Feed Entries
ክቡራት ኣዳለውቲ መዓልቲ ዝኽሪ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፤
ዝኸበርኩም ኣቦ መንበራትን ኣባላት መሪሕነትን ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፤
ክቡራት ኣቦ መንበርን ኣባላትን ኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ፖሓኤ፤
ክቡራትን ክቡራንን ተሳተፍቲ፤
መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ምኽንያት ብምግባር ክብሪ ስዉኣት ኣናዘከርኩ፡ ንኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ነዚ ሓባራዊ መደብ ሰሪዓ ከአተቕርበልና ብምኽኣላ፡ ልዑል ምስጋና ከመሓላልፍ እፈቱ። እዚ መደብ ንኹልና እቶም ምውህሃዳዊ ስምምዕ ዝኸተምና፡ ናብ ዝለዓለ ምትሕብባር ንምስግጋር ባይታ ዘንጽፍ ክኸውን እንከከሎ፡ ንመላእ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንምትሕብባር ዘተባብዕ፡ ንህዝብና ድማ ተወሳኺ ተስፋ ዝህብ እዩ።
ክቡራት ተሳተፍቲ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ከነኽብር እንከሎና ከም ናይ ምስጋና፡ ናይ ዝኽሪ፡ ናይ ክብሪ፡ ናይ ጽንዓትን ዝተሓደሰ ጸዋዒትን ኢና እነኽብሮ።
ዕለተ ምስጋና!
መጀመርታን ቅድሚ ኩሉን ንዓና ነቶም ዘይተኣደነ ሓርነታት እንብህግ ተቓለስቲ ዕለተ ምስጋና እዩ።
ነቶም ምእንቲ ንሕና ክርህወና፡ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ከነስተማቕር እቲ ዝለዓለ ዋጋ ዝኸፈሉልና፡ ደሞም ኣፍሲሶም፡ ህይወቶም ዘቐደሙ ናይ ሓርነት ስዉኣትና የቐንየልና ንብል። ኣብዚ ዕለት’ዚ እቲ ዝለዓለ ህያብ ህይወት፡ ንውሉድ ወለዶ ኣወፍፊኹም ሓሊፍኩም ኣለኹም። ስላኹም ኢና ንቕጽል ዘለና እሞ፡ ደረተ-ኣልቦ ምስጋናና ይብጻሕኩም ንብል።
ዕለተ ዝኽሪ!
እዛ መዓልቲ’ዚ ብጽሞና እነብዕላ ዕለተ ዝኽሪ እውን እያ። ዝኽሪ ነቶም ንህይወቶም ዘይበቐቕዋ፡ ንሞት ድማ ዝይፈርህዋ፡ ንእስነቶም ዝኸፈሉ ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን። እወ ዕለተ ዝኽሪ ነቶም ንሃገርና ኣደ ሰላም፡ ኣደ ሓቅን ኣደ ፍትሕን ክትከውን ዝበሃጉ። እዛ ዕለት’ዚኣ ንዝኽሪ’ቶም ኣብ ዓውደ ኲናት ንቕድሚት እምበር ንድሕሪት ዘይጠመቱላ እያ። ንመላእ ኤርትራውያን ሰማእታት ተጋደልቲ ይኹኑ ገባር ንምዝካር እነብዕላ ዕለት’ያ። ኣብዛ ዕለት እዚኣ ነቶም ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ጥይት ዝቖለበቶም፣ ነቶም ዝናብ ንዘርኢ ክረኽቡ ናብ ደበናታት እናንቃዕረሩ ብደበና ተሸፊና ዝመጸት ነፋሪት ዝደብደበቶም፣ ነቶም ታንክ ዝረገጸቶም፣ ነቶም ዓድታቶም እናተቓጸለ ሓዊ ዝለብለቦም፣ ነቶም ሳንጃ ዝበስዖም፣ ነቶም ኣብ ሑቕፊ ኣደታቶም ዝተቐዘፉ፣ ነቶም ኣብ መገሻ እንከለዉ ዝተረፉ፣ ኣብ ጉዕዞ እንከለዉ ዝወድቑ፣ ነቶም ውሕጅ ዝወስዶም፣ ነቶም እምንን ሓመድን ዝጸቐጦም፣ ብሓፈሽእ ነቶም ናይ ምንባር መሰሎም ዝተጋህሰ፣ እሞ ንሕና ንክንህሉ ሃገርና ከኣ ልዑላዊት ሃገር ኰይና ንኽትቅጽል፡ ህይወቶም ዝኸፍሉ፡ ንዝክር።
ዕለተ ክብሪ!
ክብሪ ንዓኹም ሰማእታትና! ልዑል ክብሪ ይብጻሕኩም። ምሳኹም ከኣ ነቶም ኣብ ጐድንኹም ተሰሊፎም፡ ነምስዋእቲ ቅሩባት ዝነበሩ፡ ግን ግዜኦም ዘይኣኸለ፣ እታ ናይ መስዋእቲ ጸዋዒት ዘይበጽሓቶም ግን ኣብ ዙርያ ጸዋዒት መስዋእቲ ዝነበሩ ናይ ሓርነት ውጉኣትና ክብሪ ይኹኖም። ኣካለ ጽጉማትና ልክዕ ከም ሰማእታና ንሞት ተዳልዮም ነይሮም እዮም። ግን ካብታ ንህወቶም ዝደለየት ጨካን ጥይት ብተኣምር ክምልጡ ስለ ዝኸኣሉ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ መሬት ዝንቀሳቐሱ ስውኣት እዮም። ክብሪ ንዕኦም። እታ ቀታሊት ገለ ካብ ኣካላቶም ጥራይ ወሲዳ ስለ ዝመኸነት ዝተረፉ፣ እቶም ርእሶም፡ ወይ ኣፍልቦም ተሃሪሞም ህዋሳቶም ተተንኪፎም ብህይወት ዝተረፉ፣ ጌና ጭላፋት ኣብ ኣካላቶም ተሰኪሞም ዝዛወሩ ዘለው፣ እቶም ጥይት በሲዕዎም ኣብ ልዕሊ መንኰርከር ዓረብያ ተሓጺሮም ዝንቀሳቐሱ ዘለዉ፣ ኮታ እቶም ቃልሲ ኤርትራ፡ ኣካላዊ ኮነ ስነ ኣእሙራዊ በሰላ ውግእ ዝገደፍሎም፣ ኣብዚ ዕለተ-ክብሪ፡ ክብሪ ንዓኹም ይኹን ንብሎም።
ሃገርና ናጽነት ኣውሒሳ ኣህጉራዊ ተፈላጥነት ሒዛ ክትጐዓዝ ንዝገበረ ተወፋይነት፡ ምስቶም ህይወቶም ዝኸፈሉ ሰሪዕና ክብሪ ከነልብሶም ግቡእና እዩ። እወ እቲ ዝጠለመ ስርዓት፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ስንኩላት ክብሪ ዘይኰነስ ዳግማይ ጥይት ተኲሱ እዩ ተወሳኺ ህይወት ኣኽፊሉና እዩ። እዚ ጨቋኒ ጉጅለ ከምቶም ዝሓለፉ ምሕላፉ ኣይተርፎን እዩ። ናይ ውድቀቱ ደረት ትርኢት ክቕልቀል ንርኢ ኣሎና። እቲ ገበነኛ ከኣ ክሰዓር እዩ። ንዓኹም ኣካለ ጽጉማትና ክብሪ ይብጻሕኩም።
ዕለተ ጽንዓት!
