሖም እዮም። ውግኣትን ዓወታትን ምሕራር፡ ካብ ዓሊግድር ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ከረን። ብኡ ኣቢልካ ናብ መንደፈራ፡ ዓዲዃላን መረብን፡ በቲ ካልእ ኣቕጣጫ ድማ ካብ ናቕፋን ኣፍዓበትን ክሳብ ደምቀምሓረን ካልኦት ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእቲ ዝነበረ ከባቢታትን ብዙሕ መስተንክራት ተሰሪሑ እዩ። ምሕራር ወደባዊት ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ከኣ ኣካል ናይዚ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት ጀግንነት ዝፈጸምሉ ስርሒታት እዩ።

ኣብዚ ካብ ማይ ባሕሪ ብጭልፋ ዝተጠቐሰ ናይ ጅግንነት ውዕሎታት ዋጋ ዝኸፈሉ ኤርትራውያን ሓርበኛታት እዮም። ኣብዚ ናይ ዓወት ሜዳታት ናይቲ ወርትግ ዘይስልክዮ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኩለ-መዳያዊ ተሳትፎ መወዳድርቲ ኣይነበሮን። እዞም ጀጋኑ ተጋደልትን ህዝብን ነዚ ክቡር ዋጋ ክኸፍሉ እንከለዉ ኣማዕድዮም ዝርእይዎ ኣዝዩ ረዚን ኣማዕድዮም ዝርእይዎ ሸቶ ነይርዎም። እዚ ሸቶ “ናጽነትን ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ህዝባን” ኢልካ ጥራይ ዝጥቀስ ዘይኾነ ናብ ምሉእ፡ ሰላም፡ ዲሞክራስን ልምዓትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝሕመረቱ ነባሪ ራህዋ ዝቋመት እዩ ነይሩ።

ከምዚ ኣብዚ ሰሙን ክንከታተሎ ዝጸናሕና ጨቋኒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ቅድሚ 28 ዓመታት ዝተፈጸመ ስርሒት ፈንቅል ክዝክር ቀንዩ። እዚ ስርሒት ኣካላዊ ህልውና ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝተፈንቀለሉን ዝተሓግሓገሉን ስለ ዝኾነ ምዝካሩ ግቡእ እዩ። “ኪኖ’ቲ ምፍንቃል ኣካላዊ ህልውና ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ፡ እቲ ንሱ ዝግልገለሉ ዝነበረ ወጻዒ ኣተሓሳስባኸ ምስኡዶ ተፈንቂሉ ወይስ ኣይፋሉን?” ዝብል ሕቶ ሃሰስ ምባሉ ኣገዳስነት ኣለዎ። እዚ ንዛረበሉ ዘለና ፈንቅል ምስ ሓፈሻዊ ትጽቢት ህዝቢ አርትራ፡ ሓደ ስጉምቲ ናብ ዓወት እምበር፡ ናይ መወዳእታ ዓወት ከምዘይነበረ ኣብዚ ሎሚ ድሕሪ 28 ዓመት ናይቲ ስርሒት ኮይና ክንርእዮ እንከለና ዘተዓዛዝብ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ክቃለስ እንከሎ ብኣካል ንምልጋሱ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ቀንዲ ዕላምኡስ እቲ ሓይልታት መግዛእቲ ዝጥቀምሉ ዝነበሩ ጸረ-ህዝቢ ኣተሓሳስባታት ዳግማይ ከምዘይሰርር በንቊስካ ንምድራብይ እዩ ነይሩ። እሞ ሎሚኸ ኩነታት ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ኣብ ዓዲ ይሃሉ ኣብ ግዳም ዘመልክቶ እንታይ እዩ። ብርኢቶና ጀግንነት ፈንቅል ኮነ፡ ካልኦት ስርሒታት ጌና ናብ መሰላትን ሓርነታትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይተሸርፈን። ከምዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ከኣ እዮም ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን “ካብ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ሎሚ ድሕሪ ናጽነት’ኳ ዝያዳ ይኸፍኣና” ዝብሉ ዘለዉ። እዚ ኣበሃህላ ከም ምግናን እንተወሲድናዮ፡ “ኤርትራ ብመንጽር፡ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ካብ ናይ ግዜ መግዛእቲ ዝፍለ ህይወት የብላን” ዝብል ሚዛን ግና ብትኽክል ኣብ ኤርትራ ንዘሎ ኩነታት ዝውክል እዩ።

ወየን ቀደም ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ “ደቅኽን ኣብዚ ቦታዚ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሓይልታት ጸላኢ ከምዚ ዓይነት ጀግንነት ፈጺሞም” ዝብል ብምስጢር ዝዝርጋሕ ብስራት ሰሚዐን ዝሕበና ዝነበራ ኣዴታት ኤርትራ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ “ደቂ ስዉኣት ደቅኽን ኣብ ባሕሪ ሚዲትራንያን ሃሊቖም” ዝብል ቀጻሊ መዓንጠአን ዝኹምትር መርድእ ይሰምዓ ኣለዋ። ከምቲ ቀደም ውላደን ከም ዝተሰወአ ምስ ዝፈልጥ፡ ሓይሊ መግዛእቲ “ኣደ ወንበደ” ኢሉ ከየሳቕየን፡  ብወግዒ ምስ ቤተሰብ ዘይኮነ ንበይነን ንውሽጢ ዝነብዓ ዝነበራ፡ እነሆ ሎሚ እውን ብሰንኪ ጥልመት ናይቲ ብዙሕ ሓርነታት ከውሕስ ዝተጸበየኦ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ፡ ውላደን ኣብ ባሕሪ ጥሒሉ ሞይቱ ወይ ናይቲ ጉጅለ ላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ብዘጻወድዎ መፈንጠርያ ብበደዊን ተቐንጺሉ ክሰምዓ እንከለዋ ኣብዘይንቡር ናይ ሓዘን ኩነታት እህህህ ይብላ ኣለዋ። እቲ ቀደም “ኣብ ማርያም ግቢ ተኣሲሩ” ዝብል ዝነበረ ኣሰንባዲወረ ሎሚ ከኣ “ኣብ ዓዲ ኣብዮቶ ተኣሲሩ” ብዝብል ምትክኡ’ውን መለሳ የብሉን።

ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ከም ፈንቅል ንዝኣመሰለ ስርሒታት ዝዝክረሉ ጎራሕ ምኽንያት ኣለዎ። እቲ ዝኽሪ  “ሕድሮም ንዘይምጥላምዩ” ምባሉ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ ወዮ ነቲ “ህዝብና ብሳላ መስዋእትና ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ከይሕረሞ ሓደራ” ዝበልዎ ከም ዝተጠልመ ንርኢ ስለ ዘለና። ስለዚ ህግደፍ ነዚ ዝዝክርሉን ውሕዳት ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ዝጠለሙ ደገፍቶም ዘሳዕስዕሉን ምኽንያት ኣካል ናይቲ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ሕሉፍ መሊስካ ጅሆ ናይ ምሓዙ ጉርሖም እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናይ ደቁ ጅግንነት ክዝከረሉ ዝብህጎ’ኳ እንተኾነ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ዝያዳ ዘድልዮ ግና፡ “ትማሊ ከምዚ ይገብር ነይረ፡ ጽባሕ ከኣ ከምዚ ክገብር እየ” ዝብል ምስምስ ዘይኾነስ “ሎሚ ከምዚ ይገብር ኣለኹ” ዝብል ግብራዊ ቃል ጥራይ ምዃኑ ክርዳእ ንዝደሊ ብሩህ’ዩ። ህዝቢ ንዝተወሰን ግዜ እምበር ንሓዋሩ ክዕሸው ስለ ዘይክእል፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከውርዶ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ጭቆና በቲ ኣብ ፈንቅልን መሰል ዝኽርታትን ዘንብሮ ዕንበባታትን ዘሰልፎ ኣረጊት ኣጽዋርን  “የዕሽዎ ኣለኹ” ኢሉ ዝኣምን እንተኾይኑ ድሕሪት ተሪፉ ኣሎ።

