ቀንዲ በዓል ቤት ቃልስን ዓወትን ኤርትራ መላእ ህዝባ እዩ። እዚ እቲ እኩብ ድምር መግለጺ ኮይኑ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ክፍልታት ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ከከምቲ ኩነታቶም፡ ኣነባብረኦምን ዝነብርሉ ከባብን ነናቶም ብጽሒት ነይርዎም እዩ። ናይ ሓደ ካብኣቶም ብኩራት እንተዝነብር ከኣ እቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመዝጊቡ ዘሎ ሃገር ናይ ምውሓስ ዓወት  ኣይመተመዝገበን።

ኤርትራዊ፡ ኣብ ሃገሩ ኮነ ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝነብር፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ኮይኑ ዝቃለስን  ናብ ሜዳ ወጺኡ ብረት ዝዓጠቐን፡ ብዕድመ ዓበይትን መንእሰያትን፡ ብጾታ ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ደቂ ተባዕትዮን፡ ብሃይማኖት ኣስላምን ክርስትያንን፡ ደቂ ብኣሰፋፍራ መታሕትን ከበሳን ከይተበሃሃለ ሳላ ኣብቲ ቃልሲ “ዓዳማይ ተዓዳምን” ከይኮነ ነቲ ቃልሲ “ናትና ናይ ኩልና’ዩ” ብዝብል ድሉውነት ኩሉ ዘዝኸኣሎ ኣበርኪቱ። ሳላ ከፋፋሊ ኢድ መግዛእቲ ዝኣትወሉ ሃጓፋት ዓጽዩ ብሓድነቱ ኣጽኒዑ ዝተቓለሰ ከኣ ተዓዊቱ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ግና ነዚ ስጥመት ናይ ቃልሲ ዝጠለመ ናይ “ፈቕዳይን ፈቓድ ሓታታይን” ዘንጸባርቕ ነቲ ዝተኸፍለ ዋጋ ዘይምጥን ኣግላሊ ሓደ ጉጅለ ናይ “ዝሓዘ ሓዘ” ዓምጣሪ ድሌት ሰለ ዝተፈጥረ እነሆ ኤርትራን ህዝባን ናይ ኩሉ ሕማቕን ድሕረትን ኣብነት ኮይኖም።

ነዚ ነዊሕ ጉዕዞ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ውሱናት ሰባት ጀሚሮም ንሳቶም ኣይኮኑን ክሳብ ዓወት ኣብጺሐምዎ። ብኣንጻሩ እቲ ዝተሓልፈን ቀጻሊ ዘሎን መስርሕ ቃልሲ ናይ ኣሸሓት ቀጻሊ ምቅብባል ኮይኑ፡ እቲ ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ሕድርን ሓቦን እንዳረከቦ እዩ ኣብዚ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ በጺሑ። ካብዚ ብምንቃል ኢና ከኣ ኣብ 1961 ብመሪሕነት ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝተጀመረ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ብ1991 ብመሪሕነት ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፉ ከምቲኡ ናጽነት ኣበሲሩ እንብሎ። እቲ ኣብ መንጐዘን ክልተ ዕድለኛታት ጀማሪትን ፈጻሚትን ኣጋጣምታት ዝነበረ ግዚ ቃልሲ ኣዝዩ ውረድ ደይብ ዝነበሮ፡ ብዙሓት መስተንክራት ዝተሰርሓሉን ዘየድሊ ስንብራት ዝገደፈ ኣሉታዊ ክስተታት ዝተራእየሉን ምንባሩ ዝርሳዕ ኣይኮነን። ናይዚ ሎሚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ መልክዕ ኣካይዳ እውን ካብ ናይ ሽዑ ዝተፈልየ ኣይኮነን።

ካብዞም ኣቐዲምና ዝገለጽናዮም ናይቲ እኩብ ድምር ቃልስን ዓወትን ተሳተፍቲ ቀንዲ ተዋሳኢ ኣበየናይ ውድብ ነይሩ ብዘየገድስ ሰራዊት ሓርነት ኮነ ህዝባዊ ሰራዊት ቦታኡ እቲ ዝበለሐ ምንባሩ ርዱእ እዩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ ከኣ ነዚ ኣብቲ ዝኸበረ ዋጋ ህይወት ዘኽፍል ብራኸ ንዝነበረ ሰራዊት ዝያዳ ቆላሕታን ሓበንን ዝወሃቦ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ከም መዓልቲ ምጅማር ሰውራ ባሕቲ መስከረም፡ 24 ጉንበትን መዓልቲ ናጽነትን  ካለኦት ከም ውግእ ተጐርባን ምሕራር ከተማ ምጽዋዕን ዝኣመሰሉ ኣገደስቲ ዕለታት ክዝከሩ እንከለዉ ግደ ሰራዊት ዝያዳ ጐሊሑ ዝለዓል። ካብዚ ነቒሎም እዮም ከኣ ኣብዚ ቅንያትዚ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ብዛዕባ ምሕራር ወደባዊት ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ክጽሕፉን ክምድሩን እንከለዉ ንግደን ጀግንነትን ሰራዊት ኣዕዚዞ ከመጉሱ ዝቐነዩ። ኣብዚ ኣብዚ ናይ ሎምዘመን ዝኽሪ ፈንቅል ግና ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ስሙ ዝለዓል ዘሎ ብዛዕባ ጀግንነቱን ግደኡ ኣብ ምሕራር ከተማ ምጽዋዕ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ እንተላይ ንሓርበኝነቱ ጸለሎ ብዝቐብእ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኣብዘይጉዳዩ እዩ። ወዮ ተፈጺሙ ኢልካ ምእማኑ ብዘጸግም መስተንክራዊ ጅግንነት ክዝንተወሉ ዝጸንሐ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ  ብኸምዚ ብማዕከናት ዜና ንሰምዖ ዘለና መወራዘይን መናውሒ ዕድመ ዲክታተርነትን  ኮይኑ ክለዓል እንከሎ “ክልተሻብ ተራኢኻ” ዘብል እዩ።

ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ዝኸበደን ዝዓዘዘን ዝኸውን ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ኣብቲ በሊሕ ጥርዚ ናይ ቃልሲ ስለ ዝስለፍ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ናይቶም ንኣካሎም ጸሎት ኣብ ዘይተገብረሉ ናይ በረኻ ቀብሪ ኣብ ጉድጓድ ቀቢሩ ሕድሮም ግና ዝተረከበ ጀጋኑ በዓል ዕዳ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ። ሓድሪ ምቕባል ኣይኮነንዶ ናይ ስዉእ ናይ ህልዊ እውን ረዚን እዩ። ቃል ኣቲኻ ዝተረከብካዮ ሕድሪ ምዕባር ከኣ እቲ ዝዓበየ ናይ ጥልመት መግለጺ እዩ። ነቲ ብህይወቱ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝረኣየ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብስዉኣት ብጾቱ ዝተዋህበ ሕድሪ “ንኤርትራ ካብ መግዛእቲ መንዚዕኩም ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣረክቡልና” ዝብል ጥራይ ኣይነበረን። ናጽነት ኤርትራ ከም ዘይተርፍ እሞ እቲ ስዉእ እውን ምጥርጣር ኣይነበሮን። ስለዚ እቲ ቀንዲ ለበዋኡስ “ኤርትራ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ህዝባ ብዘይስኽፍታ መሊኡ ዝረግጸላን ዓው ኢሉ ዝዛረበላን ክሳብ ትኸውን ጸኒዕኩም ቀጽሉ” ዝብል እዩ ነይሩ። እሞ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ምስ ህዝቦም ዝጠለሙ ህሉዋት ተመሳሲሉ ሕድሪ ስዉኣትዶ ጠሊሙ ምንባር መሪጹ፡ ወይስ ከምቲ ሓመድ ኣዳም ከልብሶም እንከሎ “ስዉኣትና ቅሰኑ ሕድርኹም ክንትግብሮ ኢና”  ኢሉ ዘፋነዎም  ኣብ ቃሉ ጸኒዑ፡ ባዕሉ ምስ ሕልናኡ ተማኺሩ ክምልሶ ዘለዎ እዩ።

እንተ ንሕና ምስ ውሑዳት ብጽበት ዝዓወሩን ውልቃውነት ስዒርዎም ንህዝቢ ዝጠለሙን  ወጊኑ ናይ ሓሶት “ስጋ ስዉኣት” እንዳመሓለ፡ ነቲ ሕድሪ ብኽንድቲ ዝተረከቦ ክብደት ኣየኽበሮን ዝብል ተሪር ዕቃበ እዩ ዘለና። ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ህዝባን እውን ነዚ ገሊሑ ዝረአ ሓቂ እዩ ዝቕበል።  ይኹን እምበር ሕጂ እውን ረፊዱ እምበር ኣይዓረበን እሞ፡ ኣብዚ ብምኽንያት መበል 31 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ስርሒት ፈንቅል ዝሓለፈ ተመኩሮኡ ብኣውንታኡ ዝዝንተወሉ ዘሎ ቅነ ኣብ ርእሲቲ ባዕሉ ዘይስሕቶ ምዃኑ፡  “ሰራዊት ኤርትራ፡ ዝተረከብካዮ ሕድሪ ከይዓብር” ብዝብል ከነዘኻኽሮ እዋኑ እዩ። ኣዚ እዋንዚ ስም ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብዝተፈላለዩ ሃገራትን ዓበይቲ ማዕከናት ዜና ዓለምናን፡ እንተላይ ንዝሓለፈ ታሪኽ ጅግንነቱ ብዝድውን “ኢድ ኣእታውነት ኣብ ዘይጉዳዩ” ዝለዓለሉ ዘሎ ሕማቕ ኣጋጣሚ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ብዘሎ ብቐጥታ ብዝምልከቶ ኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ኣጀንዳ ክጅመር ዝግበኦ ኩነታት ናይ ምቕያር ተደራራቢ ሓላፍነት ዘሰክሞ ምዃኑ ከስተብህለሉ ይግበኦ።

Sunday, 14 February 2021 12:57

The ELF’s mass jail-break of 1975

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FEBRUARY 13, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWS

The Notable Prison Break of 1975

Source: BBC Tigrinya

An interesting story appeared on BBC Tigrinya website yesterday which instantly stirred a lot of interest in social media all day.

The story was about the historic prison break of 1975 from Sembel and Adi-Quala prisons organised by Eritrean Liberation Front fighters.

SEMBEL is the area around the present Asmara airport which was expropriated for an Italian farm in the 1890s and then developed as a military airport and barracks during the 1930s. The name was applied to the military complex used by the commandos and the Ethiopian army from the 1960s and to the military prison established there mainly for captured Eritrean fighters.