ሰማዕታትና፡ መለለይኹም ጽንዓት ሕላገትኩም ከኣ ተወፋይነት’ዩ። ጽንዓት ተቐኒትኩም እቲ ዝኸበረን እቲ ዝዓዘዘን ከፊልኩም፡ መርኣያ ብምዃን ናጽነት ሃገር ኣውሒስኩም። እዛ መዓልቲ እምበኣር ንዓና ዕለተ ጽንዓት እያ። ንስኻትኩም ከም ህልዋት እቲ ጽንዓትኩም ድማ ከም ኣብነት ሓዲግኩምልና ኢኹም እሞ፡ ምሳና ኣብ መንጎና ከም ዘለኹም ኢና ንኣምን። ነቲ ጽንዓትኩም ንኽንስዕብ ዕለተ ጽንዓት ሂብኩምና አለኹም። ሕጂ’ውን ጌና ኣሰር ጽንዓትኩም ዝኽተልና ደቂ ሃገር፡ ኣብ ዓዲን ስደትን፡ ከይተሓለሉ ምእንቲ ፍትሕን ምሉእ ሓርነትን ይቃለሱ ኣለዉ። ማሕላኹም ንምፍጻም፡ ዝጀመርኩሞ ትልሚ ሓርነት ንምምላእ ምልኪ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ንምውጋድ ዝቃልሱ፡ ሽግ ጽንዓትኩም ከይቅህም ዝሕልዉ ኣለዉ’ሞ ቅሰኑ። ንሕና እቶም ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ሓርነት እነካይድ ዘሎና፡ ኣሰር ጽንዓትኩም ተኸቲልና፡ ኣብነትኩም ስዒብና፡ ክሳብ ምሉእ ሓርነት ኣብ ሃዋህው ሃገርና ዝሰፍን፡ ክሳብ ምሉእ ሰላም ኣብ ከባቢና ዝዋሓስ፡ ብጽንዓት ክንቃልስ ኢና።
ዕለተ ጻውዒት!
ዝኸበርክንን፡ ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ ዝኽሪ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ
ኣብዚ ናይ 2021 መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ሓደ ቀንዲ ሕቶ ወይ ሕቶታት ከነልዕል ግድን እዩ። ንሱ ከኣ እቲ ሰማእታትና ክቡር ህይወቶም ዝኸፈሉሉ ዕላማታት ይትግበር ኣሎዶ ኣሎ? እቲ ግንባሮም ንባሩድ ዝሃብሉ ምሉእ ናጽነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ይሕሎ ኣሎ’ዶ? ሕቶ ሓርነታት ዜጋታት ኤርትራ፡ መሰላት ምሕሳብ፡ ምንቅስቓስን ምውዳብን፡ ሕቶ ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ሕቶ ፍትሕን ሰላምን፡ ሕቶ ማሕበራውን ቁጠባውን ዕቤት ተመሊሱዶ? ብሓጺሩ ሰማእታትና በዚ ኤርትራ ዘላትሉ ቅሱናት ድዮም ዝብል እዩ።
እቲ መሪር ሓቂ፡ ናይ’ዚ ኩሉ ሕቶታት መልሲ ኣሉታ እዩ። ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር በቚሉ ብዝዓዀዀ ጨካን ምልኪ ተጐቢጣ ኣላ። መብጽዓታት ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ብዘይንሕስያ ተጠሊሙ ኣሎ። ሃገርና መንእሰያት ደቃ ገዲፈምዋ ዝሃድሙላ ሲኦል ከይና ኣላ። ኣብ ከባቢና ከኣ ምንጪ ሓደጋን ዘራጊት ሰላምን ተቐጺራ ኣላ። እቲ ዝገደደ ድማ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ’ቲ ንልዑላውነት ሃገርና ዝደናደን ግሁድ ወስታታት ክድዓት፡ ናይዚ ምልካዊ ስርዓት፡ ህዝብና ግዳይ መሪር ጭቆናን ማእሰርትን ምክልባትን ኰይኑ ኣሎ። ስለዚ ድማ መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ ተወፋይነት ዝሕደሰላ፡ ዕለተ ጸዋዒት ንምዕቃብ ናጽነት ሃገር እያ።
ንሕና ኣባላት ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሌና ዝዝንቢ ዘሎ ጸዋዒት ነዚ ብሓባር እንካይዶ ዘሎና ቃልሲ ናብ ዝበረኸ ደረጃኡ ኣብጺሕና፡ ምስ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዝሰፍሐ ምትሕብባር ኣረጋጊጽና፡ ነቲ እንኮ ጸላኢ ኤርትራ ዝዀነ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ምስዓርን፡ ናብ ብዙሕነታዊ ቅዋማዊ ስርዓት ምስግጋርን እዩ።
ጥርኑፍ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ምክያድ፡ ምስ ብዙሕነትና ክሳብ ክንደይ በዳሂ ከም ዝኸውን ኩልና እንስሕቶ ኣይከነን። ብተመክሮ ከም ዝተራእየ እውን ከቢድ ዕማም’ዩ። ይኹን’ምበር ክሳብ ሕጂ በብወገንና ብዘካየድናዮ ጻዕሪ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ሓይልታትና ተጻባኦታትን ምንጽጻግን ወጊድና፡ ምክብባርን ምትሕግጋዝን ምርግጋጽና፣ ንኩልና እቶም ኣብ ጽምዶ ዝኣተና ዘተሓባብር ኣወሃሃዲ ሽማግለን፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ዝዋስኡ ሓይልታት ዕማምን ምቛምና ንባዕሉ ንደላይ ፍትሒ ህዝብና ብስራት ኰይኑ፡ ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ድማ መርድእ እዩ።
እዚ መጀመርታ ኣምበር መወዳእታ ኣይኰነን። ስለዚ ክሳብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ዝሰዓርን መስርሕ ደሞክራሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ቦታኡ ዝሕዝን፡ ኣብ ከምዚ ክቡር ዕለተ ሰማዕታትና ጸዋዒት ንቃልሲ ክንቅጽል ኢና።
ዝኽርን ዘልኣለማዊ ክብርን ንሰማእታትና!
ውድቀት ንምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ!
ሃገርና ናጽነታ ሓልያ ንወሉድ ወለዶ ትንበር!
ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል ደጊጋ
ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ
20 ሰነ 2021
By Aggrey Mutambo
The African Union (AU) has launched an inquiry into human rights violations in Tigray, northern Ethiopia, becoming the first continental effort to investigate the conflict that began in November 4 when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered a military offensive against its regional forces.
A statement from the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa said the team formed under the African Commission on Human and People's Rights will begin preliminary work in Banjul, the Gambia, after which it will travel to Tigray to speak with locals.
It will be the first time the continental body, headquartered in Ethiopia, is picking up the task of establishing the truth about atrocities in Tigray, where Ethiopian forces have been fighting the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), once a ruling party under the late leader Meles Zenawi, but now considered a terror group by Addis Ababa.
"The Commission of Inquiry will begin its work in Banjul, Republic of The Gambia. It will conduct investigations on the ground and in neighbouring countries when the conditions are met," a statement from the AU said on Wednesday evening.
"The Commission of Inquiry will adhere to the principles of independence, confidentiality, impartiality and neutrality, ensuring the protection of those with whom it collaborates."
The Commission will run under the provisions of Article 45 of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights which allows it to speak with victims, alleged villains and other witnesses as well as collect documents from relevant authorities.
The Commission of Inquiry was officially formed in May following an uproar on alleged atrocities in Tigray. Although it has immunity under the Charter, its success or failure will depend on the cooperation of stakeholders, including neighbouring countries like Eritrea and Sudan, which have both been drawn into the conflict.
Eritrean forces have been accused of carrying out a massacre and killing more than a hundred civilians in Tigray, while Sudan has hosted more than 40,000 refugees fleeing Ethiopia since the crisis began.
Its final report, however, could only be a recommendation to be implemented by member states, including Ethiopia.
This inquiry is formally being labelled a fact-finding mission to determine whether the events in Tigray constitute "serious and massive violations of human rights" as defined under international law.