ስለዚ ነቶም ኣብ ምሕራር ምጽዋዕን ካልእ ከባብታትን ንሓይሊ መግዛእቲ ዝፈንቀሉ ክብርን ሞጐስን ይብጸሓዮም። እንተኾነ ብፍላይ ብመንጽር ኣተሓሳስባ ክረአ እንከሎ ካብ መግዛእቲ ፈሊኻ ዘይረአ፡ ጸረ-ሰላም፡ ጸረ-ልምዓትን ጸረ-ደሞክራስን ኣርዑት ናይ ምፍንቃል ዕማም ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ ከም ዘሎ ኣይንዘንግዕ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግና ኮነ ኢሉ ነዞም ህዝብና ድሕሪ ናጽነት ክረኽቦም ዝግበኦ ዝነበሮ ጸጋታት ይነፍጎ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ህዝቢ እውን ካብኡ ዝጽበዮ ፍታሕ የለን’ሞ እቶም ንለውጢ እንቃለስ ዘለና ክንነቕሓሉ ዝግበኣና ዕማም እዩ።

#Refugees

Israel wants to deport 40,000 Africans. Many who left found misery at their destination, and a deadly journey to Europe their only escape

 ly journey to Europe their only escape

African migrants demonstrate against forced deportation in Herzlia, Israel, on 7 February (AFP)
Tessa Fox's picture
Last update: 
Monday 12 February 2018 13:44 UTC
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TEL AVIV - The group of 30 asylum seekers are crammed into the back of several Toyota utility vehicles, as they speed across the Sahara. 

The passengers have paid smugglers thousands of dollars to get out of Sudan and into Europe, but their journey has been treacherous - and for some already deadly.

With no water to get them through the the scorching, stifling heat, many die, as their friends watch in horror. But according to Kiflom, an Eritrean who was among the group, none of the drivers could care.

"Why should we care? God willing you will die too," Kiflom is told by one of the drivers.

They tried to cross to Europe, but a lot died in the Sahara, then in Libya, and then more on the Mediterranean 

- Sheshai, Eritrean refugee in Holot prison, Israel

Kiflom was one of the few who survived, and eventually made it to Italy. But his journey began when he left Israel in April 2016 under its so-called "voluntary departure" programme, which moves unwanted African migrants to a third country with promises of financial support and official refugee status at their destination.

But many of the thousands of mainly Sudanese and Eritreans who left between 2014 and 2016 found their new hosts to be less than welcoming, the promised support failing to materialise, and escape to Europe their only chance of a better life. For many, it was also their death sentence.

Horror stories such as these, contained in a report by the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, Better a prison in Israel than dying on the way, are being used as a warning for 40,000 African migrants and asylum seekers still in Israel. 

Under a draconian acceleration of the old 'voluntary' scheme in January they were given two options: mandatory deportation within 60 days, or indefinite detention in Israel.

Sheshai, also an Eritrean, considers this options from a cell in the Holot detention centre, southern Israel. He has lived in the country for eight years, but was sent to Holot five months ago. He now has less than a month to decide his future.

"A lot of friends left Israel," he told Middle East Eye. "They tried to cross to Europe, but a lot of people died in the Sahara, then a lot of people died in Libya, and then more on the Mediterranean.

"We prefer to stay in prison," he says, although he paints a grim picture of what that means: "We don't have anything, every day we sleep. We [just] have a phone, we use it for internet. We walk around the prison, to de-stress."

A dream turns to a nightmare

Indeed the stories from the other side, from those who have already left, is almost exclusively one of confusion, broken promises, and often death. 

Many are marooned without support and find themselves quickly on the move, crossing the borders of one failed state after another - including South Sudan and Libya - before betting everything on a boat to Europe.

Haile and Isayas, who both left under the voluntary scheme, told the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants that the support promised by Israel never materialised.

Both were given $3,500 and tickets to Rwanda, but from there they were on their own.

Isayas told the migrant hotline: "Israel says you can get documents and receive asylum and that you'll have a good life, like a dream."

But on landing in Rwanda's capital, Kigali, Isayas's documents were confiscated and he was led to a "hotel" where he and other migrants were watched by guards to ensure they didn't leave.

All in Isayas group "stayed in the hotel for a few days before being smuggled to Uganda".

Haile's money disappeared fast, and the last of his funds was used to pay smugglers to get him across the Mediterranean. He was one of the lucky ones: surviving the crossing, he found sanctuary in the Netherlands, where he lives now under refugee status.

African migrants stand behind barbed wire at the Holot detention centre (AFP)

No refugee status

The promises of refugee status were also often broken by the third country. Dawit, another voluntary departure, told HRM he was denied access to UNHCR, the UN's refugee agency.

"We said we want to go to the UNHCR, but they tell us 'no, no, no... If you do not move to another country we will return [you] to your country'."

Feeling "scared, pressured and insecure", Dawit crossed from Rwanda to Uganda after paying people-smugglers with money given to him by Israel.

Andie Lambe, the executive director of International Refugee Rights Initiative, has studied the plight of asylum seekers moved from Israel to Uganda under the 'voluntary deportation' programme.

Read more ►

African migrants in Israel opt for jail over deportation

Lambe said many were taken to a hotel on arrival, "where they could stay for free for two nights", before being left to fend for themselves.

Not one of those she had dealt with were ever granted refugee status - and many told Lambe they were told not to "bother trying" to apply.

"There is a responsibility on the Israeli state to make sure this is happening, if they are going to put that promise in their communications with potential deportees," she said.

Many left high and dry in Uganda found their way to South Sudan, a country itself in the grip of civil war and starvation and where millions of its own civilians had been forced from their homes.

Lambe said the deportees from Israel found themselves there as a direct result of getting nothing from the government of Uganda.

A UN vehicle guards civilians in South Sudan, which has been torn apart by civil war (AFP)

Gabriel, one of those who moved into South Sudan, described how he and others got there.

"All the way with no water, nothing. I don't want to repeat this. It was very hard. We were in the car for almost three days... With goats and sheep, we hid on top," Gabriel tried to explain his journey.

On reaching the border, Gabriel and the other asylum seekers had to each pay $2,000 to cross.

Think about the people who left Israel to have a better life and did not make it

- Isayas, Eritrean refugee

Once in the capital of Juba, the Eritrean asylum seekers felt most at risk from South Sudanese rebels due to connections between the government of South Sudan and Eritrea.

Feeling in constant danger of being deported back to Eritrea, as well as being robbed and imprisoned for months due to not having identification, the asylum seekers moved north to Sudan.

However, many were picked up by Sudan's government, which works with Eritrea to return asylum seekers, many of whom have fled forced, life-long conscription to its army.

Samson was one of those scooped up by Sudanese police. After paying a bribe for his freedom, he found many of his friends had already been sent back to their home country.

"Now where are they? I don't know… [maybe] they will die in Eritrea."

