ውድብ ወይ ሰልፊ ምምስራት ካብ ምሕሳብ ካብ ምእማን ኢዩ ዝብገስ፡ ክንደይ እምነታት ክንደይ ኣተሓሳስባኸ ኣሎ ንዝብል ሰብ መልሱ ማእለያ የብሉን ኢዩ ፡ ስለዚ ክንደይ ውድባት ክፍጠራ ይኽእላ ንዝብል ሕቶ መልሱ ወሰን የብሉን። ኣብ ግብጺ ድሕሪ ዓርቢ ሓርነት 52 ሰልፍታት ፡ኣብ ጀርመን ድሕሪ ምፍራስ መንደቕ ጀርመን 82 ሰልፍታት፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ 62 ሰልፍታት ተፈጢረን፡ እቲ ሕቶ ኣብ ምርጫ ክንደይ ሓሊፈን ኢዩ=====2 ክሳብ 3 ጥራሕ። ስለዚ ሰልፍታት በዚሐን ኢልካ ምስካፍ ኣገዳስነት የብሉን።

       ኣብ ናይ ኤርትራውያን ግን ውሒደን ዘበለኒ ምኽንያት ንጹር ዝኾነ መትከላዊ ፍልልይ ዳርጋ የብለንን። እተን ገሊኤን ውድባት ወይ ሰልፍታት ኢለን ንነብሰን ዘጠመቃ ኣብ ምርጫንምውድዳር ዘብቅዕ መትከል የብለንን፡ ምኽንያቱ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ተኣልዩ ባይቶ ኤርትራ ኣብዝሃ ሰልፍታት ከፍቅድ ከሎ ሰልፊ ንክትከውን ከተማልኦ ዘሎካ መምርሒ ክህሉ ኢዩ፡ ገለ ኣብነታት ንምጥቃስ ኣብ ጀርመን ፓርቲ ክትምስርት ብዝሒ ናይ ኣባላትካ ክሳብ ክንድቲ ወሳኒ ኣይኮነን ግን ካብ ገበን ነጻ ምዃንካን 250 ደገፍቲ ኣብ ኣውስትርያ 2600 ደገፍቲ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ 1500 ኣባላት ክምዘለውኻ ከተመስክር ኣሎካ፡ ኣብቲ መትከላትካ እውን ነቲ ናይታ ሃገር ቅዋም ዘይጥሕስ ክኸውን ኣለዎ።ኣብ ኩለን ከኣ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ካብ ዝቅመጡ ኣባላት ይኹኑ ደገፍቲ ዝብል ሕጊ ኣለወን። ኣብቲ ብህግደፍ ዝወጸ መምርሒ እኳ ሰልፊ ንክትከውን 2/3 ካብ 5 ብሄራት 1/3 ከኣ(6.5…_b.at least 1/3 of them must be followers oft he islamic or christian faiths) ኣስላም ወይ ክርስትያን ዝሓቆፈ 3000 ደገፍቲ ዝፈረሙሉ ዝብል ስግንጢር ኢዩ። በቲ ናይ 1997 ዝወጸ ቅዋም እዘን ኣብ ውጻኢ ዘለዋ ሰልፍታት እንተዝዕቀና ሓንቲኳ ኣይምሓለፈትን፡ ሓድሽ ቅዋም ይፍጠረልና ኢዩ ዘብል።

     ኣብ ወጻኢ ዘለዋ ሰልፍታትናን ውድባትናንከ እንታይ ይመስላ፡ እተን ክብድ ዝበለ ዕላማ ዘለወን ዕልመናውያን ፈደራልያ ውያን መሰል ብሔራት ጸጋማውይን የማንውያን ወዘተ….. ምስ በልና፡ ኣተን ብወገን ብሃይማኖት ብኣውራጃ ዝቆማ ግን ኣብ ውሽጠን ዝተፈላለየ ሰልፋዊ እምነት ዘለዎም ሰባት ዝቆማ ኢየን፡ ካብዚ ተበጊሶም እውን ሲቪክ ኢና ዝበሉ ለባማት እውን ኣይተሳእኑን ። ኣብቲ ብዙሓት ዝመስላ ሓንቲ ሰልፋዊ እምነት ዘለወን ግን ዘገርም ኢዩ፡ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ቅድም ኣብ ክልተ ተመቅለት፡ ጸኒሐን ከኣ ኣብተን ክልተ ዝነበራ ኣብ 8 ተመቃቀላ፡ ኣብ ካልኦት ውድባት እውን ተመሳሳሊ ምፍንጫላት ተራእዩ ኢዩ፡ ገለ ስም ከይቀየራ ገለ ስም ቀይረን ግን መትከላተን ኣይቀየራን፡ ስለዚ ከምቲ ሓደ ይኾኑ ሰለስተ ይኾኑ ዝተባህለ ሓደ ይኾኑ ሸሞንተ ይኾኑ ኢዩ ነገሩ። ክሰምራ ከለዋ ኸኣ ከምታ ዝተፈናጨልዋ፡ ማለት ብስልጣን ብገንዘብ ብወገን ብኣነነት ደኣምበር ብመትከል ስለ ዘይተፈናጨሉ፡ ኣብ መን መርሐ ስልጣን ይውሃሃቡ፡ ክሳብ ሎሚ ኣብ ዝተራእየ ምፍንጫላት ብመትከል ዘይኮነ ምንባሩ ተመሊስኩም እንታይ ፈንጪልኩም ኢልኩም እንተሓቲትኩም፡ ንሕና ጸጋማውያን ኢና ንሶም የማንዋያን ኢዮም ዝብል የለን፡ ገለ ኣብነታት ንምጥቃስ ኣብ ጎነጽ ኣይኣምኑን ኢዮም፡ ኣብ ባይቶ ምክፋል ኣብዮም፡ ንኢትዮጵያ ኣይንኣቱን ኢና ኢሎም. . . ወዘተ. እቲ ሓቐኛ መልሲ ግን ምስጢር ኢዩ።