Full-blown crisis
Ethiopia, however, officially denies the atrocities were sanctioned, but did agree to investigate through the Ethiopia Human Rights Commission in collaboration with the UN Human Rights Council "as part of the much-needed accountability process for the victims" or rape, murder and other torture.
Last week, a leaked report of the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights for Eritrea claimed there was credible information Eritrean troops also dragged Somalia's trainee soldiers to the battlefront. Both countries dismissed the allegation, although Eritrean officials, the Rapporteur claimed, refused to meet him to discuss the findings.
Hunger, starvation
The UN says up to 90 per cent of the six million people in Tigray are facing starvation, and some 400,000 people were already starving, figures the Ethiopian government has dismissed as alarmist.
Demeke Mekonen, Ethiopia's deputy prime minister and minister for foreign affairs, told the international community on Tuesday authorities have been filtering humanitarian access after learning there were weapons being smuggled to TPLF.
"It is extremely regrettable to see that some within the international community have embarked on a mission to undermine the unity, territorial integrity and the cohesion of the Ethiopian state, under the guise of humanitarian concern," Demeke said, but denied there was a policy to starve the Tigrinya people as a weapon of war.
Last week, a joint EU and US statement called for a ceasefire and access for aid workers, and demanded an independent inquiry to find out those who committed atrocities.
"We have continuously called for an end to the violence and for unfettered humanitarian access to all parts of Tigray, but we are witnessing increasing restrictions," they said.
"Using starvation of civilians as a weapon of war is putting at risk the lives of millions. In addition, we are seeing wide-scale human suffering that is entirely preventable. Systematic violence is being inflicted upon civilians, including widespread sexual violence, and extra-judicial and ethnically-motivated killings."
These were taken in Tigray’s regional capital, Mekelle. The situation in the rural areas is even worse.
There has been no drought; no natural catastrophe. This tragedy is man-made – the result of a policy by Ethiopia and Eritrea to starve an entire population. This is attested to by the Finnish Foreign Minister, Pekka Haavisto.
This is the result
ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ
ኤርትራ ሃገርና ብመስዋእቲ ጀጋኑኣን መስተንክራዊ ጽንዓት ህዝባን እያ ናጻ ኮይና። ስለዚ ኣይኮነንዶ ክንዲ ህይወት ዝኣክል ክቡር ዋጋ ምእንታኻ ንዝኸፈለ፡ ካብኡ ዝተሓተ ጽቡቕ ንዝወዓለልካ እውን ምምስጋንን ኣመስጊንካ ንኣመሰንገንቲ ምሃብን ግቡእ ስለ ዝኾነ ሰማእታትና ክንዝክሮም ግድን እዩ። ነቲ ምእንቲ ክብርኻ ዝሐለፈ፡ ኣበይን መዓስን ክትዝክሮ ከም ዝግበኣካ ምውሳን ከኣ ቅቡል እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ ኤርትራውያን ሰማእታት ዝዝከሩላን ዝምስገኑላን ዕለት ክህልዎም ዝቃወም የለን። ምእንቲ እቲ ናይ ዝኽሪ ዕለት ኣብ ልቦና ኩሉ ዝሓድርን፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለያ ውድባት ንዝተሰውኡ ዘማእክልን ንከኸውን፡ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ዝሰማምዕሉ ምኽንያታዊ መዓልቲ ምግባሩ ከኣ ኣገዳስነቱ ዕዝዙ እዩ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ቅዳምነት ክወሃቦም ካብ ዝነበሩ ዛዕባታት ሓደ ክኸውን ከኣ መተገበኦ። እንተኾነ ብሰንኪ ዘይግሉጽን ዘይሓላፍነታውን ኣካይዳ ህግደፍ ከምቲ ኣብ ካልእ ጉዳያት መድረኽ እሂንምሂን ዘይተፈጥረ ኣብዚ’ውን ኣይተራእየን።
ዘይሩ ዘይሩ ግና እቲ ዛዕባ ረዚን ስለ ዝኾነ፡ መንን ስለምንታይ ወሲንዎን ብዘየገድስ፡ ሰማእታትና ሓንቲ መዓልቲ ኣብ ዓመት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ወትሩ ኣብ ሕልናና ስለ ዘለዉ 20 ሰነ ጓይላን ጃህራን ህግዲፍ ንምድማቕን ንሸፈጥን ዘይኮነ፡ ንክብሪቲ ዘይሃስስ ሕድሮም ምዝካራ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ኤርትራዊ ሰማእትነት ነቶም ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ዝተሰውኡ ጥራይ ዝምልከት ዘይኮነ፡ እንተላይ እቶም ኣበይን መዓስን ብዘየገድስ ምእንቲ ኤርትራን ናጽነታን ዝወደቑ ኩሎም ኤርትራውያን ጀጋኑ ዘጠቓልል እዩ። ብመንጽርዚ እቲ ልዕሊ 60 ሺሕ እንዳተባህለ ዝጥቀስ ቁጽሪ ኣብ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ምእንቲ ናጽነት ዝተሰዉኡ ኣዝዩ ውሑድ ምዃኑ፡ ብዙሓት ነዚ ዛዕባ ቆላሕታ ሂቦም ዝሓሰብሉ ዝሰማምዕሉ እዩ።
እቶም ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሰማእታት ክውሰኽዎ እንከለዉ ከኣ’ሞ እቲ ኣሃዝ ኣበይ ከም ዝበጽሕ ርዱእ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ እቲ መዳለዊ ባህሪኡ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት ስለ ዝንጸባረቕ ባዕሉ ናይ ዝቐንጸሎም ሰማእታት መርድእ ንቤተሰቦም ኣይተነግረን። ኣብ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዝተሰውኡ ሓርበኛታት እውን፡ ብዘይካ ውሱናት ከምኡ ኣብቲ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝቐለሶ ዝርዝር ሰማእታት ኣይሰፈሩን። እንተኾነ ኣብ ዝርዝር ህግደፍ’ኳ እንተዘይሰፈረ፡ ታሪኽ ኩሎም ሰማእታት ኣብ ሕቑፊ ሃገሮምን ህዝቦምን ህያው ኮይኑ ክነብር እዩ። ኣብ ግዜ ቃልሲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ስዉእ ዘይወደቐላን ቅያ ዘይተሰርሓላን መዓልቲ ኣይነበረትን። ስለዚ ብግብሪኳ ዘጸግም እንተኾነ፡ ኩሉሳዕ መዓልቲ ሰማእታትዩ እንተ ተባህለ ምግናን ኣይከውንን።
