AUGUST 19, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: Kjetil Tronvoll

Is Eritrea and the Eritrean Defence Force (EDF) preparing a new military offensive against Tigray?

Over the last week information of considerable Eritrean troops deployments in Western Tigray has been confirmed by both the Tigray Defence Forces (TDF) and international sources.

It is believed that Eritrean forces are filling the vacuum left by the Ethiopian National Defence Forces (ENDF) and Amhara special forces which have pulled out of Western Tigray to fight the TDF offensives in Amhara. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has allegedly promised the Amhara People’s Party that he will defend Western Tigray and has endorsed Amhara control of the area.

More concerning, however, is intelligence on new the Eritrean troop reinforcements along the Eritrea- Tigray/Ethiopia northern border, on the Badme, Rama and Zalambessa frontlines. After the EDF pulled back from central Tigray, there has not been substantial active military engagement on the northern front.

Seen from Asmara, the war in Ethiopia is a “do or die” moment for President Isaias Afwerki.

If the TDF-Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) alliance is successful in bringing about a political transition in Ethiopia, the Eritrean regime will be vulnerable. Hence, Isaias needs to sacrifice more of his people to ensure the survival of Abiy.

As the TDF offensives in Afar and Amhara move forward, Tigray has committed many troops and resources outside of their region, possibly leaving their northern flank vulnerable (at least as seen from Eritrea and Addis/Ethiopia).

Furthermore, in order to ease military pressure on the ENDF and Amhara, and to halt the TDF offensives against Bahir Dar, Semera and Addis Ababa, it would serve Abiy’s interest for Eritrea to launch an attack on the northern front, forcing the TDF to rethink their southern offensives.

The UN, UN Security Council, the US and EU should be attentive of this development, as a renewed Eritrean war in Tigray would be likely to be even more disastrous, with more atrocities, than their earlier engagements.

[Note: this is from a series of Tweets by Kjetil Tronvoll]

ማእከል ኤርትራ ዝተባህለ ማዕከን ዜና፡ “ማእከል ሓልዮት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኤርትራ” ዝተባህለ ኣካል ጠቒሱ ከም ዝሓበሮ፡ ክልተ ኤርትራውያን ካብ ሃገር ግብጺ ተገዲድካ ናብ ኤርትራ ናይ ምምላስ ሓደጋ የንጸላልዎም ኣሎ። እዞም ኣብ ግብጺ ዑቕባ ዝሓተቱ፡ እሞ ናይታ ሃገር ኢሚግራሸን ናብ ኤርትራ ክመልሶም መዲቡ ዘሎ ኤርትራውያን፡ ኣለም ተስፋይ ኣብርሃምን ክብሮም ኣድሓኖም ዝተባህሉ ብቕደም ሰዓብ ካብ 2012ን 2014ን ጀሚሮም ኣብ ግብጺ ኣልኳናተር ኣብ ዝበሃል ቦታ ተኣሲሮም ዘለዉ እዮም። እዞም ብሰንኪ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ሕሱም መነባብሮ ዝተሰዱ፡ ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ግብጺ ብዘይወዓልዎ ገበን ኣደዳ ስቓይን መከራን ኮይኖም ዝጸንሑ እዮም።

እቲ ሓበሬታ ከም ዝገለጾ ኤርትራን ግብጽን ነዞም ሰባት ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕጊ ብምጥሓ እየን ክመልሰኦም መዲበን ዘለዋ። ናይቲ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ምምሕዳር ነዞም ግዳያት ብ8 ነሃሰ 2021 ናብ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኢምግረሽን ናይታ ሃገር ከም ዝወሰዶምን  ኣብኡ ንዝጸሑ ሰራሕተኛታት ኤምባሲ ኤርትራ ብዛዕባ ምምላስ ናይዞም ግዳያት ናብ ኤርትራ ከም ዝሓበርዎምን እቲ ዜናዊ ጸብጻብ ኣረዲኡ።