     እቲ ጽባሕ ነውጽኦ ቅዋም ሓደ ዓይነት መትከል ዘለኩም ተጠርኒፍኩም ምጹ፡ ኣስማት ኣይኮናን ንቅበል መትከላት እምበር እንተዝብል ኮይኑ፡ እቲ መራጺ እውን እንታይ ኢዩ መትከል ክፈልጥን ክመሃርን ምኸኣለ። አንጂነራት ገዛ ንክሰርሑልካ ዝተወዳደሩ ኩሎም ሓንቲ ዓይነት ቅርጽን ዋጋን እንተኣቅሪቦሙልካስ ንመኖም ኢኻ ክትህባ፡ ስለዚ እተን ኣሎና ትብላ ሕደ ዓይነት መትከል ዘሎክን ሰልፍታት ካብ ጽባሕ ተንጠልጢልክን ከይተመረጽክን ትተርፋ፡ መትከላዊ ስምረት ገርክን ህዝብኽን ክትከስባ ተቃለሳ። ኤርትራዊ ብዙሕ ተመኩሮ ስለ ዘለዎ፡ ብሕጂ ዝወጽእ ቅዋም ነባሪ ፍታሕ ዘምጽእ ንክኸውን፡ ነቶም ኣብ ታሪኽና ዘመስከሩ ለባማትን ምሁራትን ሃገርና እዚ ዕድልዚ ክወሃቦም ኣለዎም።  

   ከምዚ ንከይከውን ኣብ ጊዜ ኪዳን ዝተመስረተሉ ( ናይ ሰልፍታት ቅዋም ካብ ዘይሃለወና) ነዘን ውድባት መዐቀኒ ንግበረለን ተባሂሉ ተፈቲኑ ነይሩ፡ ገለ እውን ክሰርሕሉ ፈቲኖም፡ እቲ ሓቂ ግን ኣብ ፓርላማ ወይ ባይቶ ንክትኣቱ ቅድም ህዝቢ ክመርጸካን ከም ብዝሒ ህዝብኻ ዝተተመንልካ ቁጽሪ ምስ ኣምጻእካ ጥራሕ ኢዩ፡ እቲ ድሒሩ ዝመጸ ኣብ ባይቶ ኣዋሳ ውድብ ኢየ ጥራሕ በል ኣምበር ኣብ ባይቶ ክትኣቱ ምስተባህለ ብሓንሳብ 34 ውድባት በጽሓ፡ ኣይ ብቅዋም ኣይ ብመዐቀኒ ሎቶሪ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ነዚ ዲዩ በዚሐን ዝበሃል ዘሎ፡ ምስኣ ትውሰኻ ኸኣ ኣላ፡ ነንሓድሕድኩም ዘይትሰማምዑ ኢዩ፡ ኣየነይቲ ሰልፊ ኢያሞ ናተይ ትጽናሕ ናትኪ ትበልጽ ትብል፡ ፠፠፠፠፠፠. እወ ርግጽ ሰልፍታት ዝቖም ንክሰማምዓ ዘይኮነ ሰልፈይ ኢዩ ንህዝቢ ዝውክል ኢለን ስልጣን ንምሓዝ ኢዩ። ከም ምሕዝነት ከም ኪዳን ከም ባይቶ ምስተኣከብካ ውድባዊ ውይ ሰልፋዊ እምነትካ ኣብ ደገ ግዲፍካዮ ክትመጽእ፡ ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ሕዝባዊ ሲቪካዊ ጉድያት ክትላዘብ ጥራሕ ኢዩ ዘፍቀድ ፡ እቲ ሓቂ ግን መልክዑ ቀይሩ ናይ ስልጣን ውድድር ፡ ብሕጓ መትከላትካ ከምዝዕወት ምግባር ስለዝነብረ ንክትሰማማዕ ቀሊል ኣይኮነን፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ብውድባት ብነጻ ብዘይ ኣዳላው ክመርሑ ዝኽእሉ ለባማት እንተዝካየድ ምናልባት ምሰርሐ። ከምቲ ቀርነልዮስ ኣብ ባይቶ ኣዋሳ ፠፠መሰል ብሐራታክሳብ ምፍንጫል ሕጂ ክእወጅ ኣለዎ---፠፠፠ ዝበሎ ተቀባልነት ዘይረከበ ሓደ ርኡይ ኣብነት ኢዩ።  