ዲክታቶር ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ጽባሕ ውድቀት ስርዓት ደርግ ብ20 ሰነ 1991 ብምኽንያት መዓልቲ ሰማእታት ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ኣብ ስታድየም ኣስመራ ዘስመዖ መደረኡ “ደጊም ናይ ውድባት ሓሸውየ የለን። ንህዝቢ ብቕሉዕ ይኹን ብጉልባብ ናይ ምክፍፋል ስልትታት ከቢድ ገበን ከም ዝቑጸር ክዝንጋዕ ኣይግባእን” ዝብል መርዚ ይርከቦ። እቲ ንህዝቢ ምክፍፋል ከቢድ ገበን’ዩ ዝበሎ፡ መልእኽቱ ንናይ ምውዳብ መሰረታዊ መሰል ዝሕርም፡ ካብቲ ንሱ ዝመርሖ ውድብ ወጻኢ ምስ ካልእ ምስላፍን ካብ ናቱ ዝተፈልየ ኣተሓሳስባ ምስጓምን እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ናይቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ካብ ዝኸፈአ ናብ ኣዝዩ ዝገደደ ዝሰጋገር ዘሎ ጥልመቱ ኣብ ልዕሊ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ወግዓዊ መግለጺኡ ነይሩ።
ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ሓደ ውሱን ቦታ ኣእዋም ብምትካል፡ ዓመት ተጸቢኻ ሽምዓ ብምብራህ፡ ንቤተሰቦም ብህዝቢ ካብ ዝተለገሰ ቁንጣሮ ናቕፋ ብምሃብ፡ ታሪኽ ጅግንነቶም ኣብ መራኸቢ ብዙሃን ብምቅላሕን ብዘሕቆቅንቁን ዜማታት ንቤተሰቦም ብምንባዕን ጥራይ ዝጥበር ኣይኮነን። ምኽንያቱ መሰረታዊ ትሕዝቶ ሕድሮምን ለበዋኦምን፡ ኣብታ ብዋግኦም ርእሳ ዘቕነዐት ኤርትራ፡ ሕገመንግስታውን ኣብዘሓ ሰልፋውን ስርዓት ክትከል፡ ሰላምን ቅሳነትን ክሰፍን፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣደልዲሉ ረጊጹ ኣብታ ሓላል መሬቱ ብዘይስኽፍታ ዝባኑ ቀሊዑ ከልምዕ፡ ልዕልና ሕጊ ክረጋገጽ፡ ኮታ እቲ ተካኢ ወለዶ መንእሰይ ንሰማእታቱ ሃገር ብምህናጽ ዝኽሕሰሉ ዘተኣማምን ሃዋህው ክፍጠር እዩ ነይሩ።
እቲ ብግብሪ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝረአ ዘሎ ዋላ ሓንቲ ካብ ሕድሮም ዘየኽብር ኩነታት ከኣ፡ ሓደ ጸረ ህዝቢ ባህርን ጸቢብ ረብሓን ዝኣከቦ ጉጅለ፡ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ጠሊሙን፡ ልዕሊ ህዝብን ሕግን ዘሽካዕልለሉ፡ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ኣጽኒዑ ተማሂሩ ሃገሩ ክሃንጽ ዝነበሮ መንእሰይ ወዲ ስዉእ፡ ገለን ኣብ ጉዕዞ ናብ ስደት ዝጠፍኣሉ ገለን ድማ ኣብ ዓዲ ጓና ኣደዳ ብዙሕ ስቓያት ዝኾነሉ ኩነታት ኢና ንዕዘብ ዘለና። ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ወለዲ ሰማእታት፡ ደቆም ከፊሎም ብደቂ ስዉኣት ደቆም ዝሕብሓብሉ ዕድሎም ዝመኸነሉ፡ ኢሳያስ ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ ጥልመቱ ሰማይ ዓሪጉ፡ ነታ ዋጋ ሰማእታት ዝኾነት ልኡላዊት ኤርትራ ክጣለዓላ ትንዕምንዕ ዝብለሉ፡ ኮታ ወያ ሳላ ደቃ ህይወቶም ከይበቐቑ ዝተወፈዩላ፡ ናይ ጽንዓት ኣብነት ዝነበረት ኤርትራን ህዝባን፡ ናይ ኩሉ ሕማቕ ምምሕዳርን ድኽነትን ኣብነት ኮይና ኣብ እትጥቀሰሉ ቀራና መንገዲ ኢና ንርከብ ዘለና። ካብዚ ንላዕሊ መግለጺ ጥልመት ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኣ የለን።
“መራሒ ሃገር እየ” ስለ ዝበለ፡ ናብ ክሕደት ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝያዳ ከነድህብ ንቡር እዩ። እንተኾነ ተረካቢ ሕድሪ ሰማእታትና ህግዲፍ ከም ጉጅለ በይኑ ዘይኮነ፡ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ፡ መንእሰይ ከኣ ብፍላይ ተረከብቲ ሕድሪ ምዃኖም ክዝንጋዕ ዘይግበኦ እዩ። ሰማእታት “ኣነ ክሓልፍ ንስኻ ጽናሕ” ኣንዳበሉ ነታጒ ረጊጾም ቡንባ እንዳደርበዩ፡ ካብ የማነ-ጸጋሞም ዝሓለፉ፡ ሎሚ ብህይወት ዘለዉ መቓልስቶም ዝያዳ ተረከብቲ ሕድሪ እዮም። ነዚ ረሲዖም ኣብ ጐኒ ህግዲፍ ኮይኖም፡ ብገንዘብን ጹሩራን ተዓሽዮም፡ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ዘዕብሩ ዘለዉ ውሑዳት ኣብ ላዕለዋይ ጽፍሒ ህግዲፍ ዘለዉ፡ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ብዛዕባቶም “እቶ” እንዳበሉ ዘሰውእዎም ጀጋኑ፡ ነብሶም ክሓቱ ይግበኦም። ኣባላት ሓይልታት ምክልኻል ኤርትራ እቲ ረጊጽኩምዎ ዘለኹም መሬትን ጨቢጥኩምዎ ዘለኹም ብረትን ካብ ሰማእታት ዝተረከብኩምዎ ምልክት ጽንዓቶም እዩ እሞ ሕድሮም እንተ ጠሊምኩም ዓጽሞም ከይወግኣኩም ሕሰብሉ። ውላዶም ወይ ናይ ቀረባ ሰቦም ምእንቲ ሃገር ሞባእ ዝኸፈሉ ኤርትራውያን ስድራቤታት፡ ምእንቲ ሓላፊ ጠቕሚ፡ ምስቲ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ዝጠለመ ጉጅለ ክትመሓዘዉ እንከለኹም ክሳብ ክንደይ ካብቲ ሓቂ ርሒቕኩም ከም ዘለኹም እተስተብህልሉን ናብ ልብኹም እትምለስሉን ኣጋጣሚ ምዃኑ ኣይትዘንግዑ።
ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ኣብ ኣጋ ሞቱ፡ ንቡር መንገዲ ሒዙ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኽብር እንጽበዮ ኣይኮነን። ሎሚ እሞኸኣ ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዘቤታዊ ሓላፍነቱን ሕድሪ ሰማእታትን ምሉእ ብምሉእ ሓጢጡ ደርብዩ፡ “ኣብ ዘይጉዳይካ ናይ ምኹዳድ ዘይሓላፍነታውን ህዝቢ ከይልክም ኣብ ዘስግእን” መንገዲ እዩ ዝጐዓዝ ዘሎ። እቲ ኢድ ኣብ ጉዳይ ካለኦት ህይወት ኣእላፍ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ዘኽፍል ኮይኑ ስለ ዘሎ ከኣ፡ ምስ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ኤርትራ፡ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ዝጻረር እዩ። ነዚ ኩነታት ቀይርካ ንሕድሪ ሰማእታት ናብ ንቡር ቦታኡ ምምላሱ፡ ንኹልና ኤርትራውያን ዝምልከት’ዩ። ዝያዳ ከኣ እቲ ትማሊ ብጾቱ ኣብ ሜዳ ቀቢሩ ሕድሮም ተቐቢሉ ዝመጸን “ናይ ናጽነት ሓርበኛ” ዝተባህለን ነባር ተጋዳላይ፡ ሎሚ ኣካል ምክልኻል ኤርትራ ኮይኑ ዘዋግእ ዘሎ፡ ክልተሻብ’ዩ ተራእዩ። ሓርበኛዊ ታሪኹ ተደዊኑ፡ “ወራሪ፡ ሰራቕን መሰላት ንጹሃት ዝግህስን” ይበሃል ኣሎ። ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኽብርስ ይትረፍ ክብሩ እውን ክዕቅብ ኣይከኣለን። ስለዚ ኣብዚ ታሪኻዊ ኣጋጣሚ ክበራበርን፡ ቅድም ስሙ ክዕቅብ ደሓር ከኣ ሕድሪ ሰማእታት ከኽብር እንተተሰቊርዎስ ንጽወዖ ኣለና።
ዝኽርን ክብርን ንሰማእታት ኤርትራ!
Source: International Crisis Group
William Davison Senior Analyst, Ethiopia wdavison10
What’s at stake in Ethiopia’s elections?
