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These were taken in Tigray’s regional capital, Mekelle. The situation in the rural areas is even worse.
There has been no drought; no natural catastrophe. This tragedy is man-made – the result of a policy by Ethiopia and Eritrea to starve an entire population. This is attested to by the Finnish Foreign Minister, Pekka Haavisto.
This is the result
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
ኤርትራ ሃገርና ብመስዋእቲ ጀጋኑኣን መስተንክራዊ ጽንዓት ህዝባን እያ ናጻ ኮይና። ስለዚ ኣይኮነንዶ ክንዲ ህይወት ዝኣክል ክቡር ዋጋ ምእንታኻ ንዝኸፈለ፡ ካብኡ ዝተሓተ ጽቡቕ ንዝወዓለልካ እውን ምምስጋንን ኣመስጊንካ ንኣመሰንገንቲ ምሃብን ግቡእ ስለ ዝኾነ ሰማእታትና ክንዝክሮም ግድን እዩ። ነቲ ምእንቲ ክብርኻ ዝሐለፈ፡ ኣበይን መዓስን ክትዝክሮ ከም ዝግበኣካ ምውሳን ከኣ ቅቡል እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ ኤርትራውያን ሰማእታት ዝዝከሩላን ዝምስገኑላን ዕለት ክህልዎም ዝቃወም የለን። ምእንቲ እቲ ናይ ዝኽሪ ዕለት ኣብ ልቦና ኩሉ ዝሓድርን፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ውድባት ንዝተሰውኡ ዘማእክልን ንከኸውን፡ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ዝሰማምዕሉ ምኽንያታዊ መዓልቲ ምግባሩ ከኣ ኣገዳስነቱ ዕዝዙ እዩ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ቅዳምነት ክወሃቦም ካብ ዝነበሩ ዛዕባታት ሓደ ክኸውን ከኣ መተገበኦ። እንተኾነ ብሰንኪ ዘይግሉጽን ዘይሓላፍነታውን ኣካይዳ ህግደፍ ከምቲ ኣብ ካልእ ጉዳያት መድረኽ እሂንምሂን ዘይተፈጥረ ኣብዚ’ውን ኣይተራእየን።
ዘይሩ ዘይሩ ግና እቲ ዛዕባ ረዚን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ መንን ስለምንታይ ወሲንዎን ብዘየገድስ፡ ሰማእታትና ሓንቲ መዓልቲ ኣብ ዓመት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ወትሩ ኣብ ሕልናና ስለ ዘለዉ 20 ሰነ ጓይላን ጃህራን ህግዲፍ ንምድማቕን ንሸፈጥን ዘይኮነ፡ ንክብሪቲ ዘይሃስስ ሕድሮም ምዝካራ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ኤርትራዊ ሰማእትነት ነቶም ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ዝተሰውኡ ጥራይ ዝምልከት ዘይኮነ፡ እንተላይ እቶም ኣበይን መዓስን ብዘየገድስ ምእንቲ ኤርትራን ናጽነታን ዝወደቑ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ጀጋኑ ዘጠቓልል እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ እቲ ልዕሊ 60 ሺሕ እንዳተባህለ ዝጥቀስ ቁጽሪ ኣብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተሰዉኡ ኣዝዩ ውሑድ ምዃኑ፡ ብዙሓት ነዚ ዛዕባ ቆላሕታ ሂቦም ዝሓሰብሉ ዝሰማምዕሉ እዩ።
እቶም ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሰማእታት ክውሰኽዎ እንከለዉ ከኣ’ሞ እቲ ኣሃዝ ኣበይ ከም ዝበጽሕ ርዱእ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ እቲ መዳለዊ ባህሪኡ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ስለ ዝንጸባረቕ ባዕሉ ናይ ዝቐንጸሎም ሰማእታት መርድእ ንቤተሰቦም ኣይተነግረን። ኣብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝተሰውኡ ሓርበኛታት እውን፡ ብዘይካ ውሱናት ከምኡ ኣብቲ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝቐለሶ ዝርዝር ሰማእታት ኣይሰፈሩን። እንተኾነ ኣብ ዝርዝር ህግደፍ’ኳ እንተዘይሰፈረ፡ ታሪኽ ኩሎም ሰማእታት ኣብ ሕቑፊ ሃገሮምን ህዝቦምን ህያው ኮይኑ ክነብር እዩ። ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ስዉእ ዘይወደቐላን ቅያ ዘይተሰርሓላን መዓልቲ ኣይነበረትን። ስለዚ ብግብሪኳ ዘጸግም እንተኾነ፡ ኩሉሳዕ መዓልቲ ሰማእታትዩ እንተ ተባህለ ምግናን ኣይከውንን።
ዲክታቶር ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ጽባሕ ውድቀት ስርዓት ደርግ ብ20 ሰነ 1991 ብምኽንያት መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ኣብ ስታድየም ኣስመራ ዘስመዖ መደረኡ “ደጊም ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን። ንህዝቢ ብቕሉዕ ይኹን ብጉልባብ ናይ ምክፍፋል ስልትታት ከቢድ ገበን ከም ዝቑጸር ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግባእን” ዝብል መርዚ ይርከቦ። እቲ ንህዝቢ ምክፍፋል ከቢድ ገበን’ዩ ዝበሎ፡ መልእኽቱ ንናይ ምውዳብ መሰረታዊ መሰል ዝሕርም፡ ካብቲ ንሱ ዝመርሖ ውድብ ወጻኢ ምስ ካልእ ምስላፍን ካብ ናቱ ዝተፈልየ ኣተሓሳስባ ምስጓምን እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ናይቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ካብ ዝኸፈአ ናብ ኣዝዩ ዝገደደ ዝሰጋገር ዘሎ ጥልመቱ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ወግዓዊ መግለጺኡ ነይሩ።
ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ሓደ ውሱን ቦታ ኣእዋም ብምትካል፡ ዓመት ተጸቢኻ ሽምዓ ብምብራህ፡ ንቤተሰቦም ብህዝቢ ካብ ዝተለገሰ ቁንጣሮ ናቕፋ ብምሃብ፡ ታሪኽ ጅግንነቶም ኣብ መራኸቢ ብዙሃን ብምቅላሕን ብዘሕቆቅንቁን ዜማታት ንቤተሰቦም ብምንባዕን ጥራይ ዝጥበር ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ መሰረታዊ ትሕዝቶ ሕድሮምን ለበዋኦምን፡ ኣብታ ብዋግኦም ርእሳ ዘቕነዐት ኤርትራ፡ ሕገመንግስታውን ኣብዘሓ ሰልፋውን ስርዓት ክትከል፡ ሰላምን ቅሳነትን ክሰፍን፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣደልዲሉ ረጊጹ ኣብታ ሓላል መሬቱ ብዘይስኽፍታ ዝባኑ ቀሊዑ ከልምዕ፡ ልዕልና ሕጊ ክረጋገጽ፡ ኮታ እቲ ተካኢ ወለዶ መንእሰይ ንሰማእታቱ ሃገር ብምህናጽ ዝኽሕሰሉ ዘተኣማምን ሃዋህው ክፍጠር እዩ ነይሩ።
እቲ ብግብሪ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝረአ ዘሎ ዋላ ሓንቲ ካብ ሕድሮም ዘየኽብር ኩነታት ከኣ፡ ሓደ ጸረ ህዝቢ ባህርን ጸቢብ ረብሓን ዝኣከቦ ጉጅለ፡ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ጠሊሙን፡ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ሕግን ዘሽካዕልለሉ፡ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ኣጽኒዑ ተማሂሩ ሃገሩ ክሃንጽ ዝነበሮ መንእሰይ ወዲ ስዉእ፡ ገለን ኣብ ጉዕዞ ናብ ስደት ዝጠፍኣሉ ገለን ድማ ኣብ ዓዲ ጓና ኣደዳ ብዙሕ ስቓያት ዝኾነሉ ኩነታት ኢና ንዕዘብ ዘለና። ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ወለዲ ሰማእታት፡ ደቆም ከፊሎም ብደቂ ስዉኣት ደቆም ዝሕብሓብሉ ዕድሎም ዝመኸነሉ፡ ኢሳያስ ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ ጥልመቱ ሰማይ ዓሪጉ፡ ነታ ዋጋ ሰማእታት ዝኾነት ልኡላዊት ኤርትራ ክጣለዓላ ትንዕምንዕ ዝብለሉ፡ ኮታ ወያ ሳላ ደቃ ህይወቶም ከይበቐቑ ዝተወፈዩላ፡ ናይ ጽንዓት ኣብነት ዝነበረት ኤርትራን ህዝባን፡ ናይ ኩሉ ሕማቕ ምምሕዳርን ድኽነትን ኣብነት ኮይና ኣብ እትጥቀሰሉ ቀራና መንገዲ ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ካብዚ ንላዕሊ መግለጺ ጥልመት ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኣ የለን።
“መራሒ ሃገር እየ” ስለ ዝበለ፡ ናብ ክሕደት ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝያዳ ከነድህብ ንቡር እዩ። እንተኾነ ተረካቢ ሕድሪ ሰማእታትና ህግዲፍ ከም ጉጅለ በይኑ ዘይኮነ፡ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ፡ መንእሰይ ከኣ ብፍላይ ተረከብቲ ሕድሪ ምዃኖም ክዝንጋዕ ዘይግበኦ እዩ። ሰማእታት “ኣነ ክሓልፍ ንስኻ ጽናሕ” ኣንዳበሉ ነታጒ ረጊጾም ቡንባ እንዳደርበዩ፡ ካብ የማነ-ጸጋሞም ዝሓለፉ፡ ሎሚ ብህይወት ዘለዉ መቓልስቶም ዝያዳ ተረከብቲ ሕድሪ እዮም። ነዚ ረሲዖም ኣብ ጐኒ ህግዲፍ ኮይኖም፡ ብገንዘብን ጹሩራን ተዓሽዮም፡ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ዘዕብሩ ዘለዉ ውሑዳት ኣብ ላዕለዋይ ጽፍሒ ህግዲፍ ዘለዉ፡ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ብዛዕባቶም “እቶ” እንዳበሉ ዘሰውእዎም ጀጋኑ፡ ነብሶም ክሓቱ ይግበኦም። ኣባላት ሓይልታት ምክልኻል ኤርትራ እቲ ረጊጽኩምዎ ዘለኹም መሬትን ጨቢጥኩምዎ ዘለኹም ብረትን ካብ ሰማእታት ዝተረከብኩምዎ ምልክት ጽንዓቶም እዩ እሞ ሕድሮም እንተ ጠሊምኩም ዓጽሞም ከይወግኣኩም ሕሰብሉ። ውላዶም ወይ ናይ ቀረባ ሰቦም ምእንቲ ሃገር ሞባእ ዝኸፈሉ ኤርትራውያን ስድራቤታት፡ ምእንቲ ሓላፊ ጠቕሚ፡ ምስቲ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ዝጠለመ ጉጅለ ክትመሓዘዉ እንከለኹም ክሳብ ክንደይ ካብቲ ሓቂ ርሒቕኩም ከም ዘለኹም እተስተብህልሉን ናብ ልብኹም እትምለስሉን ኣጋጣሚ ምዃኑ ኣይትዘንግዑ።
ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ኣብ ኣጋ ሞቱ፡ ንቡር መንገዲ ሒዙ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኽብር እንጽበዮ ኣይኮነን። ሎሚ እሞኸኣ ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ሓላፍነቱን ሕድሪ ሰማእታትን ምሉእ ብምሉእ ሓጢጡ ደርብዩ፡ “ኣብ ዘይጉዳይካ ናይ ምኹዳድ ዘይሓላፍነታውን ህዝቢ ከይልክም ኣብ ዘስግእን” መንገዲ እዩ ዝጐዓዝ ዘሎ። እቲ ኢድ ኣብ ጉዳይ ካለኦት ህይወት ኣእላፍ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ዘኽፍል ኮይኑ ስለ ዘሎ ከኣ፡ ምስ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፡ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ዝጻረር እዩ። ነዚ ኩነታት ቀይርካ ንሕድሪ ሰማእታት ናብ ንቡር ቦታኡ ምምላሱ፡ ንኹልና ኤርትራውያን ዝምልከት’ዩ። ዝያዳ ከኣ እቲ ትማሊ ብጾቱ ኣብ ሜዳ ቀቢሩ ሕድሮም ተቐቢሉ ዝመጸን “ናይ ናጽነት ሓርበኛ” ዝተባህለን ነባር ተጋዳላይ፡ ሎሚ ኣካል ምክልኻል ኤርትራ ኮይኑ ዘዋግእ ዘሎ፡ ክልተሻብ’ዩ ተራእዩ። ሓርበኛዊ ታሪኹ ተደዊኑ፡ “ወራሪ፡ ሰራቕን መሰላት ንጹሃት ዝግህስን” ይበሃል ኣሎ። ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኽብርስ ይትረፍ ክብሩ እውን ክዕቅብ ኣይከኣለን። ስለዚ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ክበራበርን፡ ቅድም ስሙ ክዕቅብ ደሓር ከኣ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኽብር እንተተሰቊርዎስ ንጽወዖ ኣለና።
ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ!
Source: International Crisis Group
William Davison Senior Analyst, Ethiopia wdavison10
What’s at stake in Ethiopia’s elections?