     እቲ ስክፍታ ናይ ብሐራትን ኣውርጃታትን ሃይማኖትን ኣብ ትሕቲ ዲሞክራሲ ዝረጋገጽ ኢዩ፡ እቲ መሰል ካብ ናይ ውልቀሰብ መሰል ጀሚሩ ነቲ ካልእ መሰላት ዝተፈላለየ ኣገባባት ገርካ እንዳፈተንካ ዝፍታሕ ኢዩ፡ ኣብዚ ዝተመርኮሰ ከኣ ኣብ ዝተፈልላያ ሃገራት ብዙሕ ኣብነታት ስለ ዘሎ ሽግር ኣይኮነን፡ እተን ሰልፍታት ከኣ ዝተፈላላየ ፍታሕ ኣቅሪበን ኣለዋ። ኣብ ሓንቲ ብሐር ወይ ኣውራጃ ወይ ሃይማኖት ዘለዉ ሰባት ዝተፈላላየ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስብ ስለ ዘለዎም ኣብ ሓደ ፖለቲካዊ እምነት ከተሰልፎም ስለዘይከኣል ኢዩ፡ ከም ሃገር ኮይኖም ክፍንጨሉ እንተዘይኮይኖም፡ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ክቃለሱ ግን ዘይሕሰብ ኢዩ።

       ነቶም እንታይ ዝኾና ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ዝብሉ ኸኣ መልሱ ሓጺር ኢዩ፡ ኩሎም ፈላስፋታት ዝሰማምዑሉ ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ ዘበን ብፓርላመንት ኣገባብ ክትመሓደር ብዘይ ሰልፍታት ዘይሕሰብ ኢዩ ይብሉ። ስለዚ እቶም ኣብ ሰልፍታት ክኣትዉ ዘይደልዩ ፡ ናይ ጽባሕ መረጽቲ ክኾኑ ምእንቲ ኣየነይቲ ሰልፊ ኢያ ንድልየቶም ተማልእ መትከላት ከጽንዑ ክሸባሸቡ ኣለዎም። መን ኢያ መሰል ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ መሰል መንእሰይ፡ መሰል ብሐራት፡ መሰል ሓረስቶት ሰራሕተኛ ሽማግለ ትሕሉ፡ መን ኢያ መሬት ናይ ሕዝቢ ታኣምን መንከ ናይ መንግስቲ…………..ወዘተ ፡ እወ ርግጽ ነዘን መሰላት ንምሕላው ኢዩ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቃስ ብህዝባውያን ማሕበራት ዝበሃል፡ ስለዚ ንመሰልካ ክትብል ተጠርነፍ። ኣብ ምሉእ ዓለም ንህዝቢ ዝሓቶ መሰላት ምሉእ ብምሉእ ዘማልኤት ሰልፊ ግን ክሳብ ሕጂ የላን ምስ ብዙሕ ዓቅምታት ዝተኣሳሰረ ስለ ዝኾነ።

ህዝቢ ክዕወት ኢዩ

ተስፋይ ባይረ   April 2018

 

by Martin Plaut

This submission, by the campaign group Human Right Concern Eritrea, is in response to the Ethiopian government's own presentation to the Commission covering the period 1999 - 2016.

The full report is here: HRCE_SUBMISSION_ON_THE_INITIAL_REPORT_OF_THE_GOVERNMENT_OF_ERITREA_TO_ACHRP

Below is the introduction.