Ethiopia is due to hold delayed federal and regional council elections on 21 June. The vote is an opportunity for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to consolidate power for his ruling Prosperity Party, which, in part due to the absence of major opponents, looks set to form the next government. It will do little, however, to resolve the fundamental political divisions over the best way to steer the country’s troubled transition under Abiy, particularly as the most influential supporters of stronger regional autonomy – notably in Tigray and Oromia regions – will not take part. These constituencies will doubtless see the vote’s outcome as illegitimate. Polls originally set for August 2020 were postponed that March by the electoral board due to COVID-19, contributing to a constitutional dispute and the subsequent outbreak of war between the federal and Tigray regional governments. The authorities also arrested senior ruling-party opponents in Oromia and elsewhere in July 2020 amid deadly unrest. This led to boycotts by the two major Oromia-focused opposition parties and thus a far less competitive electoral landscape in Ethiopia’s most populous region. There will be no vote in around one fifth of federal constituencies due mainly to insecurity.
While the government is pushing ahead regardless, there will be no vote in around one fifth of federal constituencies due mainly to insecurity. No ballots will be cast in Tigray, due to a cruel conflict that has raged for more than seven months between the federal military alongside Eritrean troops and Amhara regional forces, on one side, and fighters loyal to the ousted Tigrayan regional leadership, on the other. Insurgencies in the Sudan-bordering region of Benishangul-Gumuz, home of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, and in the west of Oromia, have led the electoral board to postpone voting in some districts there. Finally, no election will take place in the easterly Somali and Harari regions, due in part to ballot-printing problems. The board announced on 10 June that these last polls, along with some others that are postponed – though not those in Tigray – will be held on 6 September.
Although Abiy’s government hopes to come out of the election with a popular mandate, international observers have already criticised aspects of the process. U.S. observers from the National Democratic Institute and International Republican Institute reported significant difficulties, including the widespread insecurity, boycotts by several popular parties, and delays in candidate and voter registration procedures. The European Union announced on 3 May it will not send observers, saying the government had not met conditions necessary to ensure the independence of the mission and its communications systems. With final results due within a month of the vote, the logistical problems that have beset preparations suggest that there could well be numerous issues with balloting and counting.
How do Ethiopia’s electoral and security crises relate to each other?
The election will play out in the shadow of the devastating war between federal authorities and ousted regional leaders from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), who are key proponents of the existing ethnic federalist system. The system, which the TPLF was instrumental in designing, promotes the self-rule rights of Ethiopia’s diverse collection of communities, but critics see it as hardening ethnic identity and weakening national unity. The TPLF was the pre-eminent party in an alliance that held power for nearly three decades until Abiy’s ascent to the premiership in April 2018.
An electoral dispute triggered the Tigray conflict, yet serious tensions had been brewing since Abiy stripped the TPLF of most of its federal power after taking office. When, in June 2020, the federal government delayed national polls until nine to twelve months after it had assessed that the pandemic was under control, the Tigray regional government broke with central authorities and ran its own vote for the region’s legislature on 9 September, saying the government’s term could not extend past its five-year mandate. Federal authorities subsequently deemed the new regional leadership illegitimate. On 3 November, Tigray’s government forcibly took over a national military command stationed in the region, saying it acted due to an imminent federal operation to kick the TPLF administration out of office.
Amid a federal blockade on Tigray, the national armed forces and its allies removed Tigray’s leadership from power on 28 November and set up an interim administration. But the ousted TPLF leaders are leading an insurgency from rural areas that commands considerable backing among Tigrayans. Pro-rebel sentiments have been fuelled by reports of atrocities, especially by Eritrean forces, and the Amhara region’s decision to forcibly claim chunks of Tigray. The UN estimates that one million people are living in areas where the rebel Tigray Defence Forces are operating, with hundreds of thousands of those civilians on the brink of starvation. A key objective of the resistance is to restore the TPLF, now branded as a terrorist organisation by the federal parliament, to government. There is no end in sight to the war, either on the battlefield or through negotiations, given that the resistance is entrenched while Abiy refuses to talk to the ousted Tigrayan leadership and no alternative to those figures has emerged. Conflict in Oromia, a region of around 40 million people, has also been fuelled by tensions between the incumbent and supporters of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist system.
Conflict in Oromia, a region of around 40 million people, has also been fuelled by tensions between the incumbent and supporters of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist system. Prior to the pandemic, elections for Oromia’s governing council and the 178 federal parliament seats in the region were set to be competitive, with popular opposition leaders and parties due to mount serious challenges to the Prosperity Party. Oromo nationalist forces gained a significant boost after activist Jawar Mohammed – a driving force of the protest movement that catalysed Abiy’s own rise to power in 2018 – joined the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) in December 2019, the same month the Prosperity Party was created. The OFC allied within days with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a formerly banned movement – the leaders re-entered the country as part of an amnesty Abiy accelerated after taking office – revered by many Oromo nationalists, creating a potent opposition force.
Then came the 29 June 2020 murder of popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa, which upended the country’s politics. His killing triggered deadly unrest in Oromia and the regional and national capital Addis Ababa, which prompted federal authorities to crack down on Oromo activists. Amid the chaos, Jawar and other top opposition leaders were arrested and are now on trial for crimes including terrorism. The two main Oromo opposition groups, the OFC and OLF, say the authorities also detained their members en masse and closed party offices, repressing their activities. As a result, they have boycotted the election. The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), an OLF offshoot, says it is at “total war” with authorities as part of its struggle for Oromia’s complete self-determination. The movement, which the national parliament also branded a terrorist organisation on 6 May, says it aims to prevent voting in Oromia.
Unrest in the central region could increase after new federal and regional governments take power, as the OLA and its supporters will doubtless view the incoming authorities as illegitimate. While it is hard to authoritatively assess the OLA’s capabilities, the insurgency has spread from western and southern Oromia strongholds in recent months, including a reported deadly 10 June ambush on security forces in a district around 300km to the west of Addis Ababa.
In addition, chronic serious intercommunal and insurgent-government violence is afflicting Benishangul-Gumuz, interrupting election plans in two of the region’s three main administrative zones. Ethnic militias from the Gumuz community – a group that was among those historically subject to slave raids by more powerful Ethiopian ethnicities and whose activists say the community is still downtrodden – have mobilised in numbers and operate mostly in the remote, heavily forested Metekel Zone. They have killed ethnic Amhara, Shinasha and Oromo people, whom the Gumuz rebels perceive as settlers, and also recently briefly took over one district in the region’s Kamashi Zone.
Who will be the main challengers to the Prosperity Party?
The party fielding the most candidates is Abiy’s Prosperity Party, which was formed in December 2019 by merging all eight regional ruling parties other than the TPLF, which refused to join, claiming that Prosperity’s unitary structure undermines regional autonomy.
The Prosperity Party’s main national competitor is the Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice Party, or Ezema. It differs from Prosperity in being a staunch advocate for the overhaul of the ethnic federalist system. Ezema is in effect the successor to an opposition coalition that made gains in Ethiopia’s most competitive election in 2005. After disputes over results and a deadly government crackdown that year, Ezema leader Berhanu Nega and allies were jailed. Some of them later launched a mostly ineffective insurgency from Eritrea and the U.S., before returning as part of Abiy’s 2018 opening that also involved a mass amnesty for jailed political activists.
The Prosperity Party and Ezema are especially looking to win control of the council governing Addis Ababa, the country’s economic and political powerhouse. There, the two parties will face off against each other and another competitor, Balderas for True Democracy, which says it stands for the autonomy and civil rights of Addis Ababa’s multi-ethnic citizens against what it says are attempts by Oromo nationalists to increase that group’s socio-cultural influence and political control in the city.
Could electoral competition translate into violence?