Adi Quala was a small village of no importance before the Italians established a fort there in 1890 to defend the central plateau against a possible attack from Tigray. It remained a garrison town known particularly for its massive stone prison until the British period when primary and secondary schools were established and its Eritrean population began to increase.  By 1962, there were 1,500 residents, and this increased as its Ethiopian garrison grew during the armed struggle.

On 12 February 1975, cadre of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) managed to convince the Eritrean prison guards there and at the prison at Adi Quala to desert and free their captives.

In this simultaneous operations, the ELF released around 1,000 prisoners from Sembel and Adi Quala, including ELF operatives Seyoum Ogbamichael and Woldedawit Temesgen and one of the top political strategists of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), Haile Woldetensae, taking the sick and injured out by truck and using ladders to scale the wire fences for the others.

On that day 700 prisoners were freed from Sembel and 300 from Adi Quala.

However, according to Eritrean Historical Dictionary, the prison was soon filled again with fighters captured around Adi Yaqob and elsewhere, 45 of whom were executed in 1984 after an EPLF raid on the neighbouring airport.

In 1980 Woldesus Ammar, a veteran ELF fighter, had a chance to interview Woldedawit Temesghen (1945–1985), the unwavering ELF operative who committed his short life to the struggle until he was assassinated in Sudan in 1985.

Woldedawit, together with his comrade Seyoum Ogbamichael, played crucial role in the historic prison break of 1975. Woldedawit was a member of the activist cohort at ‘Scuola Vittorio’, the Prince Mekonnen Secondary School, in the 1960s that included many future leaders of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF).  The militant group of the 1960s from Prince Makonnen included Woldesus Ammar, Seyoum Ogbamichael, Woldedawit Temesghen, Michael Gaber, Isaias Afwerki, Mussie Tesfamichael, Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae and more.

  • Woldesus Ammar lives in Switzerland and he, together with his EPDP group, is still fighting for human and democratic rights of Eritreans.
  • Seyoum Ogbamichael who went on to chair the Eritrean Liberation Front–Revolutionary Council died in 2005.
  • Woldedawit Temesghen who was instrumental in organising the prison break of 1975 was assassinated in 1985 in Sudan.
  • Michael Gaber, a renowned ELF fighter who set up the education system for Eritrean refugees in the Sudan. Michael taught there from 1978 through 1992 when he was killed in a bus accident.
  • Isaias Afwerki is the current unelected president of Eritrea.
  • Mussie Tesfamichael Mussie was a member of a leftist trend that emerged within the evolving front in 1973—the Menqa—to challenge Isaias Afwerki’s autocratic leadership. Isaias Afwerki and his supporters acted ruthlessly to suppress the ‘menqa’ group by executing key organisers and arresting dozens of their supporters. Mussie was among the executed.
  • Haile ‘DruE’ Woldetensae was one of the inner circle among Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) founders and a leading ideologue of the Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP). He served in a range of cabinet posts in the Government of Eritrea before he was dismissed and then imprisoned in 2001 for his role in the Group of 15 (G-15) reformists who criticised President Isaias Afwerki for his undemocratic rule. Haile was imprisoned on 18 September 2001, together with 10 of the other Open Letter signers who were in the country at that time, and he was not seen or heard from after that.

Woldedawit Temesgen left school with Seyoum Ogbamichael to join the ELF in 1965. Once in Kassala, Sudan, he and Seyoum were assigned to the front’s new Fifth Division and sent back to Asmara to organise a network of secret cells. According to Historical Dictionary of Eritrea, on 31 August, after only 10 days of clandestine meetings with students, teachers, and workers, the two ELF operatives were identified by a government agent working inside the ELF, Ghirmai Yossef, and arrested during a meeting with a teacher in the Kidane Mehret quarter of the city. Woldedawit spent the next decade in Asmara’s Sembel prison before making his escape with 700 others in a daring February 1975 ELF prison break. He remained with the ELF until his untimely death in 1985.

Woldedawit Temesghen (inset) – the prisoner truck used to transport the sick during the escape.

Then and Now

Prison conditions of 60s, 70s and 80s were harsh. Most families, especially those in the lowlands, were severely affected by the imprisonment of their loved ones. Many prisoners lost their jobs for good, families went bankrupt, children grew up without their fathers, young wives were abandoned, the elderly were harassed and left on their own and in short, many more joined the armed struggle after incarceration.

That era under Ethiopian rule was very challenging to many Eritreans, particularly those affected by the imprisonment of a family member.   However, prisoners had some rights then.  Family members could visit prisoners, deliver food, provide them with fresh clothes. There was no such thing as prisoners held incommunicado.

Amnesty International has repeatedly reported that in post-liberation Eritrea “prisons are filled with thousands of political prisoners, locked up without ever being charged with a crime, many of whom are never heard from again. Those detained include government critics, journalists and people practising an unregistered religion, as well as people trying to leave the country or avoid indefinite conscription into national service.”

 

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ኣሰናዳእቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊ

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ናይ’ዚ ሰልፊ ብሓበራ፡

ብመጀመርታ ነዚ ዕድል’ዚ ብምርካበይ ንኣሰናዳእቲ ሰልፍን ተሳተፍትን ከመስግን ይፈቐደለይ። ንምንታይሲ ዕላማ ናይዚ ሰልፊ፣  ንሰላምን መሰል ደቂ ሰባትን ዝጽውዕ ብምዃኑ ዘሕብን እዩ። ድምጽን መርኣያን ናይቲ ብናይ ስቓይ ሓለንጊ ዝግረፍ ዘሎን ንከይሰምዕን ከይርእን ዝተዓፈነን፣ ጭውነትን ጽቡቕ ባህልን ምኽባር ሕግን ዝመለለይኡ  ሰፊሕ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ’ውን ስለዝኾነ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ከባቢና ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ዘይህዱእ ኰንታት ብፍላይ ከኣ ብዛዕባ’ቲ ኣብ ትግራይ፣ ኣብ መንጎ ፈደራላዊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ምምሕዳር ክልል ትግራይን ብውሕዱ ንሰለስተ ዓመታት ክጽፍጸፍ ዝጸንሓ ምስሕሓብን ምፍልላይን ነቲ ብ4 ሕዳር 2020 ብእዉጅ ኣብ ክልል ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኲናትን ኩልና ንከታተሎ ስለዘለና፡  ብዛዕባኡ ግዜኹም ከጥፍእ ኣይኮንኩን። እንታይ ዳኣ፣ እዚ ፖለቲካውን ቅዋማውን ፍልልይ ክነሱ፣ ኣብ ክንዲ ንዕኡ ብዝመጣጠን ልዝብን እሂን ምሂንን መዕለቢ ዝግበረሉ፣ ኣብ መበል 21 ክፍለ ዘመንስ፡ ብስም ናይ ስርዓት ምኽባር ተኣውጁ ዝካየድ ዘሎ፡ መሪርን ህልቂት ህዝቢ ትግራይን ዕንወት ትካላቱን ንብረቱን ዘስዓበን ገናውን ቀጻሊ  ዘሎን ኲናት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኣህዛብ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝገድፎ ዘሎ ኣሉታውን ኣዕናውን ስምብራት ኣለሊና ንምቅላሱ  ኮነ ንምእላዩ ዝሕግዘና ሓሳባት፡ ርእይቶታን ተመኩሮን  ከነዋህልልን ከነዋሃህድን ይግበኣና’ዩ።

እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካድ ዘሎ ኲናት፡ ኣብ ከውሊ’ቲ  ብምስምስ ሕማም ኮሮና ክስገር ዘይካኣለ፡ ንህዝቢ ዓለም ስሒቡ ዝነበረ ፕረሲደንታዊ ምርጫ ናይ ኣመሪካ ዝተጀመረ እዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ውርሻ  ናይ ሕማቓት ትምህርቲ ኮይኑ፡: ምስቲ  ኢሳያስ ንግብረ ሽበራዊ ስርሒት ኒው-ዮርክ ተጠቒሙ፡ ሰበ-ስልጣናትን ጋዜጠኛታትን ዝኣሰረሉ ዝበለየ ሜላ 18 መስከረም 2001 ዝመሳሰል እዩ። ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ መዋእል ግን ዋላውን እታ ዝደቐቐት ተረኽቦ ናይ ዓለምና ካብ ህዝቢ ንደቓይቕ እንተዘይኮይኑ ተሓቢኣ እትተርፈሉ ባይታ የብላን፣ ጀመርቲ ናይቲ ኲናት’ውን ካብቶም ዝሓለፉ ዓመጽትን ረገጽትን ስርዓታት ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ብዝኾነ ተኣምር ዝፍለዩ ኣይኮኑን። ምኽንያቱ ዝሓለፉ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያውን ነዚ ብስም “ምኽባር ስርዓት” ዝካይድ ዘሎ መወዳእታ ዘይብሉ ኲናት “በትሪ ያጸንእ ሃይለ መንግስት፣ በሰሜን ያለው ተገንጣይ የወንበዴዎች ጁንታ ይደመሰሳል” እንዳበሉ እዮም 30 ዓመታት ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ 17 ዓመታት ድማ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኲናት ኣካይዶም። ግን ከኣ ሎሚ እውን ብሓይሊ ብረትን በትርን ዝጻዓድ ህዝቢ ከምዘየለ ኣይተማህሩን። ስርዓት ድማ ብዝተኸልካዮ ሕግን ቅዋምን፣ ብልዝብን ስኒትን እምበር፣ ብውግእ ኣይከብርን እዩ።

ሎሚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብዝተፈላየለ መልክዑን መንቀሊኡን ኣብ ዘርኢ ዝተመርኮሰ፡ ቅትለት፡ ህልቂት፡ ናይ ውግእ ገበናትን በደላትን ይፍጸም ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ትግራይ ንብረት ህዝቢ ከም ዝዝረፍ፡ ዓመጽ ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ከም ዝፍጸም፡ ጥንታውያ ቅርስታት ህዝብን ሃገርን ከም ዝበርሱ ንሰምዕ ኣለና። ናይ መንግስቲ ትካላትውን ከይፈተወ ሓቕነቱ ኣረጋጊጹ ኣሎ። እዚ ነቲ  መራሕቲ ሕቡራት ሃገራት  ኣብ መስከረም 2005 ንግደ መራሕቲ መንግስታት ድሕነትን ጸጥታን ህዝቦም ንምሕላው ዝጸደቐ ስምምዕ ዓንቀጽ 138 ትኽ ብትኽ ዝጻረር ተግባራት ብምዃኑ ኩኑን እዩ። መንግስቲ ኮለኔል ኣቢዪ ኣሕመድ እቲ ኣብ ሃገሩ ባዕሉ ዝኣዘዞ ውግእን ሳዕቤናቱን ብሓደ ሸነኽ፡  ካብ ቁጽጽሩ ወጻኢ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ቅትለትን ህልቂትን ድማ በቲ ካልእን ደው ንምባል፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ብኣግኡ ሓቐኛ መረዳእታታት ኣቕሪቡ፡ ብዓንቀጽ 139  ምትሕብባር ናይ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ዝቕበልን ዘፍቅድን፡ ነቲ ብጽልእን ቅርሕንትን ዝኻሓነ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ካልኦትን ዘራያት ዓዲሙ’ዩ  ጥፍኣት ህዝቢ ዘካይድ ዘሎ።