African migrants attempt the crossing to Europe (AFP)

Libya's horror

What came next for those who escaped was even worse: Libya.

The journey to Libya haunts the asylum seekers who survived. "At night it comes to us in our head, it repeats… It wakes me up, what I saw… I don't want to remember this… I want to close that door," Kiflom, who survived the desert crossing, told HRM.

Many were placed in overcrowded warehouses for months. In rooms of up to 1,500 people, they were subject to rape, daily violence, slavery, and no food or water.

Like other prisons they had been in, ransoms were required for escape. "Those who did not have money stay longer." Many died.

The asylum seekers could only get on boats to Italy when the smugglers had found at least 500 people wanting go. Overloaded, the motors on the boats broke.

"We went 500 people into the sea, and out of them returned just maybe 100 people… From Israel there were 10 people on the boat, and we got out only three, you understand? Seven people died," Tesfay, a survivor, told HRM.

They know they have no work permits. They hear the stories, they're not ignorant.

- Dror Sadot, Hotline for Refugees and Migrants

Isayas is thankful he survived. He lives now in Italy. But he will never stop thinking of the people who died.

"Think about the people who left Israel to have a better life and did not make it," he said.

Dror Sadot, a spokesman from HRM, told Middle East Eye that such stories would always get back to those awaiting deportation.

"They know what happened to their friends, when they left Rwanda or Uganda, they know many died on the way.

"They know they have no work permits. They hear the stories, they're not ignorant."

Of those left, Dror Sadot said many believe they will not be imprisoned for long by Israel, and it's better to wait it out.

Sheshai has hope the High Court in Israel will reverse the governments plan to deport them. "I hope a lot of people in Israel stand with us, with refugees," he said.

 

Source=http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-african-migrants-voluntary-deportation-205044968

February 11, 2018

The Red Sea is becoming host to three distinct but loosely linked theatres of competition.

Workers stand as a ship unloads its shipment of grain at the Red Sea port of Hodeida, on December 24.    (Reuters)
Collision course? Workers stand as a ship unloads its shipment of grain at the Red Sea port of Hodeida, on December 24. (Reuters)

International interest in and around the Red Sea is intensifying, bringing increased geopolitical competition.

To the north, the Suez Canal links the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean and represents a crucial maritime trade route, transporting about 2.5% of global oil shipments, Global Security.org said.

At the other end, the Bab el Mandeb Strait — one of the world’s most important chokepoints, only 29km wide at its narrowest point — com­mands the southern entrance. It has taken on added geostrategic importance since the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen began in 2015.

Further south is the Horn of Africa, a hotbed of maritime piracy that prompted navies from around the world to form task forces to fight it.

The Red Sea’s enhanced geostrategic importance is driving unprecedented development and competition. Last year, China boosted its power projection capabilities by inaugurating a nearly $600 million naval base in Djibouti. The newest entrant is Turkey, which recently signed an agreement with Sudan to develop a port at Suakin.

China and Turkey will join the United States, which has operated its only full-fledged expeditionary military base on Africa, Camp Lemonnier, also in Djibouti, since 2002, as well as the French, Italian and Japanese forces.

Saudi Arabia has been running operations with coalition allies out of a base in Assab, Eritrea. The United Arab Emirates has a military presence in Yemeni Red Sea ports of Aden, Mokha and Mukalla as well as the island of Perim in Assab, and in Berbera in autonomous Somaliland. Last year, Turkey opened a military base in Somalia to train Somali forces.

The Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen has necessitated Arab Gulf countries locking off maritime supply routes to Houthi rebels and developing a supporting logistics network for operations. The Saudi-led coalition has been wary of providing Houthi rebels space to blockade or disrupt maritime traffic by mining and anti-ship weapons from the Yemeni coast, especially around the Bab el Mandeb.

Such burgeoning international interest in and around the Red Sea in the absence of a formal regional framework is straining the environment as a growing number of stakeholders seek to safeguard their interests by counterbalancing competitors. As such the Red Sea is becoming host to three distinct but loosely linked theatres of competition.

At the global level, the rise of China has been driving international competition. The Chinese want to safeguard freedom of navigation for key maritime trade routes and massive investments into Africa as part of its One Belt, One Road Initiative. The United States wants the regional security landscape preserved favourably, especially with Israel being in close proximity but also against terrorist threats and to counter a rising China and resurgent Russia.

The Saudi-led coalition is seeking to ease the socio-political instability that has been taking hold around Saudi Arabia’s periphery in good part by counterbalancing the regional footprint of Iran, which supports the Houthi rebels in Yemen.

Finally, there is the north-east African geopolitical competition. Egypt has strained relations with Sudan, which Cairo charges with supporting the Muslim Brotherhood. Egypt opposes Sudan-backed Ethiopian plans for the Renaissance Dam under construction since 2011. When finished it will be Africa’s largest hydro-electric power station and generate much-needed electricity for Ethiopia and Sudan but reduce water flows to Egypt’s Nile.

Sudan, like Ethiopia, has been the subject of investments and support from Qatar. Egypt views a potential emerging pro-Muslim Brotherhood alliance between Turkey, Qatar and Sudan as an incubating threat. Sudan recalled its ambassador to Egypt following reports Egypt had dispatched troops to Eritrea, which borders Sudan, in response to the announcement of Turkey’s Suakin agreement.

Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, Egypt, Sudan, Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia all border the Red Sea or its entry points but a growing number of extra-regional powers are moving in swiftly to safeguard their interests.

Some analysts say the Red Sea basin was previously overlooked for its strategic value. Being part Middle East and part Africa, it was approached in a segmented way. The absence of a multilateral regional framework to manage affairs or disputes in the Red Sea is probably a key reason why outside powers have been able to formalise their own presence and, ironically, may be making its emergence even less likely.

Written By Sabahat Khan

Sabahat Khan is a senior analyst at the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA).

Source=https://thearabweekly.com/why-intensifying-international-interest-red-sea-driving-military-buildup

ብጻይ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብ10 ለካቲት 2018 ብቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ዝተዳለወ’ሞ ስርሑ ንክጅምር ትጽቢት ክግበረሉ ዝጸንሐ  መድረኽ ፓልቶክ (EPDP youth corner) ብወግዒ ስራሕ ኣጀሚሩ። ኣብዚ መእተዊ ቃሉ ነቶም እዚ መድረኽ ተኸፊቱ ስራሕ ንክጅመር ዝጸዓቱን ናይቲ መኽፈቲ ዕዱም ጋሻ ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ኣሰይድን ኣመስጊኑ። ኣብቲ መስርሕ ምይይጥ ናይቲ መድረኽ ሕግን ስርዓትን ምኽታልን ኣብቲ ዝተላዕለ ዛዕባ ምትኳርን ዘለዎ ኣገዳስነት ድማ ኣብሪሁ።

ብጻይ መድሃኔ ህብትዝጊ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ብወገኑ  ናብ ምኽፋት እቲ መድረኽ ንምብጻሕ ዝተኻየደ ጻዕሪ ዘርዚሩ፡ ዕላማ እቲ መድረኽ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ኣባላት ሰዲህኤ ይኹኑ ኣይኹኑ ቦታኦም ኣብዚ ደሞክራስያዊ ቃልሲ ምሕያልን ምስፋሕን ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ ሓቢሮም ንኸህብትምዎ ጸዊዑ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ከኣ ንዕዱም ጋሻን  ኣብዚ መኽፈቲ ሃናጽን መተባብዕን ሓሳባት ንዝሃቡን ኣመስጊኑ።