Electoral competition could set off violence, as the status of the Oromia and federal capital has long been a flashpoint, particularly between the Amhara and Oromo. The city is home to residents with ties to Ethiopia’s many ethno-linguistic groups, but it is encircled by Oromia. Oromo nationalists say the city was built on Oromo land in the late 19th century. They want a greater say in running it, a demand partly based on the 1995 federal constitution granting Oromia region an undefined “special interest” in Addis Ababa. A 2014 government development plan for the capital and surrounding areas of Oromia touched off protests across the region, with protesters asserting that the initiative would result in more unfair evictions of Oromo farmers. The city’s growth in preceding years had already pushed many off their land. The underlying dispute could exacerbate power-sharing tensions in Addis Ababa between the Oromia and Amhara branches of the Prosperity Party. If defeated, as looks almost certain, Oromo nationalists may object to losing control of the capital.
In the meantime, Balderas leader Eskinder Nega is also standing trial for terrorism crimes. A recent Supreme Court ruling ordered the electoral board to list him on the ballot, despite the ongoing court case. His travails have agitated his supporters, including ethnic Amharas in Addis Ababa, and the National Movement of Amhara, an Amhara opposition party that is a partner of Balderas and has a mostly urban support base. In April, the Movement supported demonstrations in Amhara, accusing Abiy’s government of failing to prevent the killing of Amhara civilians by, allegedly, the OLA and Gumuz militiamen, including in March and April around an Oromo administrative enclave in Amhara. Disputed results in the region, Ethiopia’s second most populous, could also contribute to further unrest there.
What is the way forward to return the country to peaceful politics?
The grave problems with the elections demonstrate that – more than ever –Ethiopia needs an inclusive process of political reconciliation. The authorities say they are already holding a “national dialogue” among groups and citizens, but with so many disgruntled opposition elements, this initiative is unlikely to calm the waters. A recent statement on the campaign trail by the prime minister vowing to “destroy” what he calls the country’s internal enemies also undermines efforts to narrow divisions. Unless his government takes a more conciliatory, comprehensive approach to negotiations, instability may well spike further, and it will be increasingly difficult for the government to carry out economic or political reforms, including, potentially, to the constitution. Furthermore, serious factionalism within the ruling party, notably between its Amhara and Oromia branches, could well be exacerbated by a post-election government’s attempt to reconfigure the federal system, particularly if that is conducted without sufficient consultation. The federal government should pursue a political settlement for the horrific, seemingly unwinnable war in Tigray
Whatever the election results, the federal government should pursue a political settlement for the horrific, seemingly unwinnable war in Tigray and conflicts in Oromia and elsewhere. Most urgently, that requires a cessation of hostilities in Tigray in order for relief to reach the millions of people in the region who desperately need it as famine conditions worsen. Large-scale preventable deaths in Tigray would likely irreparably isolate Abiy’s government internationally and make the region’s conflict even more entrenched and harder to resolve politically. Furthermore, unless Abiy’s government can get a handle on the many domestic crises it faces, it will struggle to tamp down tensions away from home, not least in its growing confrontations with Egypt and Sudan over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, with Sudan over disputed borderlands and with international partners over its handling of the war in its stricken northernmost region.
An end to the Tigray war would only be a start, however. Reconciling the contradictory visions for such a complex country requires addressing the competing demands of various parties and reaching a compromise between supporters and opponents of its ethnic federalist system through an inclusive process involving all key political actors. If, as appears likely, the Prosperity Party wins a majority, Abiy should use his new mandate as an opportunity to reach out to even his most hardline opponents. If that does not happen, the country may very well suffer increasing political violence and the government and its leader may face growing international isolation.
ብመጀመርያ ከመይ ትኾኑ፡ ነኣሽቱ የሕዋተይ፡ ነቲ ምእንቲ እዛ ሃገር ኢልኩም ሂወትኩም ዝኸፈልኩም ዘለኣለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንዓኹም ይኹን። ሳላ ናትኩምን ከማኹም ዝኣመሰሉ ኤርትራውያን ዝተኸፍለ መስዋእቲ፡ ኤርትራ እትብሃል ሃገር ተፈጢራስ እንሆ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ግንቦት 24 መበል 30 ዓመት ነጻነት ክኽበር ቀንዩ።