Ethiopia is due to hold delayed federal and regional council elections on 21 June. The vote is an opportunity for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to consolidate power for his ruling Prosperity Party, which, in part due to the absence of major opponents, looks set to form the next government. It will do little, however, to resolve the fundamental political divisions over the best way to steer the country’s troubled transition under Abiy, particularly as the most influential supporters of stronger regional autonomy – notably in Tigray and Oromia regions – will not take part. These constituencies will doubtless see the vote’s outcome as illegitimate. Polls originally set for August 2020 were postponed that March by the electoral board due to COVID-19, contributing to a constitutional dispute and the subsequent outbreak of war between the federal and Tigray regional governments. The authorities also arrested senior ruling-party opponents in Oromia and elsewhere in July 2020 amid deadly unrest. This led to boycotts by the two major Oromia-focused opposition parties and thus a far less competitive electoral landscape in Ethiopia’s most populous region. There will be no vote in around one fifth of federal constituencies due mainly to insecurity.
While the government is pushing ahead regardless, there will be no vote in around one fifth of federal constituencies due mainly to insecurity. No ballots will be cast in Tigray, due to a cruel conflict that has raged for more than seven months between the federal military alongside Eritrean troops and Amhara regional forces, on one side, and fighters loyal to the ousted Tigrayan regional leadership, on the other. Insurgencies in the Sudan-bordering region of Benishangul-Gumuz, home of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, and in the west of Oromia, have led the electoral board to postpone voting in some districts there. Finally, no election will take place in the easterly Somali and Harari regions, due in part to ballot-printing problems. The board announced on 10 June that these last polls, along with some others that are postponed – though not those in Tigray – will be held on 6 September.
Although Abiy’s government hopes to come out of the election with a popular mandate, international observers have already criticised aspects of the process. U.S. observers from the National Democratic Institute and International Republican Institute reported significant difficulties, including the widespread insecurity, boycotts by several popular parties, and delays in candidate and voter registration procedures. The European Union announced on 3 May it will not send observers, saying the government had not met conditions necessary to ensure the independence of the mission and its communications systems. With final results due within a month of the vote, the logistical problems that have beset preparations suggest that there could well be numerous issues with balloting and counting.
How do Ethiopia’s electoral and security crises relate to each other?
The election will play out in the shadow of the devastating war between federal authorities and ousted regional leaders from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), who are key proponents of the existing ethnic federalist system. The system, which the TPLF was instrumental in designing, promotes the self-rule rights of Ethiopia’s diverse collection of communities, but critics see it as hardening ethnic identity and weakening national unity. The TPLF was the pre-eminent party in an alliance that held power for nearly three decades until Abiy’s ascent to the premiership in April 2018.
An electoral dispute triggered the Tigray conflict, yet serious tensions had been brewing since Abiy stripped the TPLF of most of its federal power after taking office. When, in June 2020, the federal government delayed national polls until nine to twelve months after it had assessed that the pandemic was under control, the Tigray regional government broke with central authorities and ran its own vote for the region’s legislature on 9 September, saying the government’s term could not extend past its five-year mandate. Federal authorities subsequently deemed the new regional leadership illegitimate. On 3 November, Tigray’s government forcibly took over a national military command stationed in the region, saying it acted due to an imminent federal operation to kick the TPLF administration out of office.
Amid a federal blockade on Tigray, the national armed forces and its allies removed Tigray’s leadership from power on 28 November and set up an interim administration. But the ousted TPLF leaders are leading an insurgency from rural areas that commands considerable backing among Tigrayans. Pro-rebel sentiments have been fuelled by reports of atrocities, especially by Eritrean forces, and the Amhara region’s decision to forcibly claim chunks of Tigray. The UN estimates that one million people are living in areas where the rebel Tigray Defence Forces are operating, with hundreds of thousands of those civilians on the brink of starvation. A key objective of the resistance is to restore the TPLF, now branded as a terrorist organisation by the federal parliament, to government. There is no end in sight to the war, either on the battlefield or through negotiations, given that the resistance is entrenched while Abiy refuses to talk to the ousted Tigrayan leadership and no alternative to those figures has emerged. Conflict in Oromia, a region of around 40 million people, has also been fuelled by tensions between the incumbent and supporters of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist system.
Conflict in Oromia, a region of around 40 million people, has also been fuelled by tensions between the incumbent and supporters of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist system. Prior to the pandemic, elections for Oromia’s governing council and the 178 federal parliament seats in the region were set to be competitive, with popular opposition leaders and parties due to mount serious challenges to the Prosperity Party. Oromo nationalist forces gained a significant boost after activist Jawar Mohammed – a driving force of the protest movement that catalysed Abiy’s own rise to power in 2018 – joined the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) in December 2019, the same month the Prosperity Party was created. The OFC allied within days with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a formerly banned movement – the leaders re-entered the country as part of an amnesty Abiy accelerated after taking office – revered by many Oromo nationalists, creating a potent opposition force.
Then came the 29 June 2020 murder of popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa, which upended the country’s politics. His killing triggered deadly unrest in Oromia and the regional and national capital Addis Ababa, which prompted federal authorities to crack down on Oromo activists. Amid the chaos, Jawar and other top opposition leaders were arrested and are now on trial for crimes including terrorism. The two main Oromo opposition groups, the OFC and OLF, say the authorities also detained their members en masse and closed party offices, repressing their activities. As a result, they have boycotted the election. The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), an OLF offshoot, says it is at “total war” with authorities as part of its struggle for Oromia’s complete self-determination. The movement, which the national parliament also branded a terrorist organisation on 6 May, says it aims to prevent voting in Oromia.
Unrest in the central region could increase after new federal and regional governments take power, as the OLA and its supporters will doubtless view the incoming authorities as illegitimate. While it is hard to authoritatively assess the OLA’s capabilities, the insurgency has spread from western and southern Oromia strongholds in recent months, including a reported deadly 10 June ambush on security forces in a district around 300km to the west of Addis Ababa.
In addition, chronic serious intercommunal and insurgent-government violence is afflicting Benishangul-Gumuz, interrupting election plans in two of the region’s three main administrative zones. Ethnic militias from the Gumuz community – a group that was among those historically subject to slave raids by more powerful Ethiopian ethnicities and whose activists say the community is still downtrodden – have mobilised in numbers and operate mostly in the remote, heavily forested Metekel Zone. They have killed ethnic Amhara, Shinasha and Oromo people, whom the Gumuz rebels perceive as settlers, and also recently briefly took over one district in the region’s Kamashi Zone.
Who will be the main challengers to the Prosperity Party?
The party fielding the most candidates is Abiy’s Prosperity Party, which was formed in December 2019 by merging all eight regional ruling parties other than the TPLF, which refused to join, claiming that Prosperity’s unitary structure undermines regional autonomy.