  1. Human Right Concern Eritrea (HRCE) is an Eritrean - led non-political human rights organisation. Presently, HRCE is unavoidably, located outside of Eritrea. Our focus is: research and documentation of human right issues affecting Eritreans both in Eritrea as well as in the diaspora. HRCE is also active in human right advocacy and as part of this effort has previously made submissions to: UN Human Right Council and other bodies that are following Eritrea.
  1. We have worked and are working closely with African and International human rights organisations, to ensure that human right violations in Eritrea are reported and that Eritrean voices are heard in International Human Rights Fora. HRCE is a founding member of the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defender Network.
  1. HRCE, welcomes the submission by the Government of Eritrea of the report: “Eritrea: Initial National Report (1999- 2016)” (the Report). And, specifically we welcome the opportunity to engage with the report to truly improve the human right situation for Eritreans at home as well as in the Diaspora.
  1. We would encourage the Eritrean Government, in the future to submit such report on as and when they are due. The current report covers a time span of seventeen years (17) this makes it very difficult to engage in a meaningful way.
  1. We note that the structure of the Report is such as to indicate that “Everything is fine and proceeding on track” and that there is no reference as to which: a) provisions and or directives of the ACHPR and other International Human Right Treaties Eritrea has complied; and b) provisions and or directive of the ACHPR and other International Human Right Treaties Eritrea is yet to comply with. We strongly urge the inclusion of such statements in future reports as this would enhance dialogue and exchange of ideas.
  1. We note the explanation under the heading: “National Report: Scope and Methodology” as to the involvement in the preparation of the report of “Relevant Ministries and National Civic Organisations”. Though not specifically mentioned by name in the methodology section, it is clear from the context of the report that the relevant “Civic Organisations” are: National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW); the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students (NUEYS) and the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers (NCEW).
  1. While their participation is necessary, these organisations are not independent Civil Society organisations. They are mass movement organisations linked to the ruling party that played key roles during the liberation period. They supported the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) now the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) in the organisation and the execution of the “Liberation Struggle”. And, since have continued to operate as extensions of the PFDJ. An exception to the norm, for a brief period, was the NCEW which from 2000 to 2005 established an independent NGO called ESCA to address the post 2000 Eritrea Ethiopia conflict emergency. This experiment terminated in 2005.
  1. We note the lack of any mention of consultation with Faith Based organisation. A matter of high relevance in a country were faith is of primary importance to the people as well as the Government’s ongoing religious persecution of those faiths who insist in the right of conscientious objection to “Military Service” and who expressed differing opinions on matters of independence.
  1. Particularly in regard to faith, we highlight the recent tensions with the Muslim Community, the closure of the Catholic Theological School, as well as of six (6) the Health Clinics operated by Catholic Mission; the insistence that seminary students must undertake “National Service”; the ongoing arrest of Abbuna Antonios (Eritrean Orthodox Church) and the two Pastoral Letters Written by the Catholic Bishop in response to social political crisis in the country in 2001 and 2014.
  1. There is no indication, in the report, of any consultation or an open and frank engagement with the Eritrean Diaspora. This is an interesting omission given that Eritrean Diaspora features prominently in the “Nation Building/Development” section of the Report. The Diaspora is not merely an important source of: “Remittances” and the taxation a resource to be exploited. The Diaspora is increasingly made up of youth and unaccompanied minors fleeing the human right, economic and social conditions in the country and are seeking asylum and refugee status. This aspect of the Diaspora is hardly considered in the Report.
  1. The Report affirms that Eritrea is doing well and is on track on issues of governance, civil and political rights as well as the economy. In this document HRCE will endeavour to demonstrate that this is not the case. We will demonstrate that Eritrea is not on track or doing well in the areas of rule of law, effective accountable institutions for all, independence of the Judiciary, human rights, as well a building economic foundation.
  1. Presently the Fragile State Index places Eritrea within the category of countries designated as “alert”.  And, the expectation, given the current trend, is that no significant progress will be made building state institutions until 2030.
  1. Eritrea remains a one-party state, where only the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) is legal. The Constitution, which guaranteed a multi-party system, was ratified in 1997 but has not been implemented and the process for adopting a new Constitution is not transparent.
  1. There is no independent media and there are no independent civil society organisations. Those organisations such as the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW); the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students (NUEYS); and the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers (NCEW) are mass movement organisations formed during the liberation struggle and who post-independence have remained strongly affiliated and connected to the PFDJ and the Government. Faith based organisations have been circumscribed and limited to pastoral activities and religious based and ethnic based persecution remains a feature of the country.
 
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by Martin Plaut

Representatives from the United Nations and international NGOs participated in a hearing on Eritrea’s record Wednesday as the United States Congress and its Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission focused on the drivers behind high rates of Eritrean migration.

Watch the entire hearing here.

“Migrants from the small east African nation of Eritrea make-up a disproportionate number of those included in the global refugee crisis,”the commission said, noting that about 8 percent of the population was in refugee or asylum seeker status at the end of 2016.

“Many of these asylum seekers are exploited by smugglers, and traffickers, or find themselves in Libyan slave markets enduring detention, torture, and forced labor,” the commission said. “What are the human rights conditions in Eritrea that are causing so many people to leave their homes at the risk of slavery, trafficking, and death?”

Among those providing expert testimony were Jana Mason, a senior advisor to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; Father Thomas Reese of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom; and Maria Burnett, the Human Rights Watch director for East Africa and the Horn.

“Based on Human Rights Watch research, Eritreans’ most predominant impetus for flight is to escape what is known as ‘national service,’” Burnett said. “To be clear, limited terms of national conscription do not, in themselves, constitute human rights violations. But it is not limited in Eritrea. The Eritrean government disregards the proclamation’s time limits. Many conscripts are forced to serve indefinitely.”

 
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Source: Xinhua   2018-04-28 00:00:02

ADDIS ABABA, April 27 (Xinhua) -- U.S. Acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Donald Yamamoto wrapped up his three East African nations tour on Friday here with a pledge to boost economic and security ties with Ethiopia.

Yamamoto, who started his East Africa tour in Eritrea on Monday and then went to Djibouti on Wednesday, arrived in Ethiopia on Thursday with economic, peace, security issues being priorities for discussion.

Speaking to reporters in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, Yamamoto said the U.S. administration led by President Donald Trump sees Ethiopia as a key partner in economic and political issues.

"We discussed a wide range of issues particularly initiatives President Trump is looking at positioning the U.S. in making it a clear and critical partner not only for Ethiopia but for all of Africa on economic development, trade and investment," he told reporters.

Yamamoto especially singled out Ethiopia's ambitious industrialization drive which aims to make the country of around 100 million an industrialized middle-income economy by 2025.

"The U.S. government has expressed keen interest to engage in Ethiopia's industrialization drive, in addition they want to help Ethiopia add value on agriculture, to help Ethiopian goods be able to be exported to U.S. market," he said.

Meles Alem, Spokesperson of Ethiopia Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), told journalists that the U.S. is very keen on partnership with Ethiopia on specific sectors.

"Yamamoto and his Ethiopian counterparts have reached agreement on how they can proceed on energy and aviation partnership," said Alem.

The discussion between Yamamoto and Ethiopian officials also touched upon regional and continental peace and security issues.

Alem mentioned discussions focusing on how to end the civil war in the world's youngest nation, South Sudan, and to counter the threat of Islamic militancy in Somalia.

Ethiopia has been the main base for South Sudan peace talks ever since civil war broke out in December 2013 and is currently hosting about half a million South Sudanese refugees.