ኣነ ዓቢ ሓውኹም ንመወዳእታ ግዜ ዝተረኣኤናላ ግዜ መስለኒ ኣብ መፋርቕ 1977 ኣቢሉ ናብ ዓዲ ቢደል ንዓይ ኣብ ገድሊ ምስ ተሓኤ ስለዝነበርኩ ክትርእዩኒ መጺእኩም ምስ ረዘነ ሓውኹም።ንምልላይ ዝኣክል ምስ'ዞም ኤርትራውያን የሕዋትኩምን ኪዳነ ካሕሳይ፣ ዮሴፍ ካሕሳይ ዝተሰዋእኩም ረዘነ ካሕሳይ ድማ ብሂወት ዘሎን ካብቶም ምስ ህዝባዊ ግንባር
ኮይኖም ዓዲ ዝኣተዉ ምዃንኩም የላልየኩም ኣለኹ እሞ ፡ኣይፍለጥን ብዛዕባኹም ዝፈልጡ እንተሃለዉ ደሃይ እንተረኸብኩ እውን ንዓና ጽቡቅ ምኾነ ብማለት እዩ። እቲ ብድሕሬኹም ዝኸደ ምዕብልናታት እውን ኢንተርነት ተማሂዙ። ናይ መራኸኒ ብዙሓን ሰፊኑ ዘሎ እዋን፡ ኣብ ወብሳይት፣ ፈይስ-ቡክ፣ ዋትስ-ኣፕ ወዘተ ኣብ ፈቐዶ ዓለምተዘርጊሖም ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን ዝከታተልዎ ስለዝኾኑ እዚ
መልእኽቲ ንእግረ-መንገደይ ኩሎም ከንብብዎ ንማለት ቅሉዕ ምዃኑ እዩ።
ድሕሪ ውሑድ ኣዋርሕ ምርእኣይና ኣብ ዓዲ ቢደል ኣይደንጎየን ሓወኣቦናል፡ ዝነበርኩዎ ቦታ ( ዓዲ ) ስለዝፈለጠ መጺኡ ናታትኩም ምውጻእ ንሜዳ ነጊሩኒ፡ ኣብ'ቲ ግዜ እቲ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ንኤርትራ ኢሉ ንገድሊ ይውሕዝ ስለዝነበረ ብዙሕ ኣይሰንበድኩን፡ ተቀቢለዮ። ሎሚ ስለምንታይ ኢዩ እዚ ዓቢ ሓውና ደብዳቤ ዝጽሕፈልና ዘሎ፡ ዘይኣኽሎን እቲ ሽምዓ ምውላዕ ትብሉ ትኾኑ እሞ፡ገለ ክልተ ነጥብታት ከልዕል ብዛዕባ እዚ። ከም'ቲ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስክዎ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ንሰላሳ ዓመታት ክወስድ ከሎ፡ ሎሚ ድማ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ብርሃን ጸልማት ዝዘነባ ሃገር ኮይና ኣላ።
ቀዳማይ
ከም'ቲ በሽሓት መስዋእቲ ዝተኽፈላ ንሓንቲ ሃገር ንምፍጣር፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሕግን ቅዋምን ዘይብላ፣ ነቶም መቃልስትኹም ዝነበሩ ኣባላት ህዝባዊ ግንባር እትኣስርን እተደስክልን፣ ነቶም ነኣሽቱ ህጻናት ዝነበሩ ደቂ ስውኣት ኣብ ፍቀዶ ውግኣት ኣእትያ መንእሰያት ተጥፍእ ዘላን፡ ኣብ ግዜኹም ብዙሕ ዘይስማዕ ዝነበረ ብጀካ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝስደድ፡ ሕጂ እሞ ኣብ ምሉእ ዓለም ብኤርትራውያን ኣጥለቅሊቑ እዩ ዘሎ። ንእግረ መንገደይ ምስ እዚ ስደት፡ ካብ ገዛና ኣነ ኣብ ካናዳ ምስ ብጸይተይ በዓል ሓዳር ኮይነ ኣቦ ክልተ ኣወዳት ኮይና ኣለና። እተን ምንኣስኩም ዝኾና ሓሙሽተ ኣሓትኩም፡ እተን ክልተ ኣብ ጀርመን ኣደታት ሰለስተን ክልተን ኮይነን፡ እተን ክልተ ድማ ኣብ ኖርወይ ኮይነን ሓደ ወድን ሓንቲ ጓልን ኣለወን፡ እታ ሓንቲ ድማ ኣደ ሰለስተ ቆልዑ ኮይና ኣብ ካናዳ ኣላ። ኣብ'ዚ ኣብ ልዕሊ እቲ ሽግርኩም፡ እቲ ሕሳስ ልደ ሓውና ዮናስ ካሕሳይ ኣቦ ክልተ ዝኾነ ኣብ ጀርመን ብ2014 ኣብ ሸዊት ዕድሜኡ ካብ'ዛ ዓለም ብሞት ተፈልዩና ምህላዉ ክትፈልጡ ንማለት እዩ።
እቶም ዝተረፉ ኣብ ዓዲ ኣለዉ፡ እተን ሰልስተ’ኳ ደቂ ደቐን ክርእያ በቂዐን ኣለዋ። ኣብ ስፐይን፣ ኡጋንዳ፣ ዓዲ እንግሊዝ፣ ጃፓን፣ ኣመሪካ፣ ሱዳን፣ ዱባይ፣ ሆላንድ ውዘተ ፋሕ ኢሎም ዘለዉ ቤተ-ሰብ ምስ ስድራ-ቤቶም ሓዊስካ ብዓቢኡ ኣብ ግዳም ዘየለ ሰብ የለን። ወይ ድማ እታ ኤርትራ ጥርሓ ትተርፍ ኣላ ዘብል እዩ ዘለናዮ እዋን።
እታ ኤርትራ ቅዋምን ሕግን ዝሰኣነት ጥራሕ ዘይኮነትስ ዋላ ሕብራ ተደዊኑ ጽርግያታታ ዝተበላሸወ፡ ወደባታ ጥርሑ ሰብ ዘይብሉ፡ ዝስራሕ ገዛውቲ ዝተኸልከለ፡ መናድቑ ዝዓሰወ ሕብሩ ዝቀየረ ኮታ ብጀካ እተን ዲጋ ሰሪሕና ዝብልወን፡ ማይ ዘይብሉ ኮይኑ ነገሩ። ምናልባት ከይሰማዕኩም እንተጸንሓኹም እታ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ኣብ ሳሕል ኣሕቂቖም ሓንቲ ግናይ ዝኾነት ህግደፍ መስሪቶም ካብቶም ዝተቃለሱ ዘውደኽድኹ ዝነበሩ ናይ ኣምሰሉ ኣብ በዓላት ባንደራ ኤርትራ ዘለዋ ክራቫታ ዝመልሱ፣ ቆቢዕ ገይሮም ዝስዕስዑ፣ ከምኡውን ተዘሪገን ዘለዋ ድማ ኣይ ከምቲ ናይ ቀደም ደቂ ኣንስትዮና ዙርያ እናተኸደንካ ተወሳኺ ጸጉሪ ወሲኸን ዝዓብዳ ደቀን፡ ኣሕዋተን ተኣሲሮመን እንከለዉ ብፍርሒ ወይ ንዓይ ይጥዓመኒ ዝብላ ክዳነን፣ ሽልማተን ከርእያ ዝዓበዳ፡ ገለ እውን ግቡእ ሓላፍነተን ዘንጊዐን ኣፍላሕቲ ቡን ኮይነን “ሃማደኤ እየ” ዝብላ ድማ መሊኤን ኣለዋ። ኣብ'ዚ ዝሓለፈ ሰላሳ ዓመታት እንበኣር ምስ ኩለን ጎረባብትና ሃገራት ውግእ ተኻይዱ ብዙሕ መንእሰይ ጠፊኡ ኣሎ።
ካልኣይ
ኣብ'ዚ ነቲ መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈልኩምሉ ዕላማ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነስ፡ ስለ ንዓኹም ከም ኤርትራውያን ንምዝካር ብዘየገድስ መን ወሲኑዎ፣ ብኸመይ እቲ ዕለት ተወሲኑ ኣብ'ዚ ወርሒ 20 ሰነ ንስውኣት እንዝክረላ፡ ሽምዓ እንውልዓላ መዓልቲ ምዃና እናሓበርክኹም፡ ንዓና ነቶም ኣሕዋትኩምን ኣሓትኩም ግን ኩሉ ግዜ ኣብ ልብና ከምዘለኹም ነረጋግጸልኩም። እቲ ሓቒ ድማ ንሱ እዩ። ሓደ / ሓንቲ፡ ከመይ ገይሮም ስውኣት ወለዶም ኣሕዋቶም ኣሓቶም ክርስዑ ይኽእሉ እንተ ኢልና፡ ኣይከኣልን።እቲ ሕቶ እንበኣር ነዚ መዓልቲ ብደረጃ መንግስቲ ኮይኑ ዘመሓድር ዘሎ ነዚ ዕለት 20 ሰነ ከዳልዉ ከለዉ ዓመት ዓመት ዝሕተቱ ንሶም እዮም እቲ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ስለምንታይ ኣብ ተግባር ዘየውዓልዎ ተሓታታይ ንሱ እዩ።
ብኻልኣይ ደረጃ እቶም ነዚ ህዝቢ ዝጠለም ስርዓት ዝድግፉ ሰባት ድሕሪ እታ ሽምዓ ምውላዕ ንምንታይ እዩ እዚ ንሃገር መስዋእቲ ዝተከፍለሉ ፍረ ዘይተረኽቦ ዝብል ፈጺሙ ሕቶ ኣብ ኣእምርኦም ዘሎ ኣይመስልን። እቲ ካልእ ደረጃ ካብቶም ነዚ ስርዓት ዝቓወሙ ድማ ብፍላይ እቲ መንእሰይ ወለዶ፡ ዝተበደለ ብምዃኑ፡ ነቲ ዝበደሎ ስርዓትን ነቲ ዝኸፈልኩሞ ዋጋ ሂወትኩምን ፈላልዮም ክርእይዎ ስለ ዘይከኣሉ ነዚ መዓልቲ ስውኣት፣ መዓልቲ ነጻነት ኣብ ምኽሓድ ተጸሚዶም ነቲ ግቡእ ታሪኻዊ ሓላፍነቶም ዝዘንገዑ ውሑዳት ኣይኮኑን።
ኣብ'ዚ ናይ ሰላሳ ዓመት ድሕሪ ምምጻእ ናጽነት ኤርትራ እንበኣር ዘይድለ ዕንደራ ሎሚ ድማ እንደገና ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ውሽጢ ትግራይ የእትዩ መዓት መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ኣብ ክንዲ ትምህርቲ፡ ውግእ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ተስፋ ዝህብ ግን ጉዳይ ሃገሩን ህዝቡን እናተረደኦ ብጀካ እቶም ናይ ኣምሰሉ ፡እሱራት ናይ ሕልንኦም ኣብ ውሽጢ ገዘኦም፡ ካልእ ይብሉ ኣብ ግዳም ግን መልሓሶም ዝቅይሩ እቲ መከራ ህዝቢ ክሓጽር እዩ።
ብዝተረፈ ሎሚ ነዛ መልእኽቲ ብቕሉዕ ምስዞም ኤርትራውያን ከላልየኩም ከለኹ እቲ መስዋእቲ ንሓንቲ ኤርትራን ቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ ንምምስራት ዝተኸፍለ ቁጽሪ ዘይኮነስ ንስኹምን ካልኦት ኤርትራውያን ዝገልጽ ምዃኑ ንምብራህን ዋላ ካልእ ኩነታት እንተተፈጥረ ኣብ መንገድና ወትሩ ካብ ኣእምሮና ከምዘይትፍለዩ፡ ብተወሳኺ እዚ መዓልቲ 20 ሰነ ስለ ሓደ ሰብ፣ ስለ ሓደ ውድብ ወይ መንግስቲ ኢልና ኣይኮናን ንገብሮ’ሞ፡ ናትኩም ለበዋ ይመስለኒ ንዓና ነቲ ዕላማ ዘወደቕናሉ ተግባራዊ ግበርዎ ትብሉና ዘለኹምይመስለኒ፡ኣሎ’ሞ፡ የሕዋተይን ቤተ-ሰበየይንን ድማ ዘለኣለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንዓኹም ይኹን።
ሓውኹም
ተስፋይ ካሕሳይ
20 ሰነ
“The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, is among those warning of another massive Ethiopian famine. “We cannot make the same mistake twice,” she said last week. “We cannot let Ethiopia starve.” Mr. Blinken pledged “further actions from the United States” if “those responsible” for the crisis did not “reverse course.” Though Ethiopia has been a valuable U.S. ally, the Biden administration now has no choice but to take that action.”