ናይቲ ዕለት ዕዱም ጋሻ ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ኣሰይድ (ኣቡሃሽም) “ክስተት ጀኦ-ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኣብ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ” ኣብ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ሰፊሕ መበገሲ መርሂ ሂቡ። ኣብ መብርሂኡ፡ ናይዚ ፍሉይ ኣጋጣሚ ዕዱም ብምዃኑ ሓጐስ ከም ዝስመዖ ጠቒሱ፡ ሰዲህኤ ነቲ ብውሽጥን ግዳምን ከጋጥሞ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ዕንቅፋታት ከከም ኣመጻጽኣኡ እንዳመከተ የካይዶ ንዘሎ ቃልሲ ንኢዱ። ኣተሓሒዙ ድማ፡ ጂኦ-ፖለቲካ ማለት እንታይ ማለት ምዃኑ፡ ህልዊ ኩነታት ከባቢ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ዝምድና ህዝብታት ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣብ ታሪኽ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝተኻየዱ ውግኣት፡ ህልዊ ቅልውላው ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ጽልዋን፡ ተጽዕኖ ፈለግ ኒል/ናይል ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ … ወዘተ ኣብ ዝብሉ ነጥብታት ሰፊሕን ዝርዝራውን መብርሂ ንተሳተፍቲ ኣቕሪቡ።

ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ኣብዚ ሓያሎ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ኣኼባ ንዕዱም ጋሻ ብምምስጋንን ኣብ ቀጻሊ’ውን ኣብዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መድረኽ ሓሳቡን ርእይትኡን ንኸይፍለዮም ብምዝኽካር ዝተፈላለዩ ሕቶታት ኣቕሪቦም። ካብቶም ዝቐረቡ ሕቶታት፡ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ዝብል ከባቢ ዘጠቓልለን ሃገራት ብዓል መን እየን?፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ፈለግ ናይል (ኣባይ) ኣብ መንጎ ኢትዮጵያን ግብጽን ዘሎ ኩነታት ናበይ ክምዕብል እዩ፡ ብመንጽር ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕጊኸ ከመይ ይረኣ? ኣብ መንጎ ሱዳንን ኤርትራን ዘሎ ወጥሪ ንኩነታት ኤርትራ ብከመይ ክጸልዎ እዩ? ውግእ የመንን ናይተን ኣብቲ ውግእ ተሳቲፈን ዘለዋ ሃገራት ወተሃደራት ኣብ ኤርትራ ምስፋርን ተጽዕኖኡ ክሳብ ክንደይ እዩ?፡ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን ከ ሃገርናን ህዝብናን ካብ ናይ ኢድ-ኣዙር ውግእ ንምድሓን  እንታይ ክንገብር ይግበኣና?” … ወዘተ ዝብሉ ይርከብዎም። ኣቶ ዓብደራሕማን ንነፍሲ ወክፍ ሕቶ ብሩህ መልሲ ሂቡ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ተሳተፍቲ ንንጹር መብርህታትን ምቕሉል ኣቀራርባን ጋሻ ኣመጒሶም እቲ ሓሳባት ኣፍልጦኻ ኣብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ከባቢና ክብ ዘብል ምንብሩ ምስ ሓበሩ ንኣገዳስነት ቀጻልነት ከምዚ ዓይነት መድረኻት ከኣ ጸዊዖም።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብ ቀደም ጀሚሩ ኣንጻርኩሎም ወጻዕቱ ክቃለስ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ኢዩ ኣብ መስከረም 1961 ዓ.ም ብጅግና ስዉእ ኣቦ ሰውራሓምድ እድሪስ ዓዋተ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ዝጀመረ።

ኣብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ድማ መራሕቱ ገለ ብልቢ ምእንቲ ነጻነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ክቃለሱ ከለዉ ገለ ድማ መልክዖም ሓቢኦም ሓለይቲ ህዝብን ሃገርን ተመሲሎም ንገዛእርእሶም ኣብ ስልጣን ዝመጽሉ  ኣገባብ ይሓልሙን ይኣልሙን ኔሮም። ካብዚ ተበጊሶም ድማ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ኣብ ክፍልታት ተመቓቒላ ከም ትቃለስ ጌሮማ፡ ታሪኽ ከም ዝሕብሮ ሓደ ካብቲ ኣሉታዊ ምምሕዳር ክፍልታት ሓንቲ ክፍሊ ናይ ካልኦት ክፍልታት ዕማም ከም ዘይናታ ዕማም ትሪኣዮ ምንባራ እዩ። ብጻዕሪ መሰረታት ግን ናብ ሓድነት ዘምርሕ ጉባኤ ኣዶብሓ ተባሂሉ ዝፍለጥ መስርሕ ሓድነት ተኻይዱ።ካብዚ ተበጊሱ ድማ ኢዩ ጉባኤ ክግበር ዲሞክራሲ ክትግበር መራሕቲብምርጫ ክመጹ ብማለት ኣብ 1971 ሃገራዊ ጉባኤ ክግበር ዝተወሰነእንተኾነ እቶም ኣነ እንተሞይተ ብድሕረይ ሳዕሪ ኣይብቆላ በለት ኣድጊዝባህሪኦም ኣብ ጉባኤ ከይተበጽሐ ክፍንጨሉ መሪጾም፡፡

ምፍንጫል ድማ ክሳብ ክንደይ ሃሳዪ ምዃኑ ተራእዩ ኢዩነጻነት ኤርትራ ኣብ መጨረሽታ ሰብዓታት ክረጋገጽ ዝግብኦ ዝነበረ ክሳብ 1991 ተመጢጡ ቃልስና ብምምጣጡ ድማ  ብኣሽሓት ዝቑጸሩ ጀጋኑ በሊዑ፡፡ በዚ መንገዲ ድማ ኤርትራ ካብ ባዕዳዊ መግዛእቲ ነጻ ወጺኣ ድሕርዚ ድማ ኢዩ ኣቶ ኢሰያስ ምእንቲ ህዝቢ ንቃለስ ኣለና ክብል ከምዘይጸንሐ ንሱ ናይ ኩሉ ወዳኢ ኮይኑስ ኣብ 20 ሰነ 1991 ዓ,ምብዛዕባ መደብ ግዝያዊ መንግስቱን ድሕሪ ክልተ ዓመት ድማ ረፈረንዱም ክካየድ ምዃኑን ምስ ሓበረ  ብዛዕባ‘ተን  ካብ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ወጻኢዝነበራ ውድባት ዝተቓለሱን ኣሽሓት ስዉኣት ብጾት ዝኸፈሉን ኣሽሓትውን ዝሰንከሉሉን ክዛረብ ከሎ ድርቅንኡን ባሓትነቱን ንምርኣይ  ኣንቱም ብስም ውድባት ተታሊልኩም ዝጸናሕኩም ምሕረት ተገይርልኩምዩ ዓድኹም ኣቲኹም ሃገርኩም ክትሃንጹ ብጀካ እቶም ብገበን ዝሕተቱ፡ከምኡውን እቶም ምስ ጸላኢብረት ዓጢቕኩም ዝጸናሕኩም ምሕረት ተገይርልኩምዩ ዓድኹም ኣቲኹም ሃገርኩም ክትሃንጹ ብጀካ እቶም ብገበን ዝሕተቱ፡ ድሕሪሕጂ  ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን ካብ ሕጂ ንደሓር ብወገን ብኣውራጃ ብሃይማኖት ኣምሲሉ ፖለቲካ ክገብርዝተረኽበ ድማ ኢድ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓጺር ኣይኮነን ክብልዩ ዝደምደመ።