Ethiopia is also a major troop contributing nation to a peacekeeping force in Somalia known as the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which since 2007 has been trying to counter the threat of Al-Qaida linked militant group Al-Shabab and support a fragile Somalia federal government based in Mogadishu.

Yamamoto commended Ethiopia's efforts to bring about peace in South Sudan through its chairmanship of the East Africa Bloc, the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

He pledged full U.S. support for efforts led by Ethiopia and IGAD to end South Sudan's brutal civil war which has killed tens of thousands and displaced about 4 million people.

Yamamoto also told journalists the U.S. is keen to partner with Ethiopia to help Somalia build institutions and to help security coordination between Somalia federal government and regional administrations.

Source=http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-04/28/c_137142290.htm

April 27, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese and Ethiopian senior military officials discussed in Addis Ababa a bilateral defence protocol signed between the two countries and agreed to activate the joint border forces.

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A road leading to Ethiopia-Sudan border (Photo Jamminglobal.com)

The agreement was announced in Khartoum on Friday following the end of a two-day meeting in Addis Ababa between the military delegations chaired by the army chiefs of staff of the two neighbouring countries.

The two armies reaffirmed their readiness for full solidarity to ensure border security, exchange of information and curb uncontrolled groups, combating smuggling, human trafficking, arms and drugs trade, and transnational crimes, said a statement released by the official news agency SUNA.

"The two sides, also, agreed to activate and re-energize the joint border forces to maintain security and stability, as well as cooperation in the fields of joint training and exchange of experiences," said the statement.

"The military chiefs of staff of two countries signed the minutes of the meetings and recommendations ahead of its enforcement," it further stressed.

Last January following the deployment of Sudanese troops on the border with Eritrea, there were reports about the deployment of Ethiopian troops along the border with Eritrea from the Sudanese and Ethiopian sides.

Also, since several years Ethiopia and Sudan boosted security cooperation between the two countries. Khartoum handed over rebels and opposition activists to Ethiopia and Addis Ababa banned any rebel activity from the border area with Blue Nile state.

Last January, The Nile State and Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region agreed to deploy a joint border force to secure the border area and prevent goods and arms smuggling.

(ST)

Source=http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article65288

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዑደት ናብ ዘካየዱ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽነር ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣቶ ዛይድ ኣል ሁሴን መዘክር ልኢኹ። ሰዲህኤ ኣብዚ መዘክሩ እቶም ኮሚሽነር ንሕብረት ኣብፍሪቃ ብዛዕባቲ ብባይቶ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ካብ መጀመርያ 1990ታት ጀሚሩ ንክከታተሎ ሓላፍነት ዝተዋህቦ ኩነታት ሕሰምን ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ኤርትራ ንከዘኻኽርዎ ጸዊዑ።

እዚ ናብ ኣቦመንበር ኮሚሽን ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ኣቶ ሙሳ ፋቂ ማህማት ቅዳሑ ዝተላእከ ናይ 26 ማዝያ 2018 ህጹጽ መዘክር ሰዲህኤ፡ ኩሎም እቲ ጉዳይ ዝምልከቶም ኣካላት ሕቡራት ሃገራትን ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃን ብመንጽርቲ ውጽኢት መርማሪ ኮሚሽን ሕቡራት ሃገራት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኤርትራ ኣንጻርቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግህሰታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላታን ጥሕሰታት ሕግን ስጉምቲ ዘይምውሳዶም ገሊጹ። ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ፡ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ብወገኑ ኣብ ኤርትራ ይፍጸም ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ግህሰት ሰብእዊ መሰላት ብገበን ዝሕተቱ ኣካላት ሓላፍነት ዝወስድሉን ምእንቲ ፍትሕን ሓቅን ዝሕተትሉን ኣገባብ ከነጽር ይግበኦ ነይሩ ኢሉ።ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ብመንጽርቲ ብባይቶ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዓመት ዓመት ዝቐርብ መተሓሳስብታት ክሳብ”ዚ ግዜዚ ዋላ ሓንቲ ስጉምቲ ኣይወሰደን።

ኣቶ ዛየድ ኣል ሁሲየንን ኣቶ ፈቂ ማሃማትን ብ24 ማዝያ 2018 ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ዘካየድዎ ርክብ ከም ሓደ መርኣያ መደልደሊ ዝምድናን ምትሕብባርን ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃን ሕቡራት ሃገራትን ዝውሰድ እዩ። እዚ ናይ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ርክብ ክልቲኡ ኣካላት፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ብሓባር ንምክልኻል መሰረት ዘንብር እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋን”ዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘሕልፎ ዘሎ ስግኣትን ጸገምን ከምዚ ኢልካ ክትገልጾ ዘስደምም እዩ። ናይ”ዚ ጸገም ቀንዲ ጠንቂ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት ምዃኑ ዘዳዲ ኣይኮነን። ናይዚ ጸገም መፍትሒ ኣብ ምምጻእ ሓላፍነትን ረብሓን ዘለና ወገናት ብዙሓት ኢና። ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ማሕበራትን ከምኡ ከኣ ናይቲ ወጽዓ ተሰካሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እቶም ቀንዲ ጸገማት ኣብ ምጽብጻብ ዘይኮነ ፍታሕ ኣብ ምምጻእ ሓላፍነት ክንወስድ ዝግበኣና ኢና። ዝያዳ ኩሉ ድማ ናይ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ወለዶ ትውልዳዊ ሓላፍነት ኣዝዩ ዕዙዝ እዩ።