The Prosperity Party’s main national competitor is the Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice Party, or Ezema. It differs from Prosperity in being a staunch advocate for the overhaul of the ethnic federalist system. Ezema is in effect the successor to an opposition coalition that made gains in Ethiopia’s most competitive election in 2005. After disputes over results and a deadly government crackdown that year, Ezema leader Berhanu Nega and allies were jailed. Some of them later launched a mostly ineffective insurgency from Eritrea and the U.S., before returning as part of Abiy’s 2018 opening that also involved a mass amnesty for jailed political activists.
The Prosperity Party and Ezema are especially looking to win control of the council governing Addis Ababa, the country’s economic and political powerhouse. There, the two parties will face off against each other and another competitor, Balderas for True Democracy, which says it stands for the autonomy and civil rights of Addis Ababa’s multi-ethnic citizens against what it says are attempts by Oromo nationalists to increase that group’s socio-cultural influence and political control in the city.
Could electoral competition translate into violence?
Electoral competition could set off violence, as the status of the Oromia and federal capital has long been a flashpoint, particularly between the Amhara and Oromo. The city is home to residents with ties to Ethiopia’s many ethno-linguistic groups, but it is encircled by Oromia. Oromo nationalists say the city was built on Oromo land in the late 19th century. They want a greater say in running it, a demand partly based on the 1995 federal constitution granting Oromia region an undefined “special interest” in Addis Ababa. A 2014 government development plan for the capital and surrounding areas of Oromia touched off protests across the region, with protesters asserting that the initiative would result in more unfair evictions of Oromo farmers. The city’s growth in preceding years had already pushed many off their land. The underlying dispute could exacerbate power-sharing tensions in Addis Ababa between the Oromia and Amhara branches of the Prosperity Party. If defeated, as looks almost certain, Oromo nationalists may object to losing control of the capital.
In the meantime, Balderas leader Eskinder Nega is also standing trial for terrorism crimes. A recent Supreme Court ruling ordered the electoral board to list him on the ballot, despite the ongoing court case. His travails have agitated his supporters, including ethnic Amharas in Addis Ababa, and the National Movement of Amhara, an Amhara opposition party that is a partner of Balderas and has a mostly urban support base. In April, the Movement supported demonstrations in Amhara, accusing Abiy’s government of failing to prevent the killing of Amhara civilians by, allegedly, the OLA and Gumuz militiamen, including in March and April around an Oromo administrative enclave in Amhara. Disputed results in the region, Ethiopia’s second most populous, could also contribute to further unrest there.
What is the way forward to return the country to peaceful politics?
The grave problems with the elections demonstrate that – more than ever –Ethiopia needs an inclusive process of political reconciliation. The authorities say they are already holding a “national dialogue” among groups and citizens, but with so many disgruntled opposition elements, this initiative is unlikely to calm the waters. A recent statement on the campaign trail by the prime minister vowing to “destroy” what he calls the country’s internal enemies also undermines efforts to narrow divisions. Unless his government takes a more conciliatory, comprehensive approach to negotiations, instability may well spike further, and it will be increasingly difficult for the government to carry out economic or political reforms, including, potentially, to the constitution. Furthermore, serious factionalism within the ruling party, notably between its Amhara and Oromia branches, could well be exacerbated by a post-election government’s attempt to reconfigure the federal system, particularly if that is conducted without sufficient consultation. The federal government should pursue a political settlement for the horrific, seemingly unwinnable war in Tigray