በሉስከ ብቐዳምነት መንዩ መሓሪ መንከኢዩኸ ተመሓሪ ዝፈርድ ህዝቢምበር ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ውን ኢሰያስ ኣይኮነን፡ ንሱ ግን ህዝባዊ መሰል ምምንጣል ኣመሉን ሕልሙን ስለዝኾነ ኣይገደሶን፡ እታ ኢድ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓጺር ኣይኮነን ኢሉ ምፍርርሑ ግን ክሳብ ሕጂ ትቕጽል ኣላ በሃላይ ኢየእስከ ንምዘንሞ ምስዚ ኩሉ ተመኩሮ ቃልሲ ሃገር ብዘይ ቅዋምን ብዘይተመርጸ ብኢወነንኡ ብዝተኾየጠ ዲክታቶርዶ ምተመርሐትእመስለኩምስለዚ እዛ ብርኩታ እምኒ ኣላታ ከምዝበሃል እቶም ፍትሒ ንምንጋስ ህዝባዊ ስልጣን ንምርግጋጽ ንቃለስ ኣለና ንብል ዘየዐውተና ዘሎስ፡ ሚልዮናት ዶላራት ኣውጺኡ ከምዘይንሰማማዕ  ይገብረና ከይህሉ ዘየጠርጥርከ እንታይ ኣለና? ኩሉ ንኢሰያስን ስርዓቱን  ዝጻረርን ንህግደፍ ይቃወም ኢየ ዝብል ኣፉ ዝብሎ ዘይኮነስ ተግባሩ ኢና ክንርኢ ዝግባእ። ውድባት ሰልፍታት ኣብዚግዜዚ እንተኾነ እተን ተመሳሳሊ መደብ-ዕዮ ዘለወን እንዳሰመራ ብዝሒ ውድባት ሰልፍታት ክንክያ፡ እተን መደብ ዕዮአን ዘይመሳሰል ድማ ከም ኤርትራውያን ፍልልያተን ወጊነን ብሓባር ክሰርሓ ኢዩ ዝግባእ ዝነበረእንተኾነ ኣብክንዲ ምስማር ምፍንጣሕ ኣብ ክንዲ  ፍልልያት ምጽባብ ፍልልያት ምግፋሕ ኢዩ ዝርአ ዘሎ። በዓል እከለ ሙኩራት ኢዮምሞ መሪሖም ከዐዉቱና ኢዮም ኢልካ እምነት ዘንበርካሎም ኮኑ በዓል እከለውን ምሁራት ኢዮምሞ ንውድብና ንሰልፍና ከዐርይዎ  ኢዮም ዝበልካዮም  እቲ ምኩር ዝበልካዮ ምፍንጫል ይህንድስ እቲ ምሁር ኢዩሞ ከዐሪ ኢዩ ኢልካ ዝተጸበኻዮ ክዘርግ ምዕዛብ ብጣዕሚ ኢዩ ዘሕዝነካ። ስለዚ ኢየ ድማ ንጽሑፈይ ንማይ ዝበልካዮስ ንበረድ ኣይግበሮ  ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ዝሃብኩዎ።

ኣብ መጨረሽታ ክብሎ ዝደሊ ዝኾነ ሰብ ናቱ ርእይቶ ክህልዎን ንዕኡ ከዐውት ክቃለስን ድማ መሰሉዩናተይ ርእይቶ እንተዘይተዓወተ ኢልና ፈንጨራዕ ኢልና ንዕንድር እንተኾንና ግን ብተዘወዋሪ መንገዲ  ንመላኺ ስርዓት ኢሰያስ ነገልግል ከም ዘለና ክንርዳእ ይግባእ።ካልእ ብሓቂ ንፍትሒ ንቃለስ እንተኰናስ በበይንና ከነዐውቶ ከምዘንኽእል ኣሚንና ይንዋሕ ይሕጸር ክንራኸብ ምዃንና ተረዲእና ፍልልያት ክመጽእ ከሎ ከምቲ ‘‘ካብ መርዓ በዓለገስ ፍትሕ ጭዋ ይሓይሽ‘‘ ዝበልዎ ተኸባቢርካ ምፍልላይውን ልቦና ኢዩ እቲምንታይሲ ጽባሕውን ክንራኸብ ስለዝኾንና።ስነ-መጎት ዘይብሉ ጸርፍን ልቅባትን ድማ፡ መግለጺ ዋናታቱ ካብ ምዃኑ ሓሊፉ፡ ዝለግብ ከምዘይኮነ ክእምት እፈቱ።

መዓሾ ኣስራት 

ጀርመን 11 ለካቲት 2018

The process towards unifying all the forces for democratic change in the Eritrean Opposition Camp failed in all its efforts in the past two decades. The struggle from dictatorship to democracy requires skills and knowledge about the identity rooted divisions and their management.

In this article, I will delve on addressing the real causes of conflict in the opposition political and civic organizations and what is the root cause that they split every time now and then. The Eritrean internal conflict is deep-rooted conflict based on identities This deep-rooted conflict has never got the right solution from the very beginning of Eritrean political struggle for self-determination and later during the armed liberation struggle and now at this time of struggle from dictatorship to democracy. Eritrean leaders has inherited violent and destructive conflict management and this authoritarian and totalitarian culture of excluding, ignoring or attempting to eliminate each other has never brought peace inside and outside Eritrea. The Eritrean political elites must learn the past violent conflict resolving methods and adopt the new democratic methods based on mutual respect and leading towards peaceful co-existence.

 Developing  a national awareness requires objectivity, tolerance of cultural difference and knowledge of the diverse Eritrean people's history and their struggle for independence and freedom. Tolerance and resilience- the properties we all lack to solve our internal and external conflicts. It is disappointing that every now and then that the Eritrean political organizations split in groups because of personal chemistry. The recent split inside EPDP was not based on political program or national principles according the two groups arguments and counterarguments, it was simple resolve it by sitting together and negotiate on the issues of conflict.

What we experience inside the our political leaders their incapability of solving their internal conflict and reminds us that still they lack the skills of managing conflicts. What can we the grass-roots do in order to help them come together. What we need is open mind and heart and discuss the issues of conflict in the Eritrean political arena.

What we see and experience in the opposition camp in the social media is not constructive but destructive in all aspects. The political leaders have been manipulating and exploiting the unawareness of our people for their narrow benefits, this is the main cause of multiplication of  political organizations now and then. The Eritrean people must be aware of such elements who preside their personal interests before the people's interests. The people must rise against such leaders and warn to change their destructive attitude of conflict management and search new tools for conflict management suitable to our case in Eritrea. We must say now enough is enough no more walls of hate and disintegration but building bridges for peace and harmony to win the dictatorship inside Eritrea and transfer the power to its owner- the Eritrean people.

Tools for conflict management in the opposition camp

The Eritrean internal conflict is identity -driven and emotionally charged mobilized to violence instead of building trust and harmony. The situation of the Eritrean Forces for democratic change( political and civic organizations) is in crisis. We failed to resolve our internal conflicts in the past 15 years. Let us learn from our failures search for new methods of conflict management.