እቲ ወጽዓ መሊኡ ካብ ዝፈስስ ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ማዕረ ዕድመ ስልጣን ጉጅለ ህግደፍዩ ምባሉ’ውን ይከኣል። ኣብዚ እዋን”ዚ እቲ ኣብ ኣመዛዝና እንታይነት ጉጅለ ህግደፍን በደላቱን ዝነበረ ሓላፍዘላፍ ተወጊዱ “ኣብ ኤርትራ ክቱር ወጽዓ ኣሎ። እዚ ወጽዓ ከኣ ህዝቢ ብዘሳትፍ መንገዲ ክፍታሕ ኣለዎ። ነዚ ኣብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ከኣ ክንቃለስ ይግበኣና” ዝብል ሓሳብ ናይ ሓባር መረዳድኢና ካብ ዝኸውን ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ኣብ”ዚ እዋን”ዚ ብዙሓት ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን፡ ማሕበራትን ካለኦት ናይ ሓባር መድረኻትን ምህላወን ከኣ ናይዚ ግንዛበ መርኣያ እዩ። እዚ ናይ ሓባር መረዳእታ ኣብ ሕልና ናይቲ ዘይተወደበ ኤርትራዊ እውን ዘሎ እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞና በብግዜኡ ብዙሓት ኣኼባታት፡ ሰሚናራት፡ ዓውደ መጽናዕትታት፡ መግለጽታትን መጸዋዕታታትን ምዕዛብ ዝተለምደ እዩ። ዜና ጉባአታትን ኣዋጃትን እውን ከምኡ ልሙድን ብዙሕን ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እቲ ኣብዞም መድረኻት ዝንጸባራቕ ድሌትን ትጽቢትን ከኣ ሚእቲ ካብ ሚእቲ’ኳ እንተዘይተባህለ ኣዝዩ ዝመሳሰል እዩ። እዚ ናይ ሓሳባት ምምስሳል ኣብ ዝንጸባረቐሉ ዛዕባታት ብሓባር ተጓዒዝና ኣንጻር ወጽዓ ከነድምዕ ዘይምብቃዕና ከኣ ንኣተሃላልዋና ዘገርም ይገብሮ። እሞ ከኣ እቲ መዋጸኦ ብሓባር እምበር በበይንና ብእንኸዶ መንገዲ ከምዘይኮነ እንዳተረደኣናን እናዘምርናሉን። “መዓስ?” ክበሃል እንከሎ ግና ብዘይካ ንመጻኢ ምምልካትን ምውንዛፍን ንሎሚ ኣይንጥቀመሉን ዘለና። “ግዜ እንከለካ ግዜ ኣይትጸበ” ንዝብል ብሂል ግቡእ ትርጉም ብዘይምሃብ ከኣ ብዙሓት ዕድላትን ኣጋጣምታትን ኣሕሊፍና ኢና። እዚ ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣካይዳና ዘየሕጉስ ኮይኑ፡ ሕጂ እውን በቲ ዝሓለፈ ክንጠዓስ ዘይኮነ ንመጻኢ ከነማዕዱን ኣብ ክንዲ ጽባሕ ሎሚ ክንጅምርን ናይ ግድን እዩ።

ናይዚ ብሓባር ክንሰርሕ እንዳተገበኣና ብሓባር ዘይምውፋርና ምኽንያታት ከከም መዛኒኡ ብዙሕን በበይኑን ከም ዝኸውን ፍሉጥ እዩ። ግና ድማ ኩልና እንረዳድኣሎም ፍሩያት ምኽንያታት’ውን ኣለዉ። ማእከላይ መዕቀኒና ሰባት ዘይኮኑስ ራኢኦም ክኸው ከም ዝግበኦ ዘይምቕባል፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ንብሩህ መጻኢ ምምዕዳው ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዘቀሓሕር ጉዳያት ምድሃብ፡ ንብዙሕነታዊ ፍልልያት ኣብ ክንዲ ኣኽቢርካ እተመሓድሮም መበኣሲ ሜዳ ክትገብሮም ምህቃን፡ ንህዝብን ንፖለቲካዊ ትካልን ዝምልከቱ ጉዳያት ፈላሊኻ ዘይምርዳእ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ከካብ ሳንዱቕካ ወጺእካ ጉዳይ ሃገርን ህዝብን ልዕሊ ኩሉ ምስራዕ ንጸቢብ ድሌት ከተበርኽ ምፍታን ካብቶም ፍሩያት ጸገማትና እዮም ዝብል እምነት ኣለና። እቲ ኣብዚ ዝዝንጋዕ ዘሎ መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ፡ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ከየድሓንካ፡ እቲ በሪኹ ክረኣየልካ እትደልዮ፡ ብሄር፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ቋንቋ፡ ከባብን ካልእ ንኡስ ናይ መንነት መለለይን ክዕወትስ ይትረፍ ክህሉ እውን ኣጸጋሚ ምዃኑ እዩ።