መበል 13 ዓንቀጽ ኣድማሳዊ ውዕል ሰብኣዊ መሰል “ዝኾነ ሰብ፡  ናጻ ናይ ምንቅስቓስ  መሰል ኣለዎ”ን  “ዝኾነ ሰብ   ካብ ዝኾነ ሃገር እንተላይ ካብ ሃገሩ ናይ ምውጻእ”ን መሰላት ኣለዎን ዝብሉ  ድንጋገታት ዝሓዘ እዩ። ግብጺ ናይቲ ብ1951 ዝተበጽሐ ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ስምምዕን ናይ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ውዕል ሓለዋ ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ኣካል እያ። ብመንጽርዚ ውዕላት ነዞም ኤርትራውያን ግዳያት፡ ናይ ኣየነይቲ ሃገር ዜጋታት ምዃኖም ብዘየገድስ መሰልን ድሕነትን ምሕላው  ግዴተኣ ክኸውን ምተገበአ። ኣብ ርእሲዚ ኣብ ናይታ ሃገር ናይ 2014 ሕገመንግስቲ ኣብ ዓንቀጽ 91 ሰፊሩ ዘሎ  ንመሰል ዝምልከት ዓንቀጽ እውን ኣብ መሰል ዝኾነ ሰብ ከተተግብሮ ነይርዋ።

ኣድሓኖምን ተስፋይን ኣብቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ እውን ዘይተቛረጸ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ደቂ ተባዕትዮ ኮኑ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ክሓልፍዎ ዝግደድሉ  ናይ ግዱድ ዕስክርና ባርነት ተሳቲፎም እዮም። ስለዚ ኣካል ናይቶም ካብዚ ወፍሪ ባርነት ዝሃድሙ ኤርትራውያን እዮም።

ኣብ ልዕሊ ከምዚኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ብምምሕዳር ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዝፍጸም መቕጻዕቲ ኣዝዩ ሓደገኛ እዩ። ብምምሕዳር ህግደፍ ኣብ ካልእ ሃገር ዑቕባ ምሕታት ገበን እዩ። ስለዚ እዞም ክልተ ግዳያት ናብ ኤርትራ እንተደኣ ተመሊሶም፡ ዝጽበዮም ሓደጋ  ኣዝዩ ከቢድ እዩ። ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝኾነ ብዘይፈቓድ ህግደፍ ካብታ ሃገር ዝወጸ ዜጋ ከም ከዳዕን ገበነኛን እዩ ዝቑጸር። ካብዚ ንምድሓን ከኣ “ናይ ጣዕሳ” ዝበሃል ቀጥዒ ምምላእን ካልእ ስጉምትታትን ክትወስድ ናይ ግድን እዩ። እዚ ከምዚሉ እንከሎ “ማእከል ሓልዮት ሰብኣዊ መሰል ኤርትራ”  መንግስቲ ግብጺ ኣብ ክንዲ ኣገዲዱ ናብ ኤርትራ ምምላሶም፡ እዞም ዝስዕቡ ዝጉምትታት ንኽወስድ ከም ዝተማሕጸነ፡ እቲ ዜናዊ ጸብጻብ ሓቢሩ።