What we need is a new range of flexible and adoptable tools that can take consideration of the interests that helps us solve the personality-related conflicts. The aim of this article is to concentrate on developing the resources and materials by assisting the construction of the process of negotiation/ dialogue and its outcome. Designing good conflict management based on the democratic values is criteria to come together and negotiate. Democracy itself is not a panacea itself but if we in the opposition camp believe in democratic principles we must first resolve our internal conflicts peacefully without external intervention. We must own the process. An imposed solution cannot resolve our internal conflict, such imposed or coerced conflict management failed is not sustainable.

In this article I would like to propose that Negotiation/ Dialogue is the only possibility and in this case we must assist the opposition leaders to:

- enter the process of negotiating a political settlement by helping them generate creative scenarios for progress towards an acceptable outcome.

- provide them with a wide range of political options both for designing the most appropriate negotiations process for them and selecting the democratic structure suitable to our situation

- assisting them in developing solutions which are acceptable and appropriate with our situation

- provide information on the range of varied approaches to building sustainable democracy inside the opposition camp  to gain the people's trust and legitimacy.

In conclusion, I would like to remind all the forces for democratic change focus on issues not on personalities.

References:

1. SIDA/ Sweden International Development Agency, " Democratization and Armed Conflicts.

2. IDEA/ International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, " Building Trust and Cooperation

 

Friday, 09 February 2018 21:50

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 08.02.2018

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Vol 59 No 3

Published 9th February 2018

Two Middle Eastern power blocs are buying friends and influence in the Horn but further damaging prospects for stability there

Saudi Arabia's and the United Arab Emirates' military dealmaking in the Horn of Africa is deepening rivalries in a region already overflowing with arms. This year, there has been a flurry of diplomatic missions and in-camera meetings at the African Union about tensions triggered by the growing foreign military presence in the Horn. Gulf states see the area bordering the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden as their sphere of influence, militarily and commercially.

Map Copyright © Africa Confidential 2018

Now the conservative Gulf monarchies, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, in alliance with Egypt, are boosting their presence in the Horn as part of their competition with Qatar and Turkey, whom they lambast as leading supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates in the region. The immediate reason for Saudi Arabia and the UAE striking a series of military cooperation deals with Eritrea, Djibouti, Somaliland and Somalia was to strengthen their position in the civil war across the Red Sea in Yemen

Saudi Arabia and the UAE's campaign against the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen has been going badly. They want to use bases in the Horn in support of their bid to take control of the Yemeni coastline, cut the rebels' supply lines, and intensify aerial and naval attacks from the south. Eritrea, Somalia and Sudan all have troops fighting alongside Saudi Arabia in Yemen.

Sudan, whose Islamist regime under President Omer Hassan Ahmed el Beshir has been trying to suppress protests about rising food prices, is struggling to maintain functional relations with both the Saudi and Qatari blocs. Khartoum is in a serious dispute with Egypt over the Hala'ib Triangle, a 21,000-square-kilometre area both countries claim (AC Vol 54 No 25, Cape to Cairo, again).

In the 1990s, Egypt deployed its military in the triangle. There the issue might have rested, had not Cairo come to an agreement with Saudi Arabia to hand over two Red Sea islands, Tiran and Sanafir (AC Vol 57 No 14, Red Sea wrangles). The agreement, which caused nationalist fury in Egypt, also redrew the maritime border between the two countries and unilaterally imposed Egyptian sovereignty over the Hala'ib Triangle. Sudan reacted in December last year, sending a letter to the United Nations rejecting the deal and recalling its ambassador to Cairo.

Eritrea win
Meanwhile, Ethiopia is racked by dissent among its nationalities, its leaders divided over how many of its thousands of detainees to set free. Eritrea is wrestling with an exodus of young people desperate to escape the notoriously repressive conscription regime. Into this morass have stepped Saudi Arabia and the UAE as they seek regional political, military and diplomatic support for their war in Yemen against the Houthis.

The biggest beneficiary of the conservative Gulf Arab alliance has been President Issayas Afewerki, who has gained an unexpected lifeline in return for providing logistical facilities. This is a blow to Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia, which had previously succeeded in isolating Eritrea and preventing it from meddling in their internal affairs, mainly through a UN arms embargo and a limited sanctions regime in place since 2009.

Asmara Airport has been renovated and the Eritrean port of Assab is now a military base leased to the Saudis and the UAE from which they prosecute their war in Yemen. The UAE has taken Yemeni prisoners to Assab to be interrogated and tortured, according to human rights activists. Eritreans in Yemen report the presence of up to 400 Eritrean troops fighting alongside the Saudi-led alliance.

It was against this background that Issayas went on a two-day visit to Egypt on 9-10 January. His talks with President Abdel Fattah el Sisi are reported to have centred on economic ties and what were described as 'regional and international topics of mutual importance'. Communiqués spoke of a mutual interest in a bilateral strategic partnership. The cementing of its relationship with Egypt is one of the biggest rewards for Asmara for accommodating the Gulf regimes.

For Egypt, there is potential profit in Asmara's fierce enmity with Ethiopia, whose Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is causing Cairo deep concern. The flow of the Nile into Egypt – source of nearly all its water – could be reduced, depending on how quickly Ethiopia decides to fill the 10.74 billion cubic-metre reservoir for the still uncompleted dam (AC Vol 58 No 3, Eritrea's unsettling alliance). Egypt is belatedly attempting to make up some of the expected deficit by commissioning a desalination plant, but this is expensive technology and it will take years to build.

Regional foil
Egypt has used Eritrea as a strategic counterbalance to Ethiopia since the 1950s. It hosted the Eritrean Liberation Movement, the precursor of the guerrilla groups which eventually expelled Ethiopia and established Eritrea as an independent state in 1993. In recent years Ethiopia has accused Eritrea of hosting rebels bent on attacking the GERD. In March 2017 Ethiopia said Eritrea was behind an unsuccessful attempt by the Benishangul Gumuz People's Liberation Movement to raid the dam. Eritrea denied the accusation. Later that year 150 members of the same group defected to Ethiopia and accused the Eritreans of instructing them to sabotage the dam.

On the day of the Issayas/El Sisi meeting, the Qatar-based Al Jazeera television news channel claimed that Egypt had 'sent hundreds of its troops to a UAE base in Eritrea, on the border with Sudan'. The channel said the deployment was a response to Turkey expanding its influence in the region by establishing a military base at the ancient Sudanese port of Suakin, even though the UAE base in Assab is 700 kilometres from Sudan as the crow flies, and much further by road.

A pro-Muslim Brotherhood media outlet, the London-based Middle East Monitor, went further, alleging that Egypt was training Eritreans at its military academy at Sawa, close to the Sudanese border. These reports were dismissed by the Eritrean Minister of Information, Yemane Gebremeskel, who tweeted: 'Al Jazeera News Channel seems to relish propagating false and preposterous news on Eritrea.' Al Jazeera is caught up in Doha's larger struggle with Saudi Arabia, which included scaling back the television channel among its 13 demands on Qatar when it launched its dispute with Doha last June.

Sudan is navigating these competing blocs. Omer believes he faces a threat from Eritrea. In late December, he declared a six-month state of emergency in the state of North Kordofan and in Kassala, which borders Eritrea. Early in January hundreds of Sudanese troops together with military vehicles and tanks were reported passing through the town of Kassala en route to the Eritrean border. The manoeuvres were said to be designed to counter smuggling and human trafficking; this is hardly plausible, since the border region has been used for such practices for decades, with officials on both sides implicated in the trade.