ብርግጽ፣ እዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝከየድ ዘሎ ኲናት ኣዕናውን ኣብራስን ግደ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ምህላዉ ዝሕባእ ኣይኮነን። ዓለም ብዓለማውን ትዛረበሉ ዘላ ኢድ ምታትታው  ይካየድ ኣሎ። እዚ ኢድ ምትእትታው’ዚ ድማ፡ ብመጀመርታ ኣብዪ ኣሕመድን መሻርኽቱ ውልቀ መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ዝሕተትሉን ዝስከምዎን ናይ ገበን ገበን እዩ። ከምውጻኢት ናይሥዚ ኢድ ምትእትታው፡ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ ግፍዒ፣ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን መሳርሕቱን እምበር፡ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝውክል ከምዘይኮነ ብንጹር ክፍለጥ ይግባእ። ስለዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ህዝቢ ብሓላፍነት ዘሕተተሉ ተግባራት’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ናይ ሎምን ናይ ጽባሕን ወለዶ፡ ተሰካምን ከፋልን ናይዘይዋዓለሉ ገበንን ዕዳን ካብ ምዃን ግን ነጻ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን’ዩ። ነዚ ፈሊጥና እምባኣር፣ እሱራት ናይ ዝሓለፈ ኣሉታዊ ታሪኽ ካብ ምዃን ወጺና፡ ንሳቶም እዃ ንህልቂት ህዝብን  ዕንወትን ለይቲ ምስ ማዓልቲ ተሓባቢሮም ዝሰርሑ ዘለዉ፡ ንሕና ደለይቲ ሰላም፡ ራህዋን ሰናይ ጉርብትናን ዝኾና ኤርትራውያን ብሓባር መኸተናን ጻዕርናን ከነሕይል ይግባኣና። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ብሓበራ፡ እምቢ ንምዕጻው፡ እምቢ ንውግእ፡ እወ ንሰላም ክብልን ኣርዑት መለኽቲ ክሰብርን ካብዚ መድረኽ ሰላም’ዚ ንጽውዕ።

ኣብ ክሊዚ፡ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይን ንብረቱን ዝፍጽሞ ገበን፣ ስቓይ፡ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ቅትለትን፡ ብቐንዱ እቲ ስርዓትን ኣዘዝቲ ትካላቱን ዝሕተተሉ ኣብ ርእሲ ምዃኑ፡ ንኣገባብ ኣፈጻጽማ ናይቲ ተግባር ምርኩስ ጌርካ፡ ሃይማኖታውን ቦታውን መልክዕ ንምትሓዙ ዝግበር  ንምፍልላይን ምግፋሕ ሽግራትን ዝካየድ ወፈራታት፣ ንጠቅሚ መለኽቲ ስርዓታት ዘገልግል ከምዝኾነ ምግንዛብ የድሊ። ጭካኔን ሕሱም ተግባራትን መለለዪ ውልቀ ጣባይ ናይ ደቂ ሰባት እምበር፡ ንህዝቢ፡ ንተወላዶ ናይ ሓደ ከባቢ ኮነ ንሃይማኖታት ዝውክሉ ኣይኮነኑ። ኣብ ኩሉ ፍጡር ወዲ ኣዳም ንፉዕን ሕማቕን፡ ግፍዐኛን ለዋህን ምህላዉ፣ ምርዳእ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። ብሓቂ ድማ ካብ ኣብራኽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝወጸ፡ ንነጻነትን  ንሓርነት ህዝቢ ኣንጻር መግዛእቲ ዝመከተ፡ ብፍላይ ተጋዳላይ ዝነበረ ኣባል ሰራዊት  ኤርትራ፡ ቅትለትን ግፍዕን ኣብ ልዕሊ ተጋሩን ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታትን ፈጺሙ ክባሃል ከሎ፡ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ጥልመት ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ምዃኑ፣ ክሳብ ክንደይ ልቢ ኩሉ ተቓላሳይ ከም ዝሰብር  ዘንጊዑ፡ ልኡኽ መላኺ ስርዓት ጥራሕ ኮይኑ ምኻዱስ ኣነዋሪ ተግባራት ምዃኑ ክግንዘብ መተገብኦ።፡ ብእንጻሩ ሞት ብሞቱስ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ምልጋስ ታሪኻውን ጀግንነታውን ቅያ ክሰርሕ ይሕተት ኣሎ። ይውዓል ይሕደር ግን፡ ገበነኛን ግፍዓኛን ኣብ ሕጊ ዝቐርበሉ፡ ዝተራሰን ዝተዘምተን ንብረት ተጻርዩ ናብ ዋንኡ ዝኾነ ህዝቢ ዝምለሰሉ ግዜ ርሑቕ ኣይክኸውንን እዩ።

ምእንት’ዚ፡ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ብፍላይ ድማ ደለይቲ ለውጢ፡ ሓንትን ብዙሕነት ህዝባ፡ ብሄራታ፡ ዓሌታታ፡ ሃይማኖታታ፡ ኣውራጃታታት፡ ቁንቋታታን ካልኣን ዝዓቀበት፡ ብሕግን ስርዓትን እትመሓደር ማዕርነታዊት ልኡላዊት ሃገር ክትህሉ እዩ ረብሓናን ቃልስናን። እዚ ክንገብር ምስእንበቅዕ ድማዩ፡ ቀጻልነትን ዋሕስን ህዝብ ዝኾነ፡ ካብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስን መጋበርያታቱን ዝተፈልየ፣  ካልእ ናይ ድሕነት ገጽ ከምዘሎ ከነረጋግጽ ንኽእል። ካብዚ ወጻኢ ንዝግበር ፈተነታት፡ ዋላኳ ዝተፈልየ ኤርትራዊ ሓሳብን ርእይቶን ምህላዉ ንቡር እንተኮነ፡ ነቲ ኣፍራሲ ዝኮነ መሚና ትርጉም ኣልቦነቱ ምቅላዕ ግን የድልየና። ምስሊ ኤርትራን ኤርትራውነትን ንኹልና ኤርትራውያን ብማዕረ ስለ ዝውክለና ንሓደን ዝቕበል፣ ነቲ ካልእን ዝነጽግ ክኸውን ከነፍቕድ የብልናን።

ካብዚ ብምንቃል፡ ነዚ ዝስዕብ እዋናዊ ነጥብታት ንምዕዋት ብዝመስለና ክንቃለስ ንሕተት ኣለና።

  1. ኣብ ትግራይ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእን ህልቂትን ደው ክብል ምጽዓር፡ እዚ ምስዘይግበር፡ ጸጥታ ባይቶ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣድላዪ ስጉምትታት ክወስድ ንጽውዕን ጻዕርታት ምክያድን።
  2. ክብርን መሰልን ደቂ ሰባት ክሕሎ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ክብረት ደቂ ኣስትዮን ህጻውንትን ውሑስ ክኸውን፣ ምድፋርን ምዕማጽን ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ንኹንን።
  3. ኣህጉራውን ዞናውን ትካላትን መንግስታትን ዓለም፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ትካላቱን ጀሚሮሞ ዘለዉ ጸቕጥታት ከሔይሉን፡ ገበነኛታት ናብ ሕጊ ንኽቐርቡ ክጽዕሩን፡
  4. ህዝቢ ንምድሓን ውሕስነት መግቢ ንምርግጋጽን ናይ ረዲኤት ትካላት ነጻ ናይ ምንቅስቓስ ኮሪዶር ክፍቀደሎም፡
  5. ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ብዘይ ዋዓል ሕደር ካብ ትግራይ ክወጽእ፡ ዝተፈጸመ ገበናት ብነጻ ኣካላት ክጻረን፡ ፈጸምቲ ገበን ኣብ ሕጊ ኽቐርቡን።  
  6. ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ንዝፈጸሞ፡ ምሉእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከምዝፈጸሞ ኣምሲልካ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዝካየድ ወፈራን ጸለመን ምንእኣስን ደው ክብል።
  7. መሰል ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ክሕሎ፡ ድሕነቶም ክረጋገጽ፡ ዘድሊ ቀረብ ንኽረክቡ መሳለጢታት ክኸፈት፡
  8. ካብ ትግራይ ናብ ኤርትራ ብሓይሊ ዝተወስዱን መዕለቢኣም ዘይተፈልጠን ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ብዝምልከቶ ኣካላት ምጽራይ ክግበር፡
  9. ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቅን ቀንደኛ ተላኣኣኽቱን፡ ኣብዚ ውግእ ዝተሳተፉ ላዕለዎት ኣዘዝቲ ሰራዊትን፡ ላዕለዎት ናይ ጸጥታን ስለያን ሓለፍቲ፣ ብምልኦም ከም ሰባት ኣብ ልዕሊኦም እገዳ  ክግበር ምጽዓርን።
  10. ነዚ ንምፍጻን ንምቅልጣፍን፡ ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ሓባራዊ ዲፕሎማስያዊ ወፍሪ ከጽዕቁ፡ ካብኡ ብዘይፍለ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን ግዱሳት ዜጋታትን ጻዕርታቶም ከሐይሉ።
  11. ኣብ ዲያስፖራ ዝርከቡ ተጋሩን ኤርትራውያንን ካብ ፍኑው ዝኾነ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ ህዝቢ ዘጣቑስ፡ ናብ ቂምን ቅርሕንት ዘምርሕ ዜናዊ ወፈራታትን ምውንጃልን ወጺእና፡ ናይ ሰላምን ሰናይ ጉርብትናን ድንድል ንምንዳቕ ክንጽዕር ይግባእ።

እዝን ከምኡ ዝኣመሰለ ጉዳያትን  እንተጌርና ድማዩ፡ ሓገዝትን ደገፍትን ህዝብታትና ንኸውን፡ ንነብስና  ከኣ ካብ ተሓታትነት ነድሕንን ሞራላዊ ዕግበት እነጥርን።

ዓወት ንውጹዓት ህዝብታት!

ውድቐት ንመለኽቲ!

ደጊመ ንኣሰናዳእትን ተሳተፍቲ ሰላማዊ ሰልፊን የመስግን።

የቐንየለይ።

 

Saturday, 13 February 2021 20:37

Radio dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 13.02.2021

Written by
Saturday, 13 February 2021 12:17

Ethiopia’s social media war

Written by

AFRICAERITREAETHIOPIAHORN OF AFRICA

Anyone who takes a stand opposing the war in Tigray finds themselves attacked on social media.

I make no complaint about this; everyone is entitled to their opinion. Sometimes the attacks are abusive, which only undermines the abuser.