Whatever the election results, the federal government should pursue a political settlement for the horrific, seemingly unwinnable war in Tigray and conflicts in Oromia and elsewhere. Most urgently, that requires a cessation of hostilities in Tigray in order for relief to reach the millions of people in the region who desperately need it as famine conditions worsen. Large-scale preventable deaths in Tigray would likely irreparably isolate Abiy’s government internationally and make the region’s conflict even more entrenched and harder to resolve politically. Furthermore, unless Abiy’s government can get a handle on the many domestic crises it faces, it will struggle to tamp down tensions away from home, not least in its growing confrontations with Egypt and Sudan over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, with Sudan over disputed borderlands and with international partners over its handling of the war in its stricken northernmost region.
An end to the Tigray war would only be a start, however. Reconciling the contradictory visions for such a complex country requires addressing the competing demands of various parties and reaching a compromise between supporters and opponents of its ethnic federalist system through an inclusive process involving all key political actors. If, as appears likely, the Prosperity Party wins a majority, Abiy should use his new mandate as an opportunity to reach out to even his most hardline opponents. If that does not happen, the country may very well suffer increasing political violence and the government and its leader may face growing international isolation.
ብመጀመርያ ከመይ ትኾኑ፡ ነኣሽቱ የሕዋተይ፡ ነቲ ምእንቲ እዛ ሃገር ኢልኩም ሂወትኩም ዝኸፈልኩም ዘለኣለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንዓኹም ይኹን። ሳላ ናትኩምን ከማኹም ዝኣመሰሉ ኤርትራውያን ዝተኸፍለ መስዋእቲ፡ ኤርትራ እትብሃል ሃገር ተፈጢራስ እንሆ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ግንቦት 24 መበል 30 ዓመት ነጻነት ክኽበር ቀንዩ።
ኣነ ዓቢ ሓውኹም ንመወዳእታ ግዜ ዝተረኣኤናላ ግዜ መስለኒ ኣብ መፋርቕ 1977 ኣቢሉ ናብ ዓዲ ቢደል ንዓይ ኣብ ገድሊ ምስ ተሓኤ ስለዝነበርኩ ክትርእዩኒ መጺእኩም ምስ ረዘነ ሓውኹም።ንምልላይ ዝኣክል ምስ'ዞም ኤርትራውያን የሕዋትኩምን ኪዳነ ካሕሳይ፣ ዮሴፍ ካሕሳይ ዝተሰዋእኩም ረዘነ ካሕሳይ ድማ ብሂወት ዘሎን ካብቶም ምስ ህዝባዊ ግንባር
ኮይኖም ዓዲ ዝኣተዉ ምዃንኩም የላልየኩም ኣለኹ እሞ ፡ኣይፍለጥን ብዛዕባኹም ዝፈልጡ እንተሃለዉ ደሃይ እንተረኸብኩ እውን ንዓና ጽቡቅ ምኾነ ብማለት እዩ። እቲ ብድሕሬኹም ዝኸደ ምዕብልናታት እውን ኢንተርነት ተማሂዙ። ናይ መራኸኒ ብዙሓን ሰፊኑ ዘሎ እዋን፡ ኣብ ወብሳይት፣ ፈይስ-ቡክ፣ ዋትስ-ኣፕ ወዘተ ኣብ ፈቐዶ ዓለምተዘርጊሖም ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን ዝከታተልዎ ስለዝኾኑ እዚ
መልእኽቲ ንእግረ-መንገደይ ኩሎም ከንብብዎ ንማለት ቅሉዕ ምዃኑ እዩ።
ድሕሪ ውሑድ ኣዋርሕ ምርእኣይና ኣብ ዓዲ ቢደል ኣይደንጎየን ሓወኣቦናል፡ ዝነበርኩዎ ቦታ ( ዓዲ ) ስለዝፈለጠ መጺኡ ናታትኩም ምውጻእ ንሜዳ ነጊሩኒ፡ ኣብ'ቲ ግዜ እቲ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ንኤርትራ ኢሉ ንገድሊ ይውሕዝ ስለዝነበረ ብዙሕ ኣይሰንበድኩን፡ ተቀቢለዮ። ሎሚ ስለምንታይ ኢዩ እዚ ዓቢ ሓውና ደብዳቤ ዝጽሕፈልና ዘሎ፡ ዘይኣኽሎን እቲ ሽምዓ ምውላዕ ትብሉ ትኾኑ እሞ፡ገለ ክልተ ነጥብታት ከልዕል ብዛዕባ እዚ። ከም'ቲ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስክዎ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ንሰላሳ ዓመታት ክወስድ ከሎ፡ ሎሚ ድማ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ብርሃን ጸልማት ዝዘነባ ሃገር ኮይና ኣላ።
ቀዳማይ
ከም'ቲ በሽሓት መስዋእቲ ዝተኽፈላ ንሓንቲ ሃገር ንምፍጣር፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሕግን ቅዋምን ዘይብላ፣ ነቶም መቃልስትኹም ዝነበሩ ኣባላት ህዝባዊ ግንባር እትኣስርን እተደስክልን፣ ነቶም ነኣሽቱ ህጻናት ዝነበሩ ደቂ ስውኣት ኣብ ፍቀዶ ውግኣት ኣእትያ መንእሰያት ተጥፍእ ዘላን፡ ኣብ ግዜኹም ብዙሕ ዘይስማዕ ዝነበረ ብጀካ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝስደድ፡ ሕጂ እሞ ኣብ ምሉእ ዓለም ብኤርትራውያን ኣጥለቅሊቑ እዩ ዘሎ። ንእግረ መንገደይ ምስ እዚ ስደት፡ ካብ ገዛና ኣነ ኣብ ካናዳ ምስ ብጸይተይ በዓል ሓዳር ኮይነ ኣቦ ክልተ ኣወዳት ኮይና ኣለና። እተን ምንኣስኩም ዝኾና ሓሙሽተ ኣሓትኩም፡ እተን ክልተ ኣብ ጀርመን ኣደታት ሰለስተን ክልተን ኮይነን፡ እተን ክልተ ድማ ኣብ ኖርወይ ኮይነን ሓደ ወድን ሓንቲ ጓልን ኣለወን፡ እታ ሓንቲ ድማ ኣደ ሰለስተ ቆልዑ ኮይና ኣብ ካናዳ ኣላ። ኣብ'ዚ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ ሽግርኩም፡ እቲ ሕሳስ ልደ ሓውና ዮናስ ካሕሳይ ኣቦ ክልተ ዝኾነ ኣብ ጀርመን ብ2014 ኣብ ሸዊት ዕድሜኡ ካብ'ዛ ዓለም ብሞት ተፈልዩና ምህላዉ ክትፈልጡ ንማለት እዩ።
እቶም ዝተረፉ ኣብ ዓዲ ኣለዉ፡ እተን ሰልስተ’ኳ ደቂ ደቐን ክርእያ በቂዐን ኣለዋ። ኣብ ስፐይን፣ ኡጋንዳ፣ ዓዲ እንግሊዝ፣ ጃፓን፣ ኣመሪካ፣ ሱዳን፣ ዱባይ፣ ሆላንድ ውዘተ ፋሕ ኢሎም ዘለዉ ቤተ-ሰብ ምስ ስድራ-ቤቶም ሓዊስካ ብዓቢኡ ኣብ ግዳም ዘየለ ሰብ የለን። ወይ ድማ እታ ኤርትራ ጥርሓ ትተርፍ ኣላ ዘብል እዩ ዘለናዮ እዋን።
እታ ኤርትራ ቅዋምን ሕግን ዝሰኣነት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነትስ ዋላ ሕብራ ተደዊኑ ጽርግያታታ ዝተበላሸወ፡ ወደባታ ጥርሑ ሰብ ዘይብሉ፡ ዝስራሕ ገዛውቲ ዝተኸልከለ፡ መናድቑ ዝዓሰወ ሕብሩ ዝቀየረ ኮታ ብጀካ እተን ዲጋ ሰሪሕና ዝብልወን፡ ማይ ዘይብሉ ኮይኑ ነገሩ። ምናልባት ከይሰማዕኩም እንተጸንሓኹም እታ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኣብ ሳሕል ኣሕቂቖም ሓንቲ ግናይ ዝኾነት ህግደፍ መስሪቶም ካብቶም ዝተቃለሱ ዘውደኽድኹ ዝነበሩ ናይ ኣምሰሉ ኣብ በዓላት ባንደራ ኤርትራ ዘለዋ ክራቫታ ዝመልሱ፣ ቆቢዕ ገይሮም ዝስዕስዑ፣ ከምኡውን ተዘሪገን ዘለዋ ድማ ኣይ ከምቲ ናይ ቀደም ደቂ ኣንስትዮና ዙርያ እናተኸደንካ ተወሳኺ ጸጉሪ ወሲኸን ዝዓብዳ ደቀን፡ ኣሕዋተን ተኣሲሮመን እንከለዉ ብፍርሒ ወይ ንዓይ ይጥዓመኒ ዝብላ ክዳነን፣ ሽልማተን ከርእያ ዝዓበዳ፡ ገለ እውን ግቡእ ሓላፍነተን ዘንጊዐን ኣፍላሕቲ ቡን ኮይነን “ሃማደኤ እየ” ዝብላ ድማ መሊኤን ኣለዋ። ኣብ'ዚ ዝሓለፈ ሰላሳ ዓመታት እንበኣር ምስ ኩለን ጎረባብትና ሃገራት ውግእ ተኻይዱ ብዙሕ መንእሰይ ጠፊኡ ኣሎ።
ካልኣይ
ኣብ'ዚ ነቲ መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈልኩምሉ ዕላማ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ ስለ ንዓኹም ከም ኤርትራውያን ንምዝካር ብዘየገድስ መን ወሲኑዎ፣ ብኸመይ እቲ ዕለት ተወሲኑ ኣብ'ዚ ወርሒ 20 ሰነ ንስውኣት እንዝክረላ፡ ሽምዓ እንውልዓላ መዓልቲ ምዃና እናሓበርክኹም፡ ንዓና ነቶም ኣሕዋትኩምን ኣሓትኩም ግን ኩሉ ግዜ ኣብ ልብና ከምዘለኹም ነረጋግጸልኩም። እቲ ሓቒ ድማ ንሱ እዩ። ሓደ / ሓንቲ፡ ከመይ ገይሮም ስውኣት ወለዶም ኣሕዋቶም ኣሓቶም ክርስዑ ይኽእሉ እንተ ኢልና፡ ኣይከኣልን።እቲ ሕቶ እንበኣር ነዚ መዓልቲ ብደረጃ መንግስቲ ኮይኑ ዘመሓድር ዘሎ ነዚ ዕለት 20 ሰነ ከዳልዉ ከለዉ ዓመት ዓመት ዝሕተቱ ንሶም እዮም እቲ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ስለምንታይ ኣብ ተግባር ዘየውዓልዎ ተሓታታይ ንሱ እዩ።