Meanwhile, Ethiopia tries to mitigate the threats it faces from a resurgent Eritrea and its heavyweight allies. Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn met the Sudan Armed Forces Chief of General Staff, Lieutenant-General Emad el Din Mustafa Adawi, on 8 January. Workneh Gebeyehu, Ethiopia's Foreign Minister, has held meetings with the UAE's Minister of State for International Cooperation, Reem bint Ibrahim al Hashimy, the outcome of which is not known. Hailemariam also went to Cairo on 17 January to meet the Egyptian President; the only topic publicly revealed to have been under discussion was the GERD. At a joint press conference on 18 January, El Sisi declared his 'profound concern' at the deadlock in the tripartite technical committee (also involving Sudan) studying the impact of the GERD, while he and Hailemariam signed several memoranda of understanding on other issues. On 29 January, on the sidelines of the African Union summit, the leaders of Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan discussed ways of cooperating and pledged to find a peaceful and cooperative solution to the Nile dispute.

Somalia's President Mohamed Abdullah Mohamed 'Farmajo', despite his country's close ties to Turkey and Qatar, tries to maintain good relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which help to finance his government. However, when the UAE signed an agreement with Somaliland to open a military base in Berbera, Somalia still protested. And so far, Farmajo shows no sign of bowing to Saudi Arabian pressure to break Somalia's ties with Qatar.

What is apparent is that there is a new scramble for influence along the Red Sea. If the reports of Egyptian troop deployments to Assab are confirmed, then Cairo will have joined Saudi Arabia and the UAE in the Eritrean port. At the same time, Turkey is adding Sudan's Suakin to its base in Somalia and a possible base in Djibouti. Could Egyptian and Turkish forces be drawn into the Yemeni civil war on opposite sides? The Horn of Africa is entering a dangerous phase.

Source=https://www.africa-confidential.com/article/id/12234/Rival_Arab_powers_take_their_fight_to_Africa

ሰልፊ ማለት ብሓደ ስነ ሓሳብ መትከል ተኣሳሲሩ ዝሰርሕ ፖሊቲካዊ ምትእኽኻብ ናይ ሰባት ኢዩ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ወይ ዘይዲሞክራሲያዊ ክኸውን ይኽእል። ሰልፈይ ዲሞክራሲያዊ  ድዩ ኣይኮነን ንምፍላጥ ኣነ መሰለይ እንታይ ኢዩ ምስ ፈለጥኩ ጥራሕ ኢየ ክመዝኖ ዝኽእል። ብኣከያይዳ ናይ ሰልፈይ ዕጉብ ክኸውን ከይከውን  ኣብ ኣተሓሳስባይ ኢዩ ዝምርኮስ። እንተደኣ ብወገን ብዓሌት ብቢሄር ብሃይማኖት ብጥቅሚ ተወዲበ ደላይፍትሒ ኣይኮንኩን ዲሞክራሲ እውን ትርጉማ ኣይፈልጦን ኢየ ማለት ኢዩ። ኣብ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ  ኩሉ ብድምጺ ኢዩ ዝውሰን፡ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ  ኣብ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ እንተኾነ እውን  ብድምጺ ኢዩ ዝውሰን ዝነበረ። ውሽጣዊ ናይ ስልጣን ቁርቁስ ከም ዝነበረ ግን ምስተተኮሰ ኢኻ ትፈልጥ። ብህዝቢ ንክምረጽ ዝንቀሳቀስ ሰልፊ ኣብ ውሽጡ ብደሞክራሲ ዘይምራሕ እንተደኣ ኮይኑ ነቲ ብህዝቢ ዝካየድ ምርጫ እውን ክኣምነሉ ስለዘይክእል ክዕምጽ ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዝኽእል። ንሓንቲ ሰልፊ እንታይነታ ንምፍላጥ መትከላታን ኣከይይደኣ ንምክትታል ወሳኒ ኢዩ።

 ኣነነትዶ  ዲሞክራሲ !!!   ኣብ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ብጉዳይ ባይቶ ኣዋሳ ንካፈልዶ ኣይንካፈል ምስ መጸ ብባይቶ ይኹን ብኣብዝሓ ኣባላት ኣይንካፈልን ዝብል ድምጺ እንተሰዓረ፡ ብናይ ሓሶት ጥሩምባ ክፍንጨሉ ደኣ መረጹ!!!  ብድምጺ ክምእዘዙ ኣይደለዩን ፡ ቀዳመይቲ ኣስተምህሮ ዲሞክራሲ ኣብ ድምጺ ምእማን ኢዩ።

ዝኾነ ሓላፍነት ንምውሳድ  ካብ ጨናፍር ኢዩ  ተመሪጹ ዝኸይድ፡ ዝኾነ ተግባር እውን ኣባላት ክፈልጥዎ ይግባእ፡ ናብቲ ዝመረጸካ ተመሊስካ ተማኺርካ ደኣምበር ቢኢደዋኒንካ እትወስዶ ስጉምቲ ዘይዲሞክራሲያዊ  ኢዩ። ናይ ውልቆም ሓሳብ ተቀባልነት ዝሰኣኑ ሓለፍቲ ሃንደበት ካብ ሰልፊ ክወጹ ከለዉ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ውልቀሰባት በብውልቆም ዝተገራጨውዎ ደኣ እምበር ኣብ ኣባላት ወሪዱ ብድምጺ ኣባላት ኣብ ምፍንጫል ዝብጽሐ የለን። እቶም ኩሎም በብውልቆም ዝኸዱ ብድምጺ ስዒርና ከሎና ዝብል የብሎን።

       ኣማኑአል መንግስቱ  እውን እንተኾነ ስልጣን ዘይምርካቡ፡  ብድምጺ ኣባላት ክምእዘዝ ስለ ዘይደለየ ጥራሕ ኢዩ። በቲ መትከላት ናይ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ንኾርዕ ኢና እንዳበሉ ኣብቲ እምነ መሰረት ናይቲ መትከል ማለት ድምጺ ኣባላት ዘይምእማኖም ዘስደምም ኢዩ። ነዚ ከነኽብሮ ኣሎና ንምሓልከ እንታይ ኣምጽኦ።

      ኣድሓኖም ገና ከመጽእ ከሎ፡ ብኣባላቱ ኣይተደምጸሉን፡ ሕጊ ውድቡ ጢሒሱ ይመጽእ ኣሎ ኢሎም ድምጺ ዘይሃቡ ብኣብዝሓ ኣባላት ንኽኣቱ  ስለዝተደምጸሉ፡ እቶም ዝተሳዕሩ ኣሜን ኢሎም ተቀቢሎምዎ። ኣመል ግን ምስ መግነዝ ስለዝኾነት ኣብቲ ዳሕራይ ኣብ ባይቶ ንእቶዶ ኣይንእቶ ብድምጺ ኣባላት ተሳዒሩ ክነሱ ኣሜን ኢሉ ስለ ዘይተቀበሎ ከኣ ተፈንጨለ። ኣብ ገዛ ፓልቶክ ብድምጺ ተሳዒርኩምዶ ኢሉ ምስተሓተ እወ ደኣ በለ --፠፠--- ኣብ ድምጺ ዘይትኣምን ውድብዶ መስረቱ? ንግሉጽነት ተኣማኒነቲን ከይጎድል ዝኾነ ባይቶ ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ተሰኒዱን ረኮርድ ተገይሩን ኢዩ።