Having been a journalist for four decades, I am used to attacks.

But it is one thing to be attacked by individuals – quite another to be attacked by a state, attempting to appear to be an ordinary person.

Ethiopian government surveillance

It is important to know what weapons a state can deploy against its critics. For several years the Ethiopian government has paid commercial companies to undertake these activities.

As Voice of America reported:[1]

“Since 2016, the Ethiopian government has targeted dissidents and journalists in nearly two dozen countries with spyware provided by an Israeli software company, according to a new report from Citizen Lab, a research and development group at the University of Toronto. Once their computers are infected, victims of the attack can be monitored covertly whenever they browse the web, the report says. Based on an in-depth analysis of the methods used to trick victims into installing the software, Citizen Lab concluded that “agencies of the Ethiopian government” deployed the spyware to target individuals critical of their policies.”

This analysis was supported by Human Rights Watch.[2] “The Ethiopian government has doubled down on its efforts to spy on its critics, no matter where they are in the world,” said Cynthia Wong, senior internet researcher at Human Rights Watch. “These attacks threaten freedom of expression and the privacy and the digital security of the people targeted.”

A report by Freedom House published this month came to this conclusion:[3]

“The Horn of Africa is broadly an active area, with cases of transnational repression carried out by the governments of Ethiopia, Sudan, and South Sudan. The Ethiopian cases documented by Freedom House took place before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, a transition that initially resulted in some prodemocratic reforms. However, reports in late 2020 indicate that as the internal Tigrayan conflict unfolds, the Ethiopian government has rendered Ethiopian Tigrayans, including some who serve in the country’s military abroad. Earlier, in 2014, there were three renditions of perceived political opponents from Kenya, and one each from Yemen and South Sudan. A 2017 CitizenLab report identified the use of commercial spyware against dissidents outside of Ethiopia, including in the United States and United Kingdom.”

Surveillance has been accompanied by repeated closures of the internet by the government.  But the Ethiopian government went further. It manipulated which sites could be viewed. As a study provided by Amnesty International put it:

“Overall, 16 different Ethiopian news outlets presented signs of censorship, many of which showed evidence of being blocked prior to the state of emergency declaration.”[4]

Social media manipulation

It is against this background of surveillance, censorship and blocking that the reports of social median manipulation should be judged. Of course, Ethiopia is by no means the only government in Africa that uses these techniques. The South African authorities used a British PR company, Bell Pottinger, to attack its opponents, fanning the flames of a race war in the country.[5]

“Ethiopia’s ruling party hired people to influence social media conversations in its favor” – according to a report sighted by the New York Times.[6]  This view is supported by a study by the London School of Economics which gave details of how the Ethiopian government was behaving.[7] It makes chilling reading and is quoted at length.

“Social media has become a battleground for the leaders of African countries and their opposition. The consequences are devastating. Ethiopia’s latest conflict was preceded by an escalation in the circulation of hate speech and disinformation on Facebook, which intensified ethnic divisions and provided a platform for mobilising attacks. In turn, these troubling trends have justified the Ethiopian government’s decision to cut off internet and communications in the region of Tigray where the violence is taking place. Both uses of social media – its weaponisation and its prohibition – have had tragic implications for human rights. The manipulation of social media is becoming a common occurrence not just in African countries, but globally. The divisive nature of social media transcends borders, fostering tensions in democratic and authoritarian countries alike. Facebook still enables white nationalist groups to operate in the United States, but American-owned tech companies’ pernicious impact in other parts of the world calls for stricter international regulations. 

Unsociable Media

Unrest in Ethiopia is largely due to the country’s volatile ethnic politics. Since 1991, the country was divided into federal ethnic regions and governed by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of the four main ethnic parties: the Amhara, Oromo, Tigrayan, and southern groups. Despite the apparent diversity of the leadership, the coalition was dominated by the Tigrayan party, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which created resentment among the other ethnic groups. Perceived inequality, along with repressive authoritarian governance, forced displacement, and an ongoing war with neighbouring Eritrea fomented widespread discontent, culminating in a series of protests which brought Abiy Ahmed to the chairmanship of the EPRDF in 2018. For many, Abiy, an Oromo, symbolised an opportunity for meaningful political reform. He set off to a promising start by making peace with Eritrea, releasing political prisoners and reintroducing opposition parties, and was rewarded with the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019

Abiy sought to execute extensive political reform which would ‘subdue the role of ethnicity in politics’ and extend representation to other minority ethnic groups. He thus dissolved the EPRDF coalition into a single party, the Prosperity Party, and articulated plans to abolish the federal system. These changes generated a serious backlash and revealed the true depth of ethnic tension in the country. Those who stood to gain from Ethiopia’s ethnic politics fiercely opposed Abiy’s reforms, and many Oromo ethno-nationalists felt betrayed by his political compromise. 

Social media has only intensified polarisation. On June 29, 2020, the prominent Ethiopian and Oromo musician Hachalu Hundessa was murdered in Addis Ababa after an incendiary Facebook campaign demonised him for ‘abandoning his Oromo roots’ by siding with Abiy. Hundessa’s death was the catalyst for an outburst of ethnically motivated violence culminating in over 160 further casualties, primarily of the Christian Amhara, Christian Omoro and Gurage minority groups. Facebook was the primary platform for sharing hate speech, inciting violence and posting photographs of damaged property. 

An Ethiopian voluntary organisation, The Network Against Hate Speech, has been reporting hate speech and incitement of violence on Facebook and YouTube almost daily over the last few months. The BBC is also reporting examples of misinformation used to stir up tensions in the current conflict, such as manipulated images of a S-400 Russian missile defence system and a downed Ethiopian fighter jet which were made to look like they were related to the conflict. 

The use of technology to incite violence bears chilling similarities to the central role of the radio in the Rwandan genocide. Unlike the radio, social media is far more complex and susceptible to manipulation from an innumerable range of actors. Computer programs choose to deliver engaging, selective content for each individual user, including information that is harmful, such as misinformation, sensationalism, and “hate-clicks”. Due to social media’s lethal potential, it is imperative that Facebook and other social media platforms take responsibility for the circulation of inflammatory content. As of yet, Facebook’s Community Standards aren’t available in Ethiopia’s two main languages and there are no full time Facebook employees in the country. The $750 billion company instead relies on voluntary grassroots activists to report malicious content and events on the ground. However, there is only so much local activists can do. Facebook needs to establish effective regulations on its platform in order to prevent the weaponisation of social media between ethnic groups.” 

The Ethiopian authorities have hit back, accusing the Tigrayans of undertaking similar campaigns.[8]

“Information Network Security Agency (INSA) stated that the TPLF Clique was disseminating up to 20,000 pieces of disinformation via twitter on daily basis and working to disrupt news transmission of several national media in the country. Establishing an online media group named “Digital Woyane” and creating thousands of fake accounts, the TPLF Clique was undertaking psychological warfare against the nation using false flag tactics and fraudulent social media accounts that falsely claim to represent individuals from ethnic Oromo and Amhara.”

While this may be accurate, it is difficult to equate a resistance movement like the TPLF, fighting attacks from Ethiopian, Eritrean and Somali forces, with the resources of a government.

Perhaps the lesson we all need to take away is that we should view all social media with some scepticism and caution. Not all information is what it seems to be.


[1] https://www.voanews.com/a/ethiopia-targeted-dissidents-journalists-in-20-countries-with-israeli-spyware/4154014.html

[2] https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/12/06/ethiopia-new-spate-abusive-surveillance

[3] https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2021-02/Complete_FH_TransnationalRepressionReport2021_rev020221.pdf

[4] https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AFR2553122016ENGLISH.pdf

[5] https://uk.news.yahoo.com/scandal-hit-pr-firm-bell-pottinger-falls-administration-163300484.html

[6] https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/26/technology/government-disinformation-cyber-troops.html

[7] https://thelondonglobalist.org/a-double-edged-sword-the-manipulation-of-social-media-in-african-countries-endangers-human-rights-in-more-ways-than-one/

[8] https://www.geeskaafrika.com/ethiopia-tplf-twitter-bots-disseminating-up-to-25k-pieces-of-fake-news/

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኤርትራ ቅድሚ ሰላሳ ዓመታት፡ ብናይ ሰላሳ ዓመታት ቃልሲ እያ ናጻ ወጺኣ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ብዝተኻየደ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዝተሳተፈሉ ረፈረንደም ከኣ፡ መበል 182 ልኡላዊት ሃገር ኮይና ኣብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዓለም ተመዝጊባ። ከምኡ ከኣ ኣብ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ መበል 52 ሃገር ኮይና። እዚ ኩነታትዚ ንቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣዝዩ ዘበረኸን ኣብ ሓድሽ ምዕራፍ ዘሳገረን እምበር እቲ ቃልሲ ምውዳኡ ዘመልክት ኣይነበረን። ብመሰረቱ ቃልሲ በብእዋኑ ደኣ ሓድሽ ኣጀንዳ ሒዙ መልክዑ ቀይሩ ይመጽእ እምበር ዘይውዳእ መስርሕ እዩ።

እቲ ጌና ቀጻሊ ዘሎ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ቃልሲ፡ ካብቲ ናይ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዘይድሕር ብዙሓት ብደሆታትን ንኡሳን ምዕራፋትን ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ “ናጻ ልኡላዊት ኤርትራ ከመይ ትመሓደርን መሰረታዊ ረብሓ ህዝባ ከመይ ይረጋገጽን?” ዘድህበ እዩ ነይሩን ኮይኑ ጸኒሑን። እቲ ኣብ ምርግጋጽ ናጽነትና ወሳኒ ናይ ምዕዋትና ዓቢ ግደ ዝነበሮ  ሓድነትና ኣብ ዕላማ፡ ኣብዚ ዳሕረዋይ ምዕራፍ እውን ዝጐልሐ ኣኣገዳስነት ከምዘለዎ ጭቡጥ ነገር ኢዩ። ነዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና ኤርትራ ብሓቂ ሕገመንግስታውን ትካላውን ውሕስነት ብዘለዎ “ናይ ህዝባ” እትኾነሉ ኩነታት ናይ ምርግጋጽ ቃልሲ፡ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ብዙሓት ወሰንቲ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን ዛዕባታት ናይ ሓባር ሚዛንን ገምጋምን ክህልወና ወሳኒ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ዘተኣማምን ቀጻሊ ፍታሕ ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ተረድኦ ክስረት እንከሎ ዘተኣማምን  ስለ ዝኾነ። ብግብሪ ንርእዮ ከም ዘለና ከኣ ምድልዳል ሓድነትና ከም ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብዚ ናይ ሎሚ ቃልሲ፡ ካብቲ ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝነበሮ ንላዕሊ በዳሂ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እዚ ከኣ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ኣዝዩ ዝረቐቐን ንምዕዋቱ ዝያዳ ጻዕርን ዝሰጠመ ሓድነትን ዝሓትትን ምዃኑ ዘርኢ እዩ።  ብዓንተብኡ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክብገስ ከሎ ንመሰልን ሓርነትን ህዝቢ ኢዩ ነይሩ። ንኤርትራ ናብ ህዝባ ወሳኒ ዝኾነላ ብቅዋም እትምራሕ ዲሞክራስያዊት ሃገር ንምስግጋራ ክንድቲ ናጻ ንምውጸኣ ዝወሰደ ዓመታት ክወስድዩ ኢልካ ክግመት ዘይሕሰብ ኢዩ ነይሩ። እቲ ዘተሓሳስብ ግን፡ ንዕዘቦ ከምዘለና ብግብሪ ብክንድኡ ዓመታት እውን  ኣይተወደአን።