ብኻልኣይ ደረጃ እቶም ነዚ ህዝቢ ዝጠለም ስርዓት ዝድግፉ ሰባት ድሕሪ እታ ሽምዓ ምውላዕ ንምንታይ እዩ እዚ ንሃገር መስዋእቲ ዝተከፍለሉ ፍረ ዘይተረኽቦ ዝብል ፈጺሙ ሕቶ ኣብ ኣእምርኦም ዘሎ ኣይመስልን። እቲ ካልእ ደረጃ ካብቶም ነዚ ስርዓት ዝቓወሙ ድማ ብፍላይ እቲ መንእሰይ ወለዶ፡ ዝተበደለ ብምዃኑ፡ ነቲ ዝበደሎ ስርዓትን ነቲ ዝኸፈልኩሞ ዋጋ ሂወትኩምን ፈላልዮም ክርእይዎ ስለ ዘይከኣሉ ነዚ መዓልቲ ስውኣት፣ መዓልቲ ነጻነት ኣብ ምኽሓድ ተጸሚዶም ነቲ ግቡእ ታሪኻዊ ሓላፍነቶም ዝዘንገዑ ውሑዳት ኣይኮኑን።
ኣብ'ዚ ናይ ሰላሳ ዓመት ድሕሪ ምምጻእ ናጽነት ኤርትራ እንበኣር ዘይድለ ዕንደራ ሎሚ ድማ እንደገና ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሽጢ ትግራይ የእትዩ መዓት መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ትምህርቲ፡ ውግእ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ተስፋ ዝህብ ግን ጉዳይ ሃገሩን ህዝቡን እናተረደኦ ብጀካ እቶም ናይ ኣምሰሉ ፡እሱራት ናይ ሕልንኦም ኣብ ውሽጢ ገዘኦም፡ ካልእ ይብሉ ኣብ ግዳም ግን መልሓሶም ዝቅይሩ እቲ መከራ ህዝቢ ክሓጽር እዩ።
ብዝተረፈ ሎሚ ነዛ መልእኽቲ ብቕሉዕ ምስዞም ኤርትራውያን ከላልየኩም ከለኹ እቲ መስዋእቲ ንሓንቲ ኤርትራን ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ንምምስራት ዝተኸፍለ ቁጽሪ ዘይኮነስ ንስኹምን ካልኦት ኤርትራውያን ዝገልጽ ምዃኑ ንምብራህን ዋላ ካልእ ኩነታት እንተተፈጥረ ኣብ መንገድና ወትሩ ካብ ኣእምሮና ከምዘይትፍለዩ፡ ብተወሳኺ እዚ መዓልቲ 20 ሰነ ስለ ሓደ ሰብ፣ ስለ ሓደ ውድብ ወይ መንግስቲ ኢልና ኣይኮናን ንገብሮ’ሞ፡ ናትኩም ለበዋ ይመስለኒ ንዓና ነቲ ዕላማ ዘወደቕናሉ ተግባራዊ ግበርዎ ትብሉና ዘለኹምይመስለኒ፡ኣሎ’ሞ፡ የሕዋተይን ቤተ-ሰበየይንን ድማ ዘለኣለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንዓኹም ይኹን።
ሓውኹም
ተስፋይ ካሕሳይ
20 ሰነ
“The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, is among those warning of another massive Ethiopian famine. “We cannot make the same mistake twice,” she said last week. “We cannot let Ethiopia starve.” Mr. Blinken pledged “further actions from the United States” if “those responsible” for the crisis did not “reverse course.” Though Ethiopia has been a valuable U.S. ally, the Biden administration now has no choice but to take that action.”
Source: Washington Post
Opinion: Starvation has become a weapon of war in Ethiopia. U.S. action is urgent.
This humanitarian catastrophe, which U.N. officials say could rival the epic Ethiopian famine of 1984 if not arrested, is a deliberate result of the military campaign waged in Tigray since late last year by the government of Abiy Ahmed and the allied Eritrean regime of Isaias Afwerki. According to U.S. and U.N. officials and press reporting, the forces of the two governments have burned farmers’ fields and stores and slaughtered or stolen livestock. They have also systematically blocked aid deliveries to the parts of Tigray not under government control. Eritrean forces, the U.N. humanitarian coordinator Mark Lowcock said last week, are “trying to deal with the Tigrayan population by starving them.” Food, he told the Reuters news agency, “is definitely being used as a weapon of war.”
Forced starvation of children is only the latest atrocity Ethiopian and Eritrean forces have resorted to in what, so far, has been a failed effort to crush the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which has controlled the region for decades and dominated Ethiopia’s government until Mr. Abiy came to power in 2018. The United Nations has also reported mass rapes of women, massacres of civilians and ethnic cleansing. More than 2 million people have fled their homes, leaving their fields behind. Tigrayan men are being rounded up and summarily executed.
None of it has worked. Mr. Abiy promised in March that Eritrean troops would leave Tigray, but they are still there. So are Amhara militias from a neighboring Ethiopian region that have engaged in ethnic cleansing as well as blocking food. Journalists reporting on the atrocities have been arrested or expelled from the country. Meanwhile, China and Russia have blocked action by the U.N. Security Council, which — to its shame — has yet to publicly meet on the Tigrayan crisis.
The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, is among those warning of another massive Ethiopian famine. “We cannot make the same mistake twice,” she said last week. “We cannot let Ethiopia starve.” Mr. Blinken pledged “further actions from the United States” if “those responsible” for the crisis did not “reverse course.” Though Ethiopia has been a valuable U.S. ally, the Biden administration now has no choice but to take that action.
Source: Reuters
Outgoing U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock told the 15-member council in a private briefing that “no one should be surprised to see a rerun” of a devastating 1984 famine if violence in Tigray does not stop and Eritrean troops do not withdraw.
“Rape is being used systematically to terrorize and brutalize women and girls. Eritrean soldiers are using starvation as a weapon of war. Displaced people are being rounded up, beaten and threatened,” Lowcock told the council, according to diplomats who attended the meeting.
Eritrea’s U.N. mission in New York did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Lowcock’s allegation. Eritrea said in April that it had agreed to start withdrawing its troops from Tigray.
In April, Eritrea’s U.N. ambassador, Sophia Tesfamariam, rejected allegations of sexual violence and starvation by Eritrean troops as false and “outrageous.”