 ነዞም ግዳያት ናብ ኤርትራ ክመልሶም ዘለዎ መደብ ክትስርዝ፡ ኣብ ክንድኡ ብዘይውዓል ሕደር ክትፈትሖም፡ ግዝያዊ ውሑስ ኩነታት ክፈጥረሎም፡ ብመሰረት  እቶም ኣቐዲሞም  ዝተጠቐሱ ውዕላትን ስምምዓትን  ኩሉ መሰላቶም ከም ዝተሓለወ ከረጋግጽንን ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ንጉዳዮም ቆላሕታ ሂቡ ኣብ ውሑስ ሃገር ንከዕቁቦምን ንክሓትት ንመንግስቲ ግብጺ ተማሕጺንዎ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብ7፡ 8ን 15ን ነሓሰ 2021 3ይ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ኣካይዱ። ኣብዚ ኣኼባኡ ብዛዕባ ዝተፈላለዩ እዋናውን ኣገደስትን ዛዕባታት ዓሚቕ ዘተ ኣካይዱ ውሳኔታት እውን ኣመሓላሊፉ። ብጻይ ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) ኣቦመንበር ማእከላይ ባይቶን ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ሰዲህኤ፥ ነዚ ኣኼባ ክኸፍት እንከሎ ኣብ ዘስመዖ ቃል፡ ኣብ ከባቢና ዝረአ ዘሎ ቅልጡፍ ፖለቲካዊ ምቅይያራት ጠቒሱ ብመንጽርዚ ሓላፍነት ናይዚ ኣብ ተሃዋሲ እዋን ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ ዕዙዝ ምዃኑ ኣስሚርሉ። ኣተሓሒዙ ድማ እቲ ኣኼባ ዝዛተየሎም ዛዕባታት ኣቕሪቡ፥ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ከኣ፡ ኣጽዲቕዎ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብ መጀመርታ ነቶም ኣቐዲሞም ናብ ኣባላቱ ተዘጊሖም ዝጸንሑ ንድፊ ጸብጻባት፡ ናይ 9ተ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለን ጠቕላላ ተቖጻጻሪ ገንዘብን (ኦዲተር) በብሓደ እናተመያየጠን ኣድለይቲ ኢዮም ዝበሎም ምምሕያሻት እናገበረን ድሕሪ ምኻድ፡ ነቲ ጸብጻባት ብምሉእ ድምጺ ኣጽዲቕዎ። 

ማእከላይ ባይቶ ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ብዛዕባ’ዞም ዝስዕቡ ኣገደስትን እዋናውያንን ዛዕባታት ፍሉይ ግምት ብምሃብ ዘትዩን ውሳነታት  እሕሊፉን።

1) ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ነቲ ኣቐዲሙ ጀሚርዎ ዝጸንሐ ዓቕምታት ኣባላቱ ናይ ምምዕባል መደባት ኣተባቢዑ።  ህዝባዊ ስፍሓትን ኣድማዕነትን ንምብራኽ ከኣ ብዝሓየለ ደረጃ ክቕጽሎ ምዃኑ ኣኼባ ወሲኑ።

2) መስርሕ ምውህሃድ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ (ፖሓኤ) ኣብ ከመይ ዝኣመሰለ ደረጃ ከም ዝርከብን ናብዚ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ንምብጻሕ ዝተኻየደ ጻዕርን ዘጋጠሙ ብድሆታትን፥ ከምኡ’ውን ግደ ሰዲህኤ ይኹን መሓዙት ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኣብቲ መስርሕ ብዕምቆት ተዛሪብሉ። እቲ መስርሕ ኣብ ተስፋ ዝህብ ደረጃ ከም ዘሎ ተረዲኡ። ኣብ ዞባና ተኸሲቱ ብዘሎ ግዜ ዘይህብ ምዕባሌታት፡ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ህጹጽ ስጉምትታት ክውሰድ ዝግባእ ምዃኑ ተገንዚቡ። ነቲ ተበጺሑ ዘሎ ደረጃ ምቅርራብ ማዕረ ድሌትን ትጽቢትን ህዝብና ክብ ንምባሉ ከኣ፡ ዝያዳ ዕቱብን ንቑሕን ተሳትፎ ከምዝሓትት ኣስሚርሉ። ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ፡ ድማ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታትን ውድባትን፡ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳት፡ ሲቪካዊ ማሕበራትን ባይቶ ይኣክልን ዝኣመሰሉ ኤርትራውያን ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት  ሓቢሮም ዝዋስእሉ ሰፊሕ  መድረኽ  ኣብ ምፍጣር ንኽጽዕት፡ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ንፈጻሚ ሽማግለ መምርሒ ሂቡ።  

3) ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ብዛዕባ ኣብ ከባቢ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ዞባ ቀይሕ ባሕርን ብሓፈሻ፥ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያን ትግራይን ድማ ብፍላይ ዝረአ ዘሎ ውዑይ ፖለቲካዊ ምቅይያራትን ጽዕጹዕ ውግኣትን ተመያይጡ። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝተኸስተ ውግእ፡ ስርዓት ህግደፍ፡ ብሰንኪ ዝተኽተሎ ግጉይ ፖሊሲ ዝምድና፡ ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት’ውን ዝሃልቅሉ ዘለዉ ስለዝኾነ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ነዚ ንረብሓኡ ዘየገልግልን ምስ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ዘይኣምኑ ሓይልታት ብምሽራኽን፡ እቲ ጉጅለ ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ኢድ ኣእታውነት ብትሪ ክቃወሞን  ኣብ ጎኒ እቶም ንሓርነቱን ንፍትሒን ዝቃለሱ ዘለዉ ሃገራውያን ሓይልታቱ ደው ክብልን ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ጸዊዑ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ፥ ካብ ፖሊሲታትን መትከላት ሃገራዊ ልዑላውነትን ጣልቃ ዘይምእታውን ሰዲህኤ ተበጊሱ ነቲ ብጉዳይ ኣብ ትግራይ ዘሎ ኩነታት ኣብ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ዝንጸባረቕ ዘሎ  ክልተ ተጻራሪ ጫፋት ዝሓዘ መርገጻት እውን ዳህሲሱ። ካብ’ዚ ነቒሉ እቶም ኣብ ልዕሊ  ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታትን ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያን ብሓፈሻ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዝተፈጸሙ ሰብኣዊ ግህሰታትን ግፍዕታትን  ክዅነኑ  ከምዝግባእ ርእዩ።   ኣብዚ ውግእ’ዚ ዝተፈጸሙ ግፍዕታት፡ ብሻራ ዘይብሉ ኣካል ክምርመሩን ገበነኛታት ድማ ኣብ ፍርዲ ክቐርቡን ዝምልከቶም ኣካላትን ኣህጉራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን ብዕቱብነት ክሰርሕሉ እውን ጸዊዑ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ዘንጸላሉ ዘሎ ናይ ጥሜት ሓደጋ ንምግታእ ገደብ ዘይብሉ ናይ ረዲአት ስርሓት ክካየድን ኣገልግሎታት ክጅመርን ጸዊዑ። እቲ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ደማዊ ውግኣት ደው ንምባል፡ መፍትሒኡ ፖለቲካዊ ልዝብ ጥራሕ ምዃኑ ኣነጺሩ። 

4) ኣኼባ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ትግራይ ኣብ መደበራት ተዓቚቦም ዝነበሩ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ነቲ ውግእ ተኸቲሉ ብዛዕባ ዘጋጠሞም ጸገማትን ግህሰታትን ርእዩ። እቲ ጸገም ጌና ሕጂ እውን ከም ዘይተወገደን ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ ኣደዳ ሞት፡ ጥሜት፥ምጭዋይ፡ ምስዋርን ምብራስ ንብረቶምን ይኾኑ ብምህላዎም ኣኼባ ክብ ዝበለ ሻቕሎት ከምዘለዎ ኣመዝጊቡ። ካብዚ ነቒሉ ከኣ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራትን ካለኦት ዝምልከቶም ኣካላትን ንድሕነት እዞም ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ክሰርሑ ዕዙዝ መጸዋዕታኡ ኣቕሪቡ። ኣብዚ ጉዳይዚ ዝተፈጸመ ገበን ተጻርዩ በቲ ተግባር ዝሕተቱ ኣካላት ናብ ፍትሒ ክቐርቡ ድማ ተማሕጺኑ።

ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ኣብቲ ዘጽደቖ ጸብጻባትን ፍሉይ ግምት ሂቡ ዝተመያየጠሉ ኣገደስቲ ጉዳያትን ተመርኲሱ፡ ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ናይ መጻኢ ሓደ ዓመት ትልመን ክሕንጽጻ እንከለዋ ከተኩራሎም ዝግበአን ኣቕጣጫታት ኣመላኺቱ።