ኣብዚ ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ወሳኒ ቃልሲ ከምቲ እንደልዮን ኣብቲ ዝተጸበናዮ ግዜን ናይ ዘይምዕዋትና ምኽንያት ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ክንምክት ዘብቅዓና ሓድነት ከነውሕስ ዘይምኽኣልና እዩ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ሓድነት ወሳንን ንምዕዋቱ ፈታንን እዩ እንብል፡ ኣብቲ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ቃልስና ዘይረኣዩ ዝነበሩ፡ ንሓድነትና ብኣሉታ ዝጸልዉ ዝተፈላለዩ ድሌታትን ብዙሕነታዊ ስምዒታትን ይቀላቐሉ ስለ ዘለዉ እዩ። እዞም ስምዒታት ሎሚ ዝተፈጥሩ ዘይኮኑ ኣብቲ ሳላ ጽኑዕ ሓድነትና ተዓዊትና ሃገር ዘውሓስናሉ ግዜ ቃልሲ እውን ክንዲ’ቲ ሓያል ጎንታትና ብዘይምዃኖም ደኣ ኣይዓንቀፉናን እምበር ምሳና ዝነበሩ እዮም። እቲ ሽዑ ዝነበረና ንስምዒታት ብፍልልያዊ ሓድነት ናይ ምውጋን ዓቕሚ፡ ኣኽእሎን ሓላፍነትን “ሎሚ ደኣ ናበይ ከይዱ?” ዝብል ዘዛርብን ዘገርምን ኮይኑ ዘሎ እዩ። ከምቲ “ካብ ልቢ እንተሓዚንካ ንብዓት ኣይኣብን” ዝበሃል፡ ጸቢብ ውልቃውን ጉጅላውን ስምዒታትና ውሒጥና ንህልውና ሃገርናን ረብሓ ህዝባን ቀዳምነት እንተንህብ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዘሎ ብደሆ ኣባና ጥራይ ዘጋጠመን ዘይፍታሕን ኣይኮነን። ቀዳምነትና መልክዕና ንዝኾነ ብዙሕነትናን ናይ ዝተወሰነ ኩርናዕ ድሌትን መዝሚዝካ ቅድሚት ምስራዕ  እንተኮይኑ ግና ፍልልያትና ዝፈትሕ ዘይኮነስ ካልእ ጸገም ዝጐትት ከም ዝኸውን ምልክታት ክንርኢ ጸኒሕና ኢና።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ሓድነት መሬትን ህዝብን ኤርትራ ብዘውሓሰ፡ ኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነት ኣብ ጽላል ሃገርነት ብዘተባብዕን ብዘይምእኩል ኣገባብ እትመሓደርን ኤርትራ ክትህልው ዝቃለስ ሰልፊ እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ፡ ቅድም ሓሓሊፉ ክርአ ንዝጸንሐ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከኣ ምስቲ ኣብ ክልል ትግራይ ዝረአ ዘሎ ምዕባለ ዝያዳ ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ዘሎ፡ ንካርታ ናይታ ብክቡር ዋጋ መስዋእቲ ዝመጸት ሃገር ዝቕይርን ንናይቲ ብሓባር ተሰዊኡ ኣብ ሓደ ጉድጓድ ዝተቐብረ ህዝባ ናይ ሓባር ኤርትራውነት ዝዘርግን ወስታታት ኣሎ። ንኣብነት ኣብ ሓደ ኩርናዕ ኤርትራ ዝነብር ህዝቢ ምስ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ከም ናቱ ቋንቋ ዝዛረብ ኣራኺብካ ሓዳስ ሃገር ክትፈጥር ናይ ምፍታን ሃቐነ፡ እቲ ካልእ ሓደጋታቱ ገዲፍካ ንኤርትራዊ ሃገርነትን ልኡላውነትን ዝጻባእ ስለ ዝኾነ ሰዲህኤ ይቃወሞ።

 ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሮም ክቀላቐሉ ዝጸንሑ፡ መንቀሊኦም ንሓንሳብ ካብ ኤርትራ ንሓንሳብ ድማ ካብ ትግራይ ዝበሃሉ፡ ብሩህ መጻኢ፡ ኣግኣዝያንን ትግራይ ትግርኝን ዝበሃሉ ምንቅስቓሳት ናይ ሓደጋ ኣመላኸቲ እዮም። እነሆ ሎሚ ከኣ ምስቲ ኣብ ትግራይ ናይ ሕብረተሰብ ዓለም ቀልቢ እውን ስሒቡ ዘሎ ውግእ ተጐዝጒዞም ኣዛረብቲ ኮይኖም ኣለዉ። እቲ ናይዞም ምንቅስቓሳት ዝያዳ ሓደገኛ መርኣያ፡ ምእንቲ በቲ ዝሕልንዎ ሸፈጥ ንቕድሚት ንምድፋእ ክጥዕሞም ነቲ ምእንቲ ናጽነትን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ብጀጋኑ ዝተኸፍለ ክቡር ዋጋን ግዜን፡ ክብሪ ዘይህቡ ብናይ ሽፍታን ሽፍትነትን ቃና ዝገልጽዎ  ምዃኖም እዩ።

ነቶም ኣብ ከምዚ ዓይነት ንታሪኽ ኤርትራዊ ጅግንነት ዝድውን፡ ንሓድነት ህዝባ ዝብትን ኣብ ክንዲ ንቅድሚት ንድሕሪት ዝርኢ ግጉይ ናይ ጥዑሳት መስርዕ ተሰሊፎም ንዘለዉ ወገናት “ኣይፋልኩም ዓገብ” ምባል ናይ ግድን እዩ። እንተኾነ ነዚ ሓድነት ኤርትራ ዘጥፍእ ምንቅስቓስ ብዘተኣማምን ክንስዕሮ እንኽእል፡ ብግብራዊ ሓድነታዊ ኣበርክቶ ዝበረኸ ቦታ ብምሓዝ ጥራይ ምዃኑ ኣይንስሓት።

FEBRUARY 11, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Ethiopia: Unlawful Shelling of Tigray Urban Areas

UN Inquiry Needed into Alleged Violations by Warring Parties

Source: Human Rights Watch

[Note Click on link above to see full report with all images]

A woman stands in a metal sheet room that was damaged by shelling in Humera town, Tigray region, Ethiopia, on November 22, 2020. In that residential compound, two women and an elderly man were killed by shelling and gunfire, and two women were wounded.

A woman stands in a metal sheet room that was damaged by shelling in Humera town, Tigray region, Ethiopia, on November 22, 2020. In that residential compound, two women and an elderly man were killed by shelling and gunfire, and two women were wounded. © 2020 Eduardo Soteras for Agence France Press

(Nairobi) – Ethiopian federal forces carried out apparently indiscriminate shelling of urban areas in the Tigray region in November 2020 in violation of the laws of war, Human Rights Watch said today. Artillery attacks at the start of the armed conflict struck homes, hospitals, schools, and markets in the city of Mekelle, and the towns of Humera and Shire, killing at least 83 civilians, including children, and wounding over 300.

“At the war’s start, Ethiopian federal forces fired artillery into Tigray’s urban areas in an apparently indiscriminate manner that was bound to cause civilian casualties and property damage,” said Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “These attacks have shattered civilian lives in Tigray and displaced thousands of people, underscoring the urgency for ending unlawful attacks and holding those responsible to account.”

On November 4, the Ethiopian military began operations in Tigray in response to what Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed described as attacks on federal forces and bases by forces affiliated with the region’s ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). As of February 2021, many Tigray residents lack adequate access to food, fuel, water, and medicines. More than 200,000 people are internally displaced, while tens of thousands have also fled to neighboring Sudan.

Human Rights Watch interviewed 37 witnesses and victims of government attacks on Humera, Shire, and Mekelle, as well as 9 journalists, aid workers, and human rights and forensic experts. Interviews were conducted in person in Sudan and by phone between December 2020 and January 2021. Human Rights Watch also examined satellite imagery, and reviewed photographs and videos from the site of six attacks that corroborated witness accounts.

Witnesses described to Human Rights Watch a pattern of artillery attacks by Ethiopian federal forces before they captured Humera, Shire, and Mekelle in November. In each of these attacks the Tigrayan special forces appeared to have withdrawn, while in Humera local militias lacked a significant presence to defend the town. Many of the artillery attacks did not appear aimed at specific military targets but struck generalized populated areas. Human Rights Watch found similar patterns in interviews with 13 people from the towns of Rawyan and Axum.

These attacks caused civilian deaths and injuries; damaged homes, businesses, and infrastructure; struck near schools; disrupted medical services; and prompted thousands of civilians to flee.

In the western border town of Humera, residents said that on November 9, artillery fired from Eritrea terrified unsuspecting civilians, striking them in their homes and as they fled. The shelling damaged residential areas in the Kebele 02 neighborhood, and struck near a church and a school, near a mosque in Kebele 01, and hit areas near the town’s main hospital.

A man who was transporting the wounded on his motorbike said he saw a shell tear through the roof of a house made of steel sheets about 100 meters away from Saint Gabriel church: “Five people were dead. We only found a 7-month-old infant crying among them. He was barely alive, so we took him to the church.”

Doctors from the town’s main Kahsay Aberra’s hospital said they were overwhelmed by the sudden influx of dead bodies and patients with severe injuries. One estimated that the shelling on November 9 killed at least 46 people and wounded over 200.

In the northwestern town of Shire, shelling began on November 17 and hit buildings in the center of town and an industrial area. Civilians were killed and injured as they fled near the Abuna Aregawi church. Later that day, witnesses saw Ethiopian forces pass through Shire alongside Eritrean forces.

Residents from the regional capital, Mekelle, said that heavy shelling on November 28 killed 27 civilians, including children, and wounded over 100. In one attack, shells struck a residential compound near a market, mosque, and an empty school in Ayder sub-city, and killed four members of a single family, including two young children, and wounded five adults and a 9-year-old child.