Source: Washington Post
Opinion: Starvation has become a weapon of war in Ethiopia. U.S. action is urgent.
This humanitarian catastrophe, which U.N. officials say could rival the epic Ethiopian famine of 1984 if not arrested, is a deliberate result of the military campaign waged in Tigray since late last year by the government of Abiy Ahmed and the allied Eritrean regime of Isaias Afwerki. According to U.S. and U.N. officials and press reporting, the forces of the two governments have burned farmers’ fields and stores and slaughtered or stolen livestock. They have also systematically blocked aid deliveries to the parts of Tigray not under government control. Eritrean forces, the U.N. humanitarian coordinator Mark Lowcock said last week, are “trying to deal with the Tigrayan population by starving them.” Food, he told the Reuters news agency, “is definitely being used as a weapon of war.”
Forced starvation of children is only the latest atrocity Ethiopian and Eritrean forces have resorted to in what, so far, has been a failed effort to crush the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which has controlled the region for decades and dominated Ethiopia’s government until Mr. Abiy came to power in 2018. The United Nations has also reported mass rapes of women, massacres of civilians and ethnic cleansing. More than 2 million people have fled their homes, leaving their fields behind. Tigrayan men are being rounded up and summarily executed.
None of it has worked. Mr. Abiy promised in March that Eritrean troops would leave Tigray, but they are still there. So are Amhara militias from a neighboring Ethiopian region that have engaged in ethnic cleansing as well as blocking food. Journalists reporting on the atrocities have been arrested or expelled from the country. Meanwhile, China and Russia have blocked action by the U.N. Security Council, which — to its shame — has yet to publicly meet on the Tigrayan crisis.
The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, is among those warning of another massive Ethiopian famine. “We cannot make the same mistake twice,” she said last week. “We cannot let Ethiopia starve.” Mr. Blinken pledged “further actions from the United States” if “those responsible” for the crisis did not “reverse course.” Though Ethiopia has been a valuable U.S. ally, the Biden administration now has no choice but to take that action.
Source: Reuters
Outgoing U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock told the 15-member council in a private briefing that “no one should be surprised to see a rerun” of a devastating 1984 famine if violence in Tigray does not stop and Eritrean troops do not withdraw.
“Rape is being used systematically to terrorize and brutalize women and girls. Eritrean soldiers are using starvation as a weapon of war. Displaced people are being rounded up, beaten and threatened,” Lowcock told the council, according to diplomats who attended the meeting.
Eritrea’s U.N. mission in New York did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Lowcock’s allegation. Eritrea said in April that it had agreed to start withdrawing its troops from Tigray.
In April, Eritrea’s U.N. ambassador, Sophia Tesfamariam, rejected allegations of sexual violence and starvation by Eritrean troops as false and “outrageous.”
Ethiopia’s U.N. ambassador, Taye Atske Selassie Amde, who took part in the council discussion, said the Eritrean withdrawal “is a matter of sorting out some technical and procedural issues.”
“Our expectation is that they will definitely leave soon,” he told reporters after the council briefing.
Lowcock briefed the Security Council just days after an analysis by U.N. agencies and aid groups found that more than 350,000 people in Tigray are suffering famine conditions – the worst catastrophic food crisis in a decade.
Ethiopia’s government has disputed the analysis. Amde also said Ethiopia’s government had granted unfettered aid access to Tigray and was grateful for international humanitarian help.
The informal council meeting on Tuesday, requested by Ireland, was its sixth private discussion of the crisis since fighting broke out in November between Ethiopia’s federal government troops and Tigray’s former ruling party. Eritrean troops entered the conflict to support the Ethiopian government.
Amde said the situation in Tigray did not warrant the Security Council’s attention.
Western council members have been pitted against Russia and China, which diplomats say also question whether the body, charged with maintaining international peace and security, should be involved in the crisis in Tigray.
The violence in Tigray has killed thousands of civilians and forced more than 2 million from their homes in the mountainous region. In April, the Security Council issued a statement of concern about the humanitarian situation.
“It is not drought or locusts causing this hunger, but the decisions of those in power. That means those in power can also end the suffering,” British U.N. Ambassador Barbara Woodward told reporters after Tuesday’s briefing.
Source: Reuters
Outgoing U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock told the 15-member council in a private briefing that “no one should be surprised to see a rerun” of a devastating 1984 famine if violence in Tigray does not stop and Eritrean troops do not withdraw.
“Rape is being used systematically to terrorize and brutalize women and girls. Eritrean soldiers are using starvation as a weapon of war. Displaced people are being rounded up, beaten and threatened,” Lowcock told the council, according to diplomats who attended the meeting.
Eritrea’s U.N. mission in New York did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Lowcock’s allegation. Eritrea said in April that it had agreed to start withdrawing its troops from Tigray.
In April, Eritrea’s U.N. ambassador, Sophia Tesfamariam, rejected allegations of sexual violence and starvation by Eritrean troops as false and “outrageous.”
Ethiopia’s U.N. ambassador, Taye Atske Selassie Amde, who took part in the council discussion, said the Eritrean withdrawal “is a matter of sorting out some technical and procedural issues.”
“Our expectation is that they will definitely leave soon,” he told reporters after the council briefing.
Lowcock briefed the Security Council just days after an analysis by U.N. agencies and aid groups found that more than 350,000 people in Tigray are suffering famine conditions – the worst catastrophic food crisis in a decade.
Ethiopia’s government has disputed the analysis. Amde also said Ethiopia’s government had granted unfettered aid access to Tigray and was grateful for international humanitarian help.
The informal council meeting on Tuesday, requested by Ireland, was its sixth private discussion of the crisis since fighting broke out in November between Ethiopia’s federal government troops and Tigray’s former ruling party. Eritrean troops entered the conflict to support the Ethiopian government.
Amde said the situation in Tigray did not warrant the Security Council’s attention.
Western council members have been pitted against Russia and China, which diplomats say also question whether the body, charged with maintaining international peace and security, should be involved in the crisis in Tigray.
The violence in Tigray has killed thousands of civilians and forced more than 2 million from their homes in the mountainous region. In April, the Security Council issued a statement of concern about the humanitarian situation.
“It is not drought or locusts causing this hunger, but the decisions of those in power. That means those in power can also end the suffering,” British U.N. Ambassador Barbara Woodward told reporters after Tuesday’s briefing.