Ethiopia’s U.N. ambassador, Taye Atske Selassie Amde, who took part in the council discussion, said the Eritrean withdrawal “is a matter of sorting out some technical and procedural issues.”
“Our expectation is that they will definitely leave soon,” he told reporters after the council briefing.
Lowcock briefed the Security Council just days after an analysis by U.N. agencies and aid groups found that more than 350,000 people in Tigray are suffering famine conditions – the worst catastrophic food crisis in a decade.
Ethiopia’s government has disputed the analysis. Amde also said Ethiopia’s government had granted unfettered aid access to Tigray and was grateful for international humanitarian help.
The informal council meeting on Tuesday, requested by Ireland, was its sixth private discussion of the crisis since fighting broke out in November between Ethiopia’s federal government troops and Tigray’s former ruling party. Eritrean troops entered the conflict to support the Ethiopian government.
Amde said the situation in Tigray did not warrant the Security Council’s attention.
Western council members have been pitted against Russia and China, which diplomats say also question whether the body, charged with maintaining international peace and security, should be involved in the crisis in Tigray.
The violence in Tigray has killed thousands of civilians and forced more than 2 million from their homes in the mountainous region. In April, the Security Council issued a statement of concern about the humanitarian situation.
“It is not drought or locusts causing this hunger, but the decisions of those in power. That means those in power can also end the suffering,” British U.N. Ambassador Barbara Woodward told reporters after Tuesday’s briefing.
Source: Reuters
Outgoing U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock told the 15-member council in a private briefing that “no one should be surprised to see a rerun” of a devastating 1984 famine if violence in Tigray does not stop and Eritrean troops do not withdraw.
“Rape is being used systematically to terrorize and brutalize women and girls. Eritrean soldiers are using starvation as a weapon of war. Displaced people are being rounded up, beaten and threatened,” Lowcock told the council, according to diplomats who attended the meeting.
Eritrea’s U.N. mission in New York did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Lowcock’s allegation. Eritrea said in April that it had agreed to start withdrawing its troops from Tigray.
In April, Eritrea’s U.N. ambassador, Sophia Tesfamariam, rejected allegations of sexual violence and starvation by Eritrean troops as false and “outrageous.”
Ethiopia’s U.N. ambassador, Taye Atske Selassie Amde, who took part in the council discussion, said the Eritrean withdrawal “is a matter of sorting out some technical and procedural issues.”
“Our expectation is that they will definitely leave soon,” he told reporters after the council briefing.
Lowcock briefed the Security Council just days after an analysis by U.N. agencies and aid groups found that more than 350,000 people in Tigray are suffering famine conditions – the worst catastrophic food crisis in a decade.
Ethiopia’s government has disputed the analysis. Amde also said Ethiopia’s government had granted unfettered aid access to Tigray and was grateful for international humanitarian help.
The informal council meeting on Tuesday, requested by Ireland, was its sixth private discussion of the crisis since fighting broke out in November between Ethiopia’s federal government troops and Tigray’s former ruling party. Eritrean troops entered the conflict to support the Ethiopian government.
Amde said the situation in Tigray did not warrant the Security Council’s attention.
Western council members have been pitted against Russia and China, which diplomats say also question whether the body, charged with maintaining international peace and security, should be involved in the crisis in Tigray.
The violence in Tigray has killed thousands of civilians and forced more than 2 million from their homes in the mountainous region. In April, the Security Council issued a statement of concern about the humanitarian situation.
“It is not drought or locusts causing this hunger, but the decisions of those in power. That means those in power can also end the suffering,” British U.N. Ambassador Barbara Woodward told reporters after Tuesday’s briefing.
Source: Dedebit Media, 15/06/21
• Heavy fighting is currently taking place in Asgede Tsimbla, Endaba Guna, Core Tekli, Debre Abay, Zengoraque, Mai Hanse.
• The fighting in Debre Abay has been going on for two days; it started the day before yesterday but intensified yesterday. Mechanized units based in Enkoi Liham, Gedam Neqa and from around Endabaguna have targeted the area for blanket bombardment. Its started to tone down a little today. The number of civilian casualties has not been determined since the residents have fled to the hills.
• Similar bombardment of areas in Core Tekli, Zengoraque and Mai Hanse has also taken place. The bombardment is claimed to deliberately target civilian populated areas regardless of whether or not TDF units are nearby.
• EDF/ENDF are allegedly targeting water infrastructure for destruction to wipe out civilians through thirst more quickly.
• Remaining ENDF units which were based around north western Tigray have withdrawn. Edaga Arbi, Nebelet, Wukromaray, Zana and the whole of Shire (both western and north western part) is currently swarming with Eritrean forces.
• A major invasion is in the process of being carried out, one which the Allied forces labeled “the third offensive/ the final offensive”. They are mobilizing in three directions: Amhara forces from the direction of Mai Tsebri; ENDF contingents from the south (Raya) and EDF from the north.
Source: In the Blue
Tomorrow (15 June), Security Council members will hold an in-person informal interactive dialogue (IID) on the humanitarian situation in the Tigray region of Ethiopia. Ireland requested the meeting. Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Mark Lowcock and WFP Executive Director David Beasley have been invited to brief. Representatives of the Ethiopian Government may also participate.
Council dynamics on Tigray have been difficult, and the format of meetings on the issue has been a topic of discussion and division among Council members. Thus far, five Council meetings were held on Ethiopia under “any other business” (AOB), a standing agenda item in closed consultations. The AOB format is often used when an issue is not on the Council’s agenda or when members want to have a more discreet discussion of an item already on the agenda.
In recent weeks, several Council members have expressed the wish to raise awareness of the situation in Tigray by discussing it in a formal public meeting. It appears that initially several members wanted to link the briefing to resolution 2417 of 24 May 2018 on conflict-induced food insecurity to address the reported rising level of food insecurity in Tigray. In resolution 2417, the Council requests the Secretary-General to “report swiftly to the Council when the risk of conflict-induced famine and wide-spread food insecurity in armed conflict contexts occurs” and expresses its intention to “give its full attention to such information provided by the Secretary-General when those situations are brought to its attention”. Since the resolution’s adoption, OCHA has alerted the Council to risks of famine in conflict situations through several white papers, including in a September 2020 white paper on the situations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), northeast Nigeria, South Sudan, and Yemen, which led the Council to meet on the issue on 17 September 2020.