The laws of war applicable to the armed conflict in Tigray prohibit attacks targeting civilians or civilian structures, indiscriminate attacks, and attacks expected to cause greater harm to civilians than the anticipated military gain. Indiscriminate attacks include those not directed at a specific military target and that use means of attack that cannot be directed at a specific military target. Bombardments that treat distinct military targets in a city or town as a single military objective would also constitute an indiscriminate attack. Individuals who commit serious violations of the laws of war deliberately or recklessly are responsible for war crimes.

All forces have an obligation to minimize harm to civilians. They are required to take all feasible precautions to ensure that attacks are directed at military targets, and not civilians. Though several residents in Humera and Mekelle said they saw the use of apparent spotters to direct mortar fire, Human Rights Watch could not determine whether spotters were systematically used or effective, as shells repeatedly struck populated areas that contained no evident military targets.

As fighting in Tigray continues, all parties to the conflict should abide by the laws of war. Ethiopian federal forces should cease indiscriminate attacks, investigate alleged laws-of-war violations, and refrain from using explosive weapons with wide-area effects in populated areas. All sides should allow unhindered access by humanitarian agencies and ensure that health facilities can adequately function. Access to essential services and communications should also be restored.

The United Nations high commissioner for human rights should send a fact-finding team into the region to investigate alleged violations of the laws of war in Tigray, and to ensure that evidence of abuses is preserved, Human Rights Watch said.

“As the civilian toll of the Tigray conflict comes to light, it is clear that a thorough inquiry into alleged laws-of-war violations in the region that pave the way for justice is desperately needed,” Bader said. “The Ethiopian government should promptly allow UN investigators into Tigray to document the conduct by warring parties in a conflict that has devastated the lives of millions and should no longer be ignored.”

For background information and further accounts of the Tigray conflict, please see below.

Tigray Conflict

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated Ethiopian politics for almost three decades as part of a ruling coalition that was responsible for serious human rights violations, before Abiy became prime minister in April 2018. Tensions between the federal government and the Tigray regional authorities increased after the federal government reconfigured the ruling coalition into a single party in 2019, and postponed highly anticipated national elections citing Covid-19 related health risks in March 2020. Several opposition parties denounced the federal government’s decision to delay elections, including the TPLF, which held a regional election in Tigray in September in defiance of the federal government’s decision.

Phone and internet communications were swiftly cut off in Tigray once Ethiopian military operations began on November 4. Road and air access to the region was also restricted, hampering humanitarian agencies’ provision of aid, including desperately needed medical assistance.

Heavy fighting initially concentrated in western Tigray, where Ethiopian military offensives and a massacre in Mai Kadra on November 9 displaced tens of thousands of women, men, and children, including 14,000 who crossed the border into Sudan by November 10. Two days later, the Ethiopian government announced it had regained control of western Tigray.

Though access and telecom services have been restored in some areas in Tigray as of February 2021, communications and access restrictions hampered initial reporting on abuses. Despite the limitations, there have been credible reports of widespread abuses, including apparent extrajudicial killings, pillage, and arbitrary detention by Ethiopian federal forces and special forces and youth militia known as “Fano” from the neighboring Amhara region. Reports of similar abuses by Eritrean forces have also emerged. Tigrayan forces have launched rockets and artillery in the neighboring Amhara region and Eritrea, allegedly damaged civilian infrastructure, including bridges and airports, and occupied an empty elementary school in south-eastern Tigray for military purposes.

Artillery Attacks in Humera, November 9-10

Humera is an agricultural town that is home to about 30,000 people in western Tigray, bordering Eritrea and close to Sudan.

Soon after the conflict began, an exchange of gunfire between Ethiopian federal forces and Tigray local militia at a camp near the border crossing with Eritrea killed at least one federal soldier as he ran across the bridge toward Eritrea, and wounded both Ethiopian federal forces and Tigray local militia.

On the morning of November 9, residents heard shellfire from a camp called “Heligan” on the outskirts of Humera. Moments later, mortar and tank fire came from the direction of Eritrea, killing and wounding civilians, damaging and destroying homes and businesses, and exploding near schools, places of worship, the town’s main hospital, and a slaughterhouse. The shelling continued into the evening.

A local militia member said that Tigray special forces were fighting around other towns in western Tigray on November 9, so they were not in Humera. He said that militia remained in the town but did not set up significant defensive systems, possessed only “AK47s [assault rifles], machine guns, and snipers,” and were mainly positioned along the Tekeze River bordering Eritrea. “We were not prepared on November 9,” he said. “We were not shooting because they were using heavy weapons and we didn’t want to show them our positions.”

Five residents said shelling resumed on the morning of November 10. Local militias fired machine guns at soldiers crossing the Tekeze bridge from Eritrea into Ethiopia. He said that Tigray special forces also passed through Humera on November 10, fired toward Eritrea with heavy weaponry, but continued to central Tigray.

On November 11, the Ethiopian government declared that it controlled Humera.

Civilian Deaths and Injuries

Doctors at Humera’s main Kahsay Aberra hospital estimated that at least 46 people were killed, including children, and another 200 wounded on November 9. The total casualties that day were most likely higher. Many staff fled the hospital after shelling started that morning. Those who remained were overwhelmed as the patients streamed in. One doctor said:

Civilians started arriving in the hospital with injuries to the abdomen, chest, head. We were at a loss … People with no hands, people with their stomachs hanging out. This continued the whole day. I don’t know how he did it, but a young boy brought a woman to the hospital; her intestines were out. He had tried to tie a scarf around her waist. We somehow managed to stitch her up.

The artillery attacks killed and wounded civilians and damaged several homes near Saint Mary’s church in the Kebele 02 neighborhood. A 22-year-old student said she saw two women die and four others wounded in Kebele 02 as she fled: “We just started running because we didn’t know where it would land. I saw one shell hit a woman’s head; she had just been married the day before and was pregnant.”

One man who fled Kebele 02 during the shelling returned home later that day. He found his 55-year-old father and his father’s close friend dead, and his three siblings, including a 10-year-old brother, wounded. His father had fragment injuries in his heart and stomach. His father’s friend had chest wounds. The blast also blew out the home’s windows and doors and damaged the walls, while remnants of the exploded mortar shell and a projectile tail fin were embedded in the asphalt road outside the house. He said:

I took my injured siblings to Kahsay Aberra hospital. When I got there, I couldn’t believe what I saw.… A friend I used to play football with, had his legs blown off … [At that point] I thought if I stayed [in Humera], I might end up like my siblings or family.

Another witness confirmed seeing the severed legs of the friend, who was wounded by a mortar round that killed his sister as they were traveling on a bajaj (a rickshaw bike).

The shelling continued until evening. Residents sought shelter in churches, storm drains, and under bridges. One man dug a hole in his garden to protect his mother before he escaped. He said: “My mother was too old and didn’t want to leave Humera with me.”

Those fleeing into neighboring towns or to Sudan faced more artillery fire. A farmer in Kebele 01 quickly decided to leave without her three daughters, who were not there when her neighborhood was shelled. Running away toward Rawyan, a town south of Humera, she said:

I saw a young boy get knocked down from the impact of a bomb falling on the asphalt road in front of me. I was nervous and afraid one would hit me if I looked back, so I wasn’t able to check if he was alive or dead.

A student who returned to Humera on November 10 saw many munitions impacts visible at the entrance to the town, some which left pockmarks on the asphalt road. She said: “There was still bombing. A man fleeing shouted at us to go back, that there were still bombs in the city. We picked him up [in our car], and he said we have to go to Sudan.”

Impact on Hospital and Access to Medical Care

The shelling forced many residents, including staff at the Kahsay Aberra hospital, to flee the town. The few medical staff remaining worked under difficult conditions, with limited supplies. “There was no light, so we used generators, or we put a flashlight on to work,” one hospital worker said. “The water supply had also run out.”

As shells continued to fall in the surrounding areas including in the vicinity of the hospital compound, the staff, concerned that the hospital could be hit, arranged for trucks and took about 50 injured people, including six Ethiopian federal soldiers who had been injured before November 9, with them toward Adebay, a town east of Humera. They believed they would be safer there and continued to treat the wounded.

On November 10, a man injured by a mortar shell arrived at the hospital around 10 a.m. and found it nearly empty:

There were no nurses or doctors; they had already left. There were injured people and dead bodies mostly covered with a bedsheet. I found some tissues and gloves near a dead body in front of me on a stretcher. I knew the man – he used to work at the bus station in Rawyan. I put the gloves on, used some alcohol, took out the fragment in my arm, cleaned the wound, and put a bandage on.

During a visit in mid-November, investigators with the national Ethiopian Human Rights Commission found that the Kahsay Aberra hospital did not have enough medical staff, supplies, or equipment. Only five employees remained, just one of whom was a medical doctor. However, since mid-December, the commission reported that 116 hospital staff had resumed work.

Artillery fired into Humera indiscriminately hit homes and private buildings, causing various degrees of damage. A 45-year-old farmer described damage to the Ayga hotel in Kebele 02: “The gate of the hotel was blown open, and the windows shattered. One [shell] hit the roof of the hotel, the other a side wall.”

Damage to the northeast edge of the hotel roof is visible on satellite imagery recorded on November 10. Photographs taken by an AFP journalist who visited Humera in late November confirm this damage on the north facade of the building, which suggests the shelling came from the north. Damage to the interior courtyard was most likely caused by a direct fire weapon, such as a main gun on a tank.

Human Rights Watch found that artillery fire struck areas in which there may have been military targets, but that also damaged civilian homes. A 56-year-old businessman said he was hiding under the staircase in his home in Kebele 03 with about 20 relatives and neighbors when a shell exploded a meter from his home, which was near the Tigray special police force building and local government administrative offices. He said:

We didn’t know where we were; I couldn’t see or hear for an hour. The first bomb didn’t destroy anything, just created lots of dust in the house. But the second one destroyed my house. The bomb came in through the roof and damaged the rooms underneath it.

An open training camp, referred to as “China camp,” where police and local militia provided training to about 400 voluntary recruits days before November 9, was also hit. Police personnel as well as militia who engage in military operations are considered civilians directly participating in hostilities and are subject to attack during that time.

Homes near a mosque in the northwest Kebele 01 neighborhood also came under heavy attack on November 9. A teacher saw a university student killed and a 5-year-old boy injured after mortar rounds struck outside the mosque compound. Two residents said that local authorities previously had converted a former jail in the area into a camp for Tigray special forces. Although the special forces were not there that day, the camp remained a military target.

Besides the local militia forces in the town, Human Rights Watch is unaware of other military targets in the vicinity on November 9. Satellite imagery recorded on November 10 shows damage to a building 120 meters southwest of the mosque that Tigray special forces may have used as a camp. However, damage is also visible to buildings 300 to 350 meters southeast of the mosque.

Government buildings, radio stations, and telecom towers are subject to attack if they are being used for military purposes.