ካብዚ ሓሊፉ ዝተፈላለዩ ምምሕዳራዊ ጉዳያት ርእዩን ዘድሊ ውሳነታት ኣሕሊፉን።  ከምኡ እውን ክጽንዑ ንዝግበኦም ጉዳያት ዝከታተላ ሽማግለታት ኣቚሙ። ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብዚ ኣኼባኡ ብመሰረት ቅዋም ሰዲህኤ፡ ንመጻኢ ሓደ ዓመት እትመርሕ 9 ዝኣባላታ ፈጻሚት ሽማግለን ተቖጻጻርን ብዲሞክራስያዊ መንገዲ መሪጹ።

ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ኣባላትን ደገፍትን ሰዲህኤ፡ ከበርክትዎ ዝጸንሑ ንዋታውን ንያታውን ሓገዛት እናመጐሰ ኣብ መጻኢ እውን ንምዕዋት መትከላቱ  ኣበርክተኦም ከዕዝዙ ጸዊዑ።  ነቲ ሰላምን ራህዋን ዝብህግ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ  በቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣንጻር ወጽዓ  ህግዲፍ  ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ቃልሲ ከይተሓለለ ክቕጽሎ ኣኼባ ጸዊዑ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ፥ ዓለም ለኻዊ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓስ ባይቶ ይኣክል መስራቲ ጉባኤኡ ብዓወት ምዝዛሙ ናይ ዮሃና መልእኽቲ ኣመሓላሊፉ። ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታትን ንኣካለ ጽጉማንን ንዘበርከቶ ሓገዛት መጐሱን ናእዳኡን ገሊጹ። ብዘይካዚ ኣኼባ ነቶም ንቤት ትምህርቲ ወዲ ሸሪፈይ ሓገዝ ከበርክቱ ዝጸንሑ ኤርትራውያን ወገናት ኣመጊሱ፡ ኣብ መጻእውን ሓገዞም ቀጻሊ ክኸውንን ካለኦት ነዚ ሰናይ ተግባር  ክስዕብዎን ኣተሓሳሲቡ።

ንቅዋማዊ ምሕደራ፡ ንዲሞክራስን ንምዕባለን ንቃለስ!

15 ነሓሰ 2021

Tuesday, 17 August 2021 20:22

EPDP 2021 - A Short Profile

Written by

Source: Refugees International

David Del Conte

 August 13, 2021

Since November 2020, a brutal war in the northern Ethiopian region of Tigray has trapped civilians in a waking nightmare. Countless reports have detailed human rights abuses, displacement, sexual violence, ethnic cleansing, and war crimes. A growing number of people living through the violence are dependent on life-saving humanitarian assistance for survival, but communications, banking, and access to the region has been largely cut off by warring parties as fighting rages on. Meanwhile, the region is teetering toward widespread famine.

Despite the horror of the situation for millions of people, Tigray’s famine has rarely made front page news or the top of international agendas. But the world cannot look away as Tigray starves. Here are seven facts you need to know about Tigray’s famine:

  1. Tigray is experiencing famine. On August 8 – just two months after the UN declared that “famine-conditions” were affecting 350,000 people in Tigray and just and one month after USAID declared 900,0000 Tigrayans were facing famine – the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) published its food security outlook for Tigray. The report shows there are people throughout the region identified as in Catastrophe (IPC Phase 5, i.e. famine). An estimated 5.2 million people are now critically food insecure and require sustained life-saving assistance to prevent them from falling into famine.
  2. Relief aid is not getting in. At the end of June, the Ethiopian government imposed a blockade on Tigray. Since then, according to USAID, only 10 percent of the necessary relief assistance required is being allowed entry to the region. The World Food Programme (WFP) has said it needs 100 trucks every day to enter Tigray to keep up with needs. Given the extreme shortage of relief assistance entering the region, one must assume those needlessly suffering is far higher today.
  3. The blockade is causing extreme human suffering. Since the blockade took effect in June, banks have remained closed, preventing civilians from accessing their money to purchase food. Communications remain cut, blocking people trapped inside Tigray from telling their families they were alive. And fuel has not been allowed entry into the region, shutting down flour mills, water pumps, and electricity generation necessary to maintain medical services.
  4. Needs are mounting. The UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA’s) most recent Humanitarian Update details the extreme shortage of