On 25 May, OCHA provided Council members with a white paper referencing resolution 2417, which contained updates on food security risks in Tigray. The white paper, which was not made public, apparently estimates that 20 percent of the population in the Tigray region is in a state of emergency food insecurity and establishes a link between the levels of food insecurity and the ongoing hostilities. It notes that Ethiopian authorities estimate that over 90 percent of the harvest for 2020 was lost due to looting, burning or other forms of conflict-related destruction, while some 80 percent of livestock was looted or slaughtered. The paper also lists other drivers of food shortage in the area, such as recent below-average rainfalls, locust infestation, and the adverse economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The white paper apparently also notes that although cooperation with Ethiopia regarding humanitarian access has improved following the shift from an approval to a notification system for humanitarian assistance in March, humanitarian operations continue to face attacks, obstruction, seizure of cargo and delays. Military movements, fighting and non-cooperation of armed elements have also been impeding aid delivery. It seems that the white paper contains several recommendations for member states on possible steps to address the situation, including pressuring parties to the conflict to end violence, pursue a political solution and respect international law. It further suggests that the international community scale up funding and support for humanitarian assistance.
This account is echoed in regular updates by OCHA on the humanitarian situation in the region. An OCHA update from 3 June reported acts of violence against civilians, including incidents of arbitrary arrests, beatings and other forms of ill-treatment and conflict-related sexual violence perpetrated against the Tigray population. It stated that critical civilian infrastructure requires rehabilitation or repair, as many schools and hospitals have been looted, destroyed, or used as shelters or barracks for soldiers. UN officials further report that Eritrean troops remain in Ethiopia, despite the Ethiopian government’s announcement of their withdrawal in April. In a 10 June interview with Reuters, Lowcock reportedly maintained that Eritrean troops are blocking food supplies to more than one million people in areas outside of government control.
While some Council members sought to have an open session on the Tigray region and to connect it to resolution 2417, other members, including the “A3 plus one” (Kenya, Niger, Tunisia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines), China and Russia apparently prefer less Council involvement on the issue. These Council members emphasise Ethiopia’s efforts to address the situation, especially following the switch from an approval system to a notification system for humanitarian access and the announcement of the withdrawal of Eritrean troops.
It seems that the option of holding a private meeting was also considered. While this would have been a closed meeting, as a formal meeting of the Council it would have placed the issue of Tigray on the Council’s formal agenda, and some members were not comfortable with this option. The “A3 plus one” apparently preferred an informal closed format. It seems that among the suggested options, an IID, which is an informal, closed setting that allows for frank discussion among Council members and the country concerned, was the most acceptable option to the “A3 plus one”, prompting Ireland to eventually call for an IID on 9 June.
One possible option for members who wanted to hold either an open or closed formal meeting would have been to request a meeting on the humanitarian situation in Tigray and to call for a procedural vote if there was opposition to holding the meeting. (Procedural votes require nine members in favour to be adopted and cannot be vetoed by a permanent member.) However, it does not appear that this suggestion was seriously considered.
At tomorrow’s meeting, the European Council members and the US are likely to call for improved humanitarian access and protection of humanitarian workers, the cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Eritrean forces in accordance with the Ethiopian government’s April announcement, and investigations into reported violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Other members, including the “A3 plus one”, China and Russia, may stress the need for increased regional cooperation, and might seek further details on the Ethiopian government’s efforts to address the humanitarian situation. China and Russia are likely to emphasise the importance of state sovereignty in the context of humanitarian aid delivery.
The divisions among members over Council engagement on Tigray were also reflected in attempts to agree on a Council product on the situation. After failing to agree on a press statement following the Council’s meeting on 3 March, Council members were able to issue a press statement following the Council’s 15 April meeting. In the press statement, which was issued on 22 April, Council members acknowledged the efforts by the Ethiopian government to provide humanitarian assistance and increased access, called for a scaled-up humanitarian response, expressed deep concern about allegations of human rights violations and abuses, and urged full respect for international law. It appears that some members would have preferred stronger language relating to the human rights situation and that a reference to the presence of Eritrean forces was omitted due to opposition from some members.
With the Council divided on how to address the situation in Ethiopia, Council members in favour of strong involvement have explored other options to discuss the situation in Tigray, including outside the UN, to increase pressure on Ethiopia and Eritrea. One example is the US-organised open “US-EU high-level roundtable on the humanitarian emergency in Tigray”, which took place on the eve of the G7 Summit on 10 June. US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield, in her statement during the event, deplored the lack of consensus on a public meeting and called for “meaningful action to address the crisis”.
Addressing the faithful gathered in St Peter’s Square for the Sunday Angelus Pope Francis turned his thoughts to the suffering people of Ethiopia’s Tigray region “which is suffering from a serious humanitarian crisis that could expose the poorest to famine”.
Source: Vatican News
A lady is seen at a refugee camp housing Ethiopians fleeing the fighting in the Tigray region
By Vatican News staff writer
Addressing the faithful gathered in St Peter’s Square for the Sunday Angelus Pope Francis turned his thoughts to the suffering people of Ethiopia’s Tigray region “which is suffering from a serious humanitarian crisis that could expose the poorest to famine”.
The Pope warned that there is already famine in the region. “Let us pray together that the violence will cease immediately, that food and health care will be guaranteed to all, and that social harmony will be restored as soon as possible”, he said.
The Pope then thanked all those “who work to alleviate the suffering of the people”.
Pope Francis then went on to note that Saturday marked World Day against Child Labor. “It is not possible to close our eyes to the exploitation of children, deprived of the right to play, to study and to dream”, said the Pope. He said that according to estimates by the International Labour Organization, there are over 150 million children exploited for work today – a tragedy! “150 million: more or less the same as all the inhabitants of Spain, together with France and together with Italy”, he added. “Let’s renew all together the effort to eliminate this slavery of our times”, concluded the Pope.
The Pope then went on to pray for the numerous tragedies that continue to occur over the Mediterranean Sea. He noted that “this afternoon, a ceremony will take place in Augusta, Sicily, to receive the wreck of the boat that was shipwrecked on 18 April, 2015”. “May this symbol of so many tragedies of the Mediterranean Sea continue to challenge the conscience of all and foster the growth of a more supportive humanity, which breaks down the wall of indifference”, said the Pope. Let’s think about it: the Mediterranean has become the largest cemetery in Europe.
Concluding his appeals, Pope Francis noted that tomorrow, Monday, is World Blood Donor Day. “I heartily thank the volunteers and I encourage them to continue their work, bearing witness to the values of generosity and gratuitousness”, said the Pope.
This statement, released by US President Biden, includes the following paragraph:
“54. We are deeply concerned by the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region and reports of an unfolding major humanitarian tragedy, including potentially hundreds of thousands in famine conditions. We condemn ongoing atrocities, including widespread sexual violence, and we welcome the ongoing Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) investigations and call for full accountability for reported human rights violations in Tigray and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice. We call for an immediate cessation of hostilities, unimpeded humanitarian access to all areas and the immediate withdrawal of Eritrean forces. We urge all parties to pursue a credible political process, which is the only solution to the crisis. We further call upon Ethiopia’s leaders to advance a broader inclusive political process to foster national reconciliation and consensus toward a future based on respect for the human and political rights of all Ethiopians.”