Human Rights Watch identified at least two potential firing positions on a hill in Eritrean territory, 3.5 kilometers from Humera, and within the firing range of the damaged and affected sites in the town. Satellite imagery shows new vehicle tracks that led to these positions were created between November 6 and 9. Blast marks – or areas where the muzzle blast from the discharge of a weapon has displaced loose material – can be seen in two distinct locations and corroborate that a large weapon was fired to the south of the position and in the direction of Humera.

As of November 10, at 9 a.m., a burn scar is visible in front of one of the positions and adjacent to one blast mark, which was not observable on imagery before 11 a.m., on November 9. The observations on the imagery are consistent with witness accounts of the start of the shelling. The firing angle, and the observed damage, suggest direct fire from a tank cannon.

Artillery Attacks in Shire, November 17

On the morning of November 17, mortar and tank fire striking Shire, a town of about 47,000 people in northwestern Tigray, killed at least 10 civilians, including children, and damaged businesses and homes. Several residents said that Tigray special forces had pulled out of the town before the shelling, whereas two others indicated that they did not see militia forces present.

An industrial area on the town’s outskirts was also attacked.

Three Shire residents described shelling around the Abuna Aregawi church in Kebele 03 as they fled. One round hit the iron beams of a site under construction in the church compound. Another round exploded and killed two women. A young minibus driver saw three people killed near the church, including his friend’s two children. He said:

They were 6 and 10 and had injuries around their intestines and legs. I saw them as I was running away. The shells were still falling, creating a lot of dust, and spreading little fragments after they fell on the ground.…We were all trying to dodge the shelling. A friend we were running with was [also] killed near the church. This is where he died. We didn’t pick up the bodies or try to bury them as we tried to flee.

The driver said that there were no Tigray special forces or weapons that he was aware of in the area or at the church compound.

Two residents who fled during the shelling returned a day or two later and found that the community had laid 10 dead bodies with fragmentation wounds outside Suhul hospital so that families and friends could identify them. One resident recognized the body of his friend Daniel.

Mortar and tank fire also struck at or near populated areas in Shire, including the Dejena Hotel, Gebar Shire Hotel, Shire elementary school, the municipal building, a multi-story apartment building, residential areas near Suhul hospital, and Shire university’s agricultural campus, where displaced residents from Humera and other western Tigray towns had been staying. “Shells attacked outside the campus twice,” one witness said. “My brother was staying there with his family, and so I went to search for him. Fortunately, no one was injured.”

An attack that morning also hit an industrial area northwest of Shire. Several residents saw smoke billowing from the location of the Zenith Hair Oil factory. A satellite image recorded at 11 a.m. that day shows a smoke plume rising from a warehouse belonging to the factory. Human Rights Watch analyzed a video posted on Twitter on December 8 that shows damage to a large warehouse building, while one smaller structure was destroyed. Media reports said that the federal government met with stakeholders and investors in Tigray in late December, including the owner of the Zenith factory, who said he lost millions of dollars in property damage.

Human Rights Watch was not able to determine whether the factory produced or stored weapons or materiel or otherwise was a legitimate military target. The government should provide information demonstrating the legal basis for the attack.

Ethiopian and Eritrean troops entered the town later that day. One resident who fled to the village on the outskirts of Shire saw a group of Ethiopian forces continue on the main road in the direction of Aksum and Adwa, towns east of Shire.

Ethiopian authorities and the chief of staff of the defense forces informed journalists on November 18 that the army had taken control of Shire and other nearby towns.

Artillery Attacks in Mekelle, November 28

On November 22, Ethiopian authorities began broadcasting warnings on social media and state television that the Ethiopian army was in a position to encircle Mekelle, the Tigray capital with a population of 500,000, with tanks. Many Mekelle residents had reportedly fled to rural areas in the weeks before because of airstrikes in and around the city, still many others had remained.

On the morning of November 28, Ethiopian federal forces launched a military offensive. TPLF leaders and Mekelle residents said that Tigray special forces had already retreated from Mekelle before heavy shelling began.

The shelling killed at least 27 civilians, including four children, and injured over 100, based on accounts from residents and medical workers, as well as media reports. Human Rights Watch directly received 21 images of people killed and injured in Mekelle on November 28, including images showing a man with half his face blown off. Human Rights Watch consulted an independent senior forensic pathologist, who, based on the photos, noted that the shape and size of the injuries were consistent with fragmentation wounds, likely from shelling.

Residents said that shelling began around 8:30 a.m. from the north of the city, occurring at irregular intervals and striking at least two areas, Ayder and Kebele 15. One man who was at home in Ayder said as the sound of the explosions got nearer, “[t]he cars sirens were activated because of the shake.”

In Kebele 15, a resident said his family members and neighbors sought safety in his home’s underground shelter: “People were coming to our house, saying shelling hit houses and the road. As a kid I remember hiding there in the 1980s and 90s, and we were back there again.”

In Ayder, artillery fired after approximately 9 a.m. struck a residential compound near Hamza mosque, a sheep market, and the Yekatit 23 elementary school, killing four members of a family, including two girls ages 4 and 13, and wounding five residents.

A 56-year-old man was at home with his family when mortar rounds landed in his compound injuring him, his wife, and his 9-year-old child. Three neighbors were seriously wounded by fragments. The bones in one woman’s foot were shattered. The other two had serious hand injuries. All spent weeks in the hospital.

Two residents said they did not see any Tigray special forces or militia members in the area or in the empty school compound at the time of the attack.

Human Rights Watch was able to confirm the damage and the exact location of the residential compound in Ayder that was hit based on photographs and a video, as well as satellite images captured shortly before and after the incident. Analysis of satellite images recorded at 11 a.m. on November 29 revealed at least two impacts that damaged residential structures, including at least two homes. A video posted on YouTube on November 28 similarly shows damage to a small, single-story dwelling and to the walls of the Yekatit 23 school next to it.

The irregularity of the fragmentation patterns on buildings and the blast damage in the residential area in Ayder, as seen on the photographs and footage, indicates the use of large-caliber artillery projectiles, Human Rights Watch said.

Other projectiles fired that day struck near Ayder Referral hospital and nearby physicians’ residences, killing a woman and a child. One man who had fled to Mekelle due to fighting elsewhere, was retrieving medications from the city’s main referral hospital. He said:

I knew the sound; it was one I became accustomed to from other towns since the start of the war. I didn’t know if it was dropping near [the hospital], but some people were hit by the strikes. One was a small child. The nurses were crying. There was also an adult. The sounds got louder and closer and everyone was freaking out.

Staff from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited Ayder hospital on November 28 and reported that 80 percent of the patients at the time appeared to suffer from trauma-related injuries. For weeks, the hospital had been receiving people injured in fighting from areas surrounding Mekelle and was running low on medical supplies when more arrived on November 28.

On the evening of November 28, Prime Minister Abiy declared that Ethiopian federal forces had control of Mekelle. In a November 30 address before members of parliament, he said that Ethiopian federal forces had not “killed a single person” in the military offensive on Mekelle.

Thursday, 11 February 2021 21:17

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 11.02.2021

Written by

FEBRUARY 10, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

“Ethiopian Red Cross Society now estimates that around 3.8 million of Tigray’s roughly six million people need humanitarian assistance, up from an earlier estimate of 2.4 million”

Source: AFP
Wed, February 10, 2021, 2:25 PM

The head of the Ethiopian Red Cross Society said Wednesday that 80 percent of the country’s conflict-hit Tigray region was cut off from humanitarian assistance and warned that tens of thousands could starve to death.

The dire assessment underscores widespread fears of a humanitarian catastrophe three months after Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize winner, announced military operations intended to topple Tigray’s former ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).

“Eighty percent of the Tigray is unreachable at this particular time,” Ethiopian Red Cross president Abera Tola told a press conference.

Some starvation deaths have already been reported and the figures could climb fast, he said.

“The number today could be one, two or three, but you know after a month it means thousands. After two months it will be tens of thousands,” he said.

Abiy has said the military campaign in Tigray responded to TPLF-orchestrated attacks on federal army camps.

In late November he declared victory after federal forces entered the Tigrayan capital Mekele, but humanitarian workers and diplomats note that continued insecurity has hampered the aid response.

Abera said Wednesday that aid access remained largely restricted to main roads north and south of Mekele, excluding most rural areas.

Displaced civilians who have managed to reach camps in Tigrayan towns are “emaciated”, he said.

“You see their skin is really on their bones. You don’t see any food in their body,” he said.

“Sometimes it is also really difficult to help them without some kind of high nutritional value foods.”

The Ethiopian Red Cross Society now estimates that around 3.8 million of Tigray’s roughly six million people need humanitarian assistance, up from an earlier estimate of 2.4 million, Abera said.

The government has said it is working with the UN and international organisations to expand aid as the security situation allows.

 ክለሳ-ሓሳባውን ግብራውን ሓተታ

መሪሕነት አብዚ ግዜዚ እቲ አገዳስን አድላይን አብ ኩሉ መዳያት ውዳቤ ናይ ሕይወትና ፣ ናይ ክሉ ሕይወትና ግላዊ ይኹን ማሕበራዊ፣ አብ ቁጠባውን፣ ፖሊቲካውን፣ ማሕበራውን፣ባህላውን ንስራሓትና ንምዕዋት አፍልጦን ትግባረን መሪሕነት አገዳሲ ኢዩ።

አብዚ ዝሓለፈ 15 ዓመታት ሕዝቢ ብዛዕባ ጽንሰ- ሓሳብ መርሕነት እንታይ ምዃኑን፣ ከመይ ገርካ ድማ ጥዑያት መራሕቲ ትምህዝ፣ከም ውልቀሰብ ድማ ጽፉፋት መራሕቲ ንክኾኑ፣ሓበረታን አፍልጦን ንክረኽቡ ይሓቱን ይጽዕሩን፣ ካብዚ ብምብጋስ ድማ ሎሚ እዚ ኣርአስቲ እዚ ነፍሱ ዝኸኣለ አካደምያዊ ዲሲፕሊን  ኮይኑ ብትምህርትን፣ ከምኡ ድማ አብ ኩለን ቤት ንባብ ብዛዕባ ምምራሕን መርሕነትን መሃርን መኻርን መጻሕፍቲ ከተነብብን አፍልጦ ክትቀሰምን ትኽእል።

  ብዙሓት ሰባት መሪሕነት ማለት ወልቃውን፣ ማሕበራውን ሙያውን ሒይወትካ ንምምሕያሽ እትወስዶ መንገዲ ኢዩ ኢሎም ይአምኑ። ኩባንያታት  ኢንዱስትሪ ወይ ድማ ንግዶም መታን ክዕወት ብቁዓት መራሕቲ ይደልዩ፣ ነዚ ንምዕዋት ድማ ናይ ምምራሕ ስልጠና ንሰራሕተኛታቶም ይህቡ፣ በዚ ምኽንያት ሎሚ መርሕነት ብምሁራት ተመራመርቲ ዓቢይ ቆላሕታ ረኺቡ ብዙሕ መጽናዕትታት ይካየድን ተኻዪዱን አሎ።