ብዛዕባ ህዝብን ሃገርን ክትሓስብ እንከለኻ ብዛዕባ ቋንቋኻ፡ ብሄርካ፡ እምነትካ … ወዘተ ኣይትሓሰብን ኣይትግደስን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ብዛዕባዚ ብዙሕነታት”ዚ እትሓስቦ ግና ነቲ ቀንድን መሰረታውን ጉዳይ ሃገርን ህዝብን ብዘዘንግዕ ወይ ብዝዕብልል ኣገባብ ክኸውን ኣይግባእን ንምባል እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ኣበይን መዓስን ኣየናይ ዛዕባ ቅድሚት ይስራዕ ምስትብሃል ከኣ ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ጉዳይ እዩ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ቃልሲ ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነካይደሉ ዘለና መድረኽ፡ ቅድሚት ክስርዑ ዝግበኦምን ከይተዘንግዑ ዝተሓዙን ጉዳያት ምልላይ ኣገዳስን ውሕሉልን ኣካይዳ እዩ። ብዘይካዚ ኣብ ውሱን ሰልፋዊ፡ ውድባውን ማሕበራውን መድረኻትን ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ሰፊሕ ጽላላትን ክንዋሳእ እንከለና ክንሕዞም ብዛዕባ ዝግበኣና ጉዳያት ብግቡእ ምስትብሃል ካልእ ውሕልነት እዩ። ልዕሊ ኩሉ ከኣ ወትሩ ጀማሪ ምዃን ዘይኮነ፡ ኣቐዲምካ ኣብ ሕጋውን ወግዓውን መድረኻት ዝሓዝካዮ ኣቕጣጫ ምዕቃብን ምምእዛዝን ኣብ ርእሲኡ እንዳመላእካ ምጉዓዝን ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ጉዳይ እዩ። ነንዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮ ጥዕዩን ሕሙሙን ሓሓጢጥካ ምድርባይ ግና ንቕድሚት ዘሰጉም ኣይኮነን።

ኣብ ከምዚ ዘለናዮ ኣጸጋሚ መድረኽን ኣተሃላልዋን ፍታሕ ኣብ ዝናደየሉ “እዚ ናተይ እዩ” እትብሎ ሓሳብ ሒዝካ ምቕራብ ኣገዳሲ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) በቲ ሓደ ወገን እማመ ዘተ ንሕባራዊ ስራሕ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ በቲ ካልእ ወገን ከኣ መደብ ምሕዳስ ሰልፊ ተሊሙ ዝንቀሳቐስ ዘሎ ከኣ ካብዚ ኣገዳስነዚ ብንቃል እዩ። እዞም መደባትን ንቕሎታትን ግና ብዘይቅርቡነት መሓዙ ውድባትን ግዱሳት ኤርትራውያን በሃግቲ ለውጥን ራህዋን ኣብ ውጽኢት ክበጽሑ ኣይክእሉን እዮም። ስለዚ ሰዲህኤ ከምቲ “ግዜ እንከለካ ግዜ ኣይትጸበ” ዝበሃል ኣብ ክንዲ ብዘባኽናዮ ግዜ ምስትንታንን ተመዓዳዲኻ ምርእኣይን በቲ ኣብ ኢድና ዘሎ ዕድልን ግዜን ክንጥቀም ከም ወትሩ መጸዋዕታኡ የቕርብ።

In a memorandum sent to UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr. Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, who is currently in Addis Ababa, the Eritrean People's Democratic Party asked him to kindly remind the African Union about the mandate given them by the UN Human Rights Council in regard to the grave human rights violations in Eritrea which went on unabated from the early 1990's to the present.

 

The urgent EPDP message of 26 April 2018, also copied to the African Union Commission Chairman, Mr. Moussa Fakai Mahamat, regretted that all relevant UN organs and the African Union have not acted on the findings of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Eritrea that required urgent action to stop those violations and to serve justice to past abuses. 

On its part, the African Union was recommended to set up "an appropriate accountability mechanism" in order to "hold perpetrators of crimes against humanity in Eritrea accountable to secure justice and truth."

 

To this day, African Union has not acted on those annually repeated recommendations for action by the UN Human Rights Council.

EPDP Asks UN HR Commissioner to Talk to AU 27.04.2018 2

 

Mr. Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein and Mr. M. Faki Mahamad on 24 April co-chaired in Addis Ababa the first AU and UN High Level Dialogue on Human Rights as part of the commitment to strengthen ongoing collaboration between both institutions. The Addis Ababa AU-UN Dialogue reportedly presented a platform to explore and develop joint approaches to preventing and addressing human rights abuses and violations and building mechanisms in defense of human and peoples' rights.

RSF

Analyses

Sub-Saharan Africa has maintained its third place in the ranking by geographical region, with a slightly better overall indicator than in 2017. But there is a wide range of situations within the region, and journalists are often the victims of intimidation, physical violence, and arrest.
Namibia (26th), which has yet to adopt a promised law on access to information, has surrendered the title of best-ranked African country to Ghana (23rd). At the other end of the Index, Africa still has many news and information black holes. Press freedom is non-existent in Eritrea (second from last at 179th), Djibouti (173rd), Burundi (159th) and Somalia (168th), where four journalists were killed in terrorist attacks in 2017.