መስፍን ሓጎስ ክመጽእ ከሎ እውን እቲ ብዝሒ ኣባላት ኣለዎ ኢሉ ዝተተንበሃሉ ውድቡ፡ ብድምጺዶ ነይሩ ይኸውን፡ ካብ ጉጅለ ኣድሓኖምን ጉጅለ ኤፍረምን ጉጅለ ዓብደላ ኣደም ጉጅለ መስፍን ጸሃየንዶ ኣይተፈናጨለን፡ ብድምጺ ዘይኮነስ ኣነ ዝበልክዎ ዘይተቀበልኩም ዶ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ ናይ ሒጂ ጉዕዞ እውን መስፍን ኣብ ቲቪ ሰነድ ዝበሎ ዋላ ውሑዳት ንኹን ግን ኣገደስት ዓበይቲ መን ከማና በሃላይ ዘይኮነን። እዘን ቃላት እዚኤን ከኣ ኢየን ነቲ ሓሶት ናይቲ ሓዲሽ ኣዋጅ ዘቃልዖ---ማለት፠፠1. መርሕነት ሰ.ዲ.ህ.ኤ ነቲ ዝኣትዎ ውዕል ሓድነት ሰልፊ ጠሊሙ፡ ውሑዳት ደገፍቱ ኣከቲሉ፡ ሰልፊ ገዲፉ ከምዝኸደ`፠Fake News

ብተደጋጋሚ ውዕል ተጠሊሙ ይብሉ፡ ዝኾነ ውዕል ክሳብ እቲ ተሰማሚዕካ  ሰልፊ መስሪትካ ስም ምስሃብካ ካብኡ ንንየው መትከል ኢዩ ዝመርሓካ። ኣብ መትከል ክልተ ድሕሪ ባይታ ዘለዎም ዝብል የብሉን፡ ሰልፊ ብኣብዝሃ ድምጺ ዝምራሕ ካብ ኮነ እቶም ከሰስቲ ግን ውልቀሰባት ዘተዛረቡዎ ከም ውሳኔ ምውሳዶም (ናይ ሞት ፍርዲ ፠፨ ጋሽ ሰቲት ወዘተ.) ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ  ኣብ ዝኾነ ጽሑፋቶም ኣነ  ኣነ   ኣነ  ከምዚ በልኩ እምበር ብድምጺ ብመሰረታት ዝብላ ቃላት ፈጺሙ ኣይርከቦን። እቲ ህግደፍ እውን ኢንተኾነ ድሕሪ ባይታኡ ክልተ ድሕሪ ባይታ ዘለዎም ኢዮም ካልእስ ይትረፍ እቶም ዝበዝሑ ኣባላት ቅያዳ ዓማ ኣብ ህግደፍ ኣለዉ። ስለዚ ናይ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ምትእኽካብ ደኣ ንበል እምበር ብዛዕባ ድሕሪ ባይታ ክንዛረብ እነተኮይና ቅድሚ እዚ ሰልፊ ምምስራቱ ድሕሪ ባይታኦም እንታይ ነይሩ ኢልካ ምሕታት ኣገዳሲ ኢዩ። ብዘይ መትከላዊ ግርጭት ከምዛ ሕጂ ዝገብርዋ ዘለዉ እንተደኣ ነይሩ ኣመል ምስ መግነዝ ጥራሕ ምባል ኣኻሊ ኢዩ። ሕጂኸ ክልተ ድሕሪ ባይታ ዘለዎም ካብ ኮኑ ነታ መርየት ናይ መንግስቲ  ትብልን: ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣይንኣቱን : ብጎነጽ ኢየ ዝኣምን; ወዘተ. ዝብላ  ክውሕጥዎ ዲዮም።  

ከምቲ ገዓሪ ፍሹል ዶክቶር  ባዕሉ ሓዊ ጽልልቲ ዝተጠመቀ ፡ ኣማን ብኣማን ሓዊ ጽልልቲ ዝበሎ ወያ ሕብእቲ ሰልፊ ኣንጻርና እንዳበለ ሃለውለው ዝበሎ፡ ኮር ተገምጠል ጽሩይ ሓሶት ኢዩ ምኽንያቱ መስፍን ሓጎስ ብዝለዓለ ድምጺ ተመሪጹ ክነሱ እታ ሕብእቲ ሰልፉ ወይ ሕቡእ ተልእኮኡ ንምፍጻም ኣይፋልካን ስለ ዝበለቶ ነቲ ሓላፍነት መሪሕነት ክቅበሎ ኣይደለየን። ነዊሕ ከይጸንሐ እውን ካብ ባይቶ ምንስሓብን መጋራጨዊ ዝኽኖ  ሃሰስ ምባልን ዝተዋፈረ፡ ካብዚ ተበጊሱ ከኣ ኢዩ ሃይለ መንገሻ ዑቅበ ንቁሕ ኣስተብህሎ ብልክዕ  ኣቀሚጥዎ ዘሎ ፡ ስኮመሳ ክስዕር ምዃኑ ዝተኣማመነ። ኣንጊሁ ህዝቢ እውን ኣይኣመነን እምበርዶ ብቅንዕና እዩ እናበለ ስክፍታኡ ብቀጻሊ ይዛረብ ነይሩ። ምኽንያቱ ህዝቢ ኣይሕሱን እዩ ። እቲ ንቡር ሙኩሕ ንዕቀቱን ሓሶትን ኣብ ድምጺ ዘይምእማን ጸረ ዲሞክራሲ ሕማም ስለዝኾነ ንምሉእ ህይወቶም ኣብ ሓንጎሎም ከም ቁርዲድ ለጊቡ ከሸግሮም ስለዝኽእል ቀልጢፎም ዝጻረፍ ዘይኮነ ደላይ ፍትሒ ዝኾነ ዶክቶር ከናድዩ ምምዓዶም ኢዩ። ገለ ካብቲ ብድምጺ ዝተቀርጸ፡ ኣብ ወርሒ 6/ 2017 ዳዊት ሰለሙን ፡ መስፍን  ካብ ዝበሎም ክደግም ከሎ `` ወዲእኩም እንተኾንኩም ከይቀደምኹም ተፈንጨሉ `` ወልዱ ነጋሲ ዋላ ተቃውሞ እንተቀረቦ፡ኩሉ  ዶክቶር ዝብሎን ዚገብሮን ናትና ሓሳብ ምባሉ  ኣብ ሊንክ ጠዉኩም ስምዑ። 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x9HEHiRBJyY&feature=youtu.be

 ሓንትስ ድምጺ ዝኸብረሉ መሰረት ዝኾርዓሉ ሰልፊ ይኹን እምበር ጻዕዳ ይጽናሕኩም ኣብ መንገዲ ክንራኸብ ኢና። ታሪኽ ኣይምሕርን እዩ፡ ህዝቢ ከኣ ኣይጋገን እዩ ፡ ምትህልላኽ ገዲፍኩም ጥዑይ ጥራሕ ስርሑ ደላይ ፍትሒ ኣይተሃላለኽን ኢዩ።  ዚኾነ ሰልፊ መሰል ንክህብ ኢዩ ክሳብ ዝምረጽ ዝመባጻዕ፡  ክሳብ ሽዑ ግን መሰል ናይ መሰረታቱ ምሕላውን ምኽባርን ብድምጺ ከምዝምእዘዝን  ከመስክር  ምስዝኽእል ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዋሕስነት ደሞክራሲ ሃልዩዎ ህዝቢ ክስዕቦን ኣባላት ከጥርን ዝኽእል።

ዓውት ንፍትሓዊ መተከላትና  ክንዕወት ኢና                                                                   

ተስፋይ ባይረ ጥሪ 2018