ሎሚ አብተን አብ ምስልጣን ዝረከባ ሃገራት አፍሪቃ ብፍላይ አብ ፖሊቲካዊ ሒይወት ስኣን ብቁዓት መርሕነታት ሕዝብታት አፍሪቃ አብ ድኽነትን ድንቁርናን፣ አብ ናይ ሓድሕድ ኩናትን ብርሰትን ይሳቀ አሎ።

አብ ናይ ሎሚ ሓተታይ ብዛዕባ ኣገልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ/ Servant Leadership/ እንታይነቱን ሞደሉን ከመይ ይሰርሕን ክገልጽ ክፍትን ኢየ።

ኣቀዲመ እቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ዝፍለጥ አርባዕተ ክፋላት አመራርሓ ክጠቅስ ቀጺለ ድማ አብቲ አገልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ አብ ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ከተኩር ኢየ።

  1. Tranformational Leadership ናይ ለውጢ አመራርሓ
  2. Authentic Leadership ናይ ትኽክል ኣመራርሓ
  3. Servant Leadership ኣገልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ
  4. Team Leadership ናይ ጋንታ ኣመራርሓ

ብዙሓት ተመራመርቲ ዕዉት ኣመራርሓ እንታይ ክኸውንን ከማልእን አለዎ ብዝብል ብዙሕ መጽናዕትታት ኣካዪዶምን የካይዱን አለዉ፣ አገልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ ካብቲ ዝመርሕ ባህርያትን ጠባያትን ዝተመርኰሰ ኢዩ፣ ኣገልገልቲ መራሕቲ ብጉዳያትን ጠለባትን ሰዓብቶም ዝግደሱን ዝሓልዩን ንዕብየቶም ዝግደሱን ምስ ዝኾኑ ኢዮም፣ ኣገልጋሊ መራሒ ስነ-ምግባር/ leadership Ethics/ ዝመልኦ ቀዳምነት ናይቲ ዘገልግሎ ማሕበርን፣ ህዝብን ዝህብ ምስ ዝኸውን ኢዩ ኣገልጋሊ መራሒ ዝበሃል።

ሕመረት ትርጉም ናይ ኣገልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ፣ከምቲ ብዙሓት ተመራመርቲ ዝኣምንዎ፣ካብቲ ናይ ውልቆም ጥቅሚ፣ ጥቅሚ ሰዓብቶምን፣ ምምሕያሾምን ዝግደሱ አብ ዝብል አምር ይምርኰሱ፣ሓያል ሞራላዊ ጠባይ ንሰዓብቶምን፣ ማሕብሮምን፣ተኻፈልቶምን የርእዩ፣አግልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ ብልምምድ ድኣ እምበር ብተውህቦ አይኮነን፣ ከምኡ ድማ ካብቲ ጠባይ ናይ ውልቀሰብ ዝምንጩ ኢዩ።

ታሪኻዊ መሰረታት አገልጋሊ ኣመራርሓ

Robert K.Greenleaf ዝበሃል አብ ጉዕዞ መጽናዕቱ ኢዩ ነዚ ኣገልጋሊ አመራርሓ ነዚ ስም እዚ ዝሃቦ፣አብዚ መጽናዕቲ ዚ ድማ ኢዩ ንክለሳ ሓሳባውን ተግባሩን ከመይ ከምዝኾነ አስፊሑ ይገልጽ። ሮበርት አብ ናይ አመሪካ ተለፎንን ተለግራፍን 40 ዓመት ሰሪሑ ፣ ጥሮታ ምስ ወጽኤ ድማ ናይ ዝተፈላለያ ትካላት ዝያዳ ንጡፋትን አገልገልትን ሕዝበን ክኾና ብከመይ ከመሓዳደራ አለወን ብዝብል፣ ብዛዕባ መዝነትን ሓላፍነትን ሰባት ከመይ ገሮም ክሰርሑን ክተሓባበሩን ይግባእ ብዝብል አምር ኢዩ ዝትንትን፣ ዕላማኡ ድማ ንምልካዊ አመራርሓ ንምውጋድ ኢዩ።

ነዚ ድማ መገሻ ምስራቅ ብዝብል ኣፍአዊ ታሪኽ ገሩ ይገልጾ፣ ሓደ ግዜ ሓንቲ ጋንታ መገሻ ብሓንሳብ ጀሚሮም አብቲ ዝደልይዎ ንክበጽሑ ድማ ሓደ መራሒ መረጹ፣ እዚ መራሒ ዚ ድማ ከም አገልጋሊ መራሒ፣ እቶም ገያሾ ብዘይ እዚ መራሒ አብቲ ክበጽሕዎ ዝደልዩ ቦታ ከበጽሑ አይከ ኣሉን፣ እዚ መራሒ እዚ ካብ ግላዊ ጥቅሙ ጥቅሚ እቶም ገያሾ ሰለዝግደስ ኢዩ ዝያዳ ተኣማንነት ዝረኸበ።

ባህርያት አገልጋሊ መራሒ

  1. Listening Capacity-ናይ ምስማዕ ተኸሎ፣ አገልጋሊ መራሒ ንናይ ሰዓብቱ ርእይቶታትን ፣ሓሳባትን ዝሰምዕን ዝቅበልን ዘኽብርን ክኸውን አለዎ።
  2. Empathy-ናይ ርሕራሄ ሕልና ፣ አገልጋሊ መራሒ ኩሉ ግዜ ናይ ሰዓብቱ አተሓሳስባን ስምዒታቶምን ክርዳእ ይጽዕር ነዚ ድማ ኩሉ ግዜ ብምርድዳእ ይፍጽሞ።
  3. Healing - መሕወይ ተኽእሎ፣ አገልጋሊ መራሒ ብናይ ሰዓብቱ ድህነት ዝግደስን ንጸገማቶም አብ ምፍታሕ ዝጽዕርን ፣ እዚ ድማ እንተድኣ ሰዓብቱ ብኩሉ ኩነታቶም ዕጉባት ኮይኖም እቲ መራሒ እውን ሕጉስ ይኸውን።
  4. Awareness-- ናይ ግንዛቤ ተኽእሎ፣ አገልጋሊ መራሒ ንናይ ሰዓብቱ አካላውን፣ ማሕበራውን፣ ፖሊቲካውን አካባቢኦም ዝግንዘብ፣ እዚ ማለት ነፍሱን፣እቲ ሓደ አብ ካልኦት ተጽዕኖ ከሕድር ከምዝኽእል ክፈልጥ አለዎ። አገልጋሊን መራሒ ነፍሱ አብ ጐድኒ ገዲፏ ነት ኩነታት ብሰዓብቱ አራ ኣእያ ክርእዮ ክኽእል አለዎ ማለት ኢዩ።
  5. Persuasion-- ምዕጋብ፣ አገልጋሊ መራሒ ንጽርን ቀጻልን ምርድዳእ እናገበረ ንካልኦት ሓሳባቶም ንኽልውጡ ዝገበር ተኽእሎ ዘለዎ ኢዩ፣ እዚ ማለት ብዘይ ምግዳድ ብምርድዳእ ጥራሕ ክኸውን አለዎ።
  6. Conceptualization- ጽንሰ-ሓሳባዊነት ማለት አገልጋሊ አመራርሓ በዓል ራእይን፣ ንጹር ዕላማታትን ፣ መአዝናትን ሃልይዎ ክንዲ ጸቢብ ሰእሊ አብቲ ዓቢይ ሰእሊ ህዝብን ሃገርን ዘድህብ ናይ ሕዝቡ ጸገማት አብ ምፍታሕ ዝጽዕር ምዃን ዝገልጽ አተሓሳስባ ኢዩ።
  7. Foresight/ አርሒቁ ዝሓስብ፣ አገልጋሊ አመራርሓ ናይ መጻኢ ከመይ ወይ እንታይ ክመስል ከምዝኽእል ዓቅሚ አፍልጦኡ ዘጠቃለለ ኢዩ፣ እዚ ማለት አብ ዝሓለፈን ፣አብ ህልዊ ኩነታት ተመርኲሱ ናይ መጻኢ ኩነታት ክትንብህ ይኽእል። ገለ ተመራመርቲ አርሒቅካ ናይ ምሕሳብ ኣኽእሎ ስነ/ምግባራዊ  መኣዝን ኢዩ ዘለዎ ይብሉ፣ ማለት መራሕቲ አብ ግዜኦም ብዝተርኽቡ ጉድለታት ተሓተቲ ይኾኑ።
  8. Stewardship/ መጋቢ አመራርሓ፣ እዚ ማለት ብሕዝቢ ወይ አባላት ማሕበርካ ዝተዋህበካ እምነት ተቀቢልካ ምምራሕ ማለት ኢዩ፣ አገልጋሊ አመራርሓ በቲ ዝተዋህቦ ሓላፍነት ንሕዝባዊ ጉዳያት ብጥንቃቀ የመሓድር፣ብተወሳኺ ድማ ንናይ ሕዝቡ ጥቅምታት ብምቅዳም እምነት ሕዝቡ የህድር።
  9. Commitment to the growth of people/ ንናይ ሕዝቡ ዕብየት ዝነጥፍ፣ አገልጋሊ አመራርሓ ንነፍስወክፍ አባል/ዚጋ በቲ ንሱ ወይ ንሳ ብዝበርከትዎ ዘይኮነስ ከም ውልቀ ተውህቦኦምን ተፈጥሮኦምን ማእከል ገርካ ኩሉ ዕድላት ናይ ናብራኦም ከመሓይሹሉን ከማዕብሉን ምኽፋት ዝ አመተ አፍልጦ ኢዩ.።
  10. Building Community/ አብ ምሕናጽ ማህበረሰብ ዝነጥፍ፣ አገልጋሊ አመራርሓ ድሕነት ዕብየትን ህዝቡ ዝሓሊ፣ ናይ ሕዝቡ ሓባራዊ ጥቅምታትን ድልየታትን ዘማልእ፣ ናይ ምቅርራብን ሓድነትን ዝሕሉ፣ ኮይኑ ንናይ ነፍሰወከፍ መሰል ዝሕሉ ባህርይ ዝውንን ኢዩ።

 እዚ ዓሰርተ መግለጽታት ናይ አገልጋሊ አመራርሓ  ኮይኑ አብ ቀጻሊ

 Tranformational Leadership  ናይ ለውጢ አመራርሓ

Authentic Leadership፣ ናይ ትኽክል ኣመራርሓ

Team Leadership ናይ ጋንታ ኣመራርሓ

ከቅርብ ክፍትን ኢየ፣  ምስትውዓል ዝመልኦ ንባብ።

 

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