Reporting difficulties

Investigative reporting is very risky for journalists in Africa. This is the case, for example, in Tanzania (down ten places at 93rd, one of this year’s biggest falls), where President John Magufuli tolerates no criticism. A popular news forum’s founder was summoned to court dozens of times in the space of a year to name his sources, while a reporter who was investigating a series of murders of local officials went missing in November 2017.

In Madagascar (54th), a journalist was given a jail sentence (albeit suspended) for the first time in 40 years as a result of investigative reporting that exposed corruption. In Swaziland (152nd), a newspaper editor had to flee to South Africa after questioning a decision to award a licence to a local mobile phone company.

In Democratic Republic of Congo (154th), Journalist in Danger (JED), RSF’s partner organization, documented 121 cases of abuses against the media in 2017. Attacks, arbitrary arrests, and media closures constitute an organized system for preventing journalists from covering the Congolese regime’s dangerous authoritarianism.

Covering street protests is a delicate exercise in many African countries. In Togo (86th), the authorities withdrew the accreditation of an international TV broadcaster’s correspondent after she covered opposition protests. In Guinea (down three places at 104th), the president’s direct threats to close media outlets that interviewed a union leader helped create a climate of hostility towards the media. Radio stations were closed while journalists were sometimes targeted by protesters.

In response to threats and attacks on reporters during demonstrations in Chad (123rd), the country’s journalists staged a “Day without Press” protest in February 2018. Sudan (still near the bottom of the Index at 174th) continues to be one of the continent’s riskiest places for street reporting. In January 2018, 18 journalists were arrested and several media outlets were shut down amid protests against a bread price increase. In neighbouring South Sudan (144th), it has become almost impossible to cover the four-year-old civil war. In 2017, 20 foreign journalists were banned from the country and a freelance war reporter was fatally shot during conflict in the south.

Internet cuts or restrictions on access to online social networks are now widely used in Africa as censorship tools to gag dissent and prevent coverage of unrest within a sector of the population. They are systematically imposed on the eve of every street protest in Democratic Republic of Congo.

In Cameroon (129th), an unprecedented complaint was filed against the government before its own Constitutional Council after it disconnected the Internet for several months in two English-speaking regions that were protesting against discrimination. After falling 10 places in 2016, Uganda has fallen another five places to 117th, in part because it created a special security unit to closely monitor websites and social networks.

Some subjects still off limits

In a disturbing trend, journalists are encountering growing difficulties when covering subjects with national security ramifications. This is the case in Nigeria (119th) and Mali (115th), where journalists are often harassed by the authorities. They are accused of undermining troop morale when they refer to the difficulties of the security forces in combatting terrorism.

The Cameroonian journalist Ahmed Abba was released in December 2017 after being held for 29 months for covering the activities of the Jihadi armed group Boko Haram. In Côte d’Ivoire (82nd), the authorities detained eight journalists in order to ask them to name their sources for articles about sizeable army mutinies in 2017.

Mauritania (whose 17 place fall to 72nd was Africa’s largest decline) has passed a law making apostasy and blasphemy punishable by death even when the offender repents. The blogger Mohamed Cheikh Ould Mohamed is still detained despite having completed a two-year jail sentence for “heresy.” Slavery, which still exists in Mauritania although now illegal, is a highly sensitive subject that sometimes gets foreign reporters expelled.

A recent RSF report highlighted the fact that journalists who cover stories involving women’s rights or gender issues often suffer severe reprisals. In Somalia, journalists who interview rape victims are liable to be jailed on defamation charges. In Uganda, a journalist was abducted and beaten after pointing out that the president had not kept his promise to distribute tampons in schools.


More generally, any reporting critical of the authorities tends to get a poor reception in sub-Saharan Africa, as seen in the one-year jail sentence passed on appeal on Baba Alpha, a TV journalist in Niger (down two places at 63rd) who has a reputation for drawing attention to bad government practices. After completing his sentence, he was recently expelled to neighbouring Mali as a "threat to internal state security."

Restrictive laws

The new media laws adopted during the past year did not encourage more journalistic freedom and independence. The anticipated decriminalization of press offences in Senegal (up eight places at 50th), was not included in the new press code adopted in June 2017.

There are no longer any grounds for detaining journalists in the new media law approved by Côte d’Ivoire’s national assembly but journalists can still be the subject of prosecutions for insulting the president or for defamation. Terrorism laws are often used to arrest journalists in Ethiopia (150th) and Nigeria (119th).

The only good news in this domain came from Malawi (whose six-place rise to 64th was Africa’s second biggest) with the promulgation of a law facilitating access to information about elected officials and government institutions, 12 years after it began being debated.

Promising regime change?

The departure of some of the continent’s worst press freedom predators could open the way to a new era for journalism in the countries concerned.

In Gambia (which soared 21 places to 122nd), the new president has promised a less restrictive media law and the inclusion of free speech in the constitution. In Zimbabwe (up two places at 126th), Robert Mugabe’s successor, his former right-hand man, has also promised reforms and a “new democracy” in a country with especially draconian media laws.

The prospect of finally seeing the birth of free and independent journalism in Angola (up four places at 121st) is more uncertain. Joao Lourenço’s installation as president after 38 years of rule by the Dos Santos clan has not yet lead to any significant improvement in media freedom.

In these three countries, the promises made after the installation of new leaders need to be translated quickly into concrete measures that finally allow the freedom to inform.

Source=https://rsf.org/en/rsf-index-2018-dangers-reporting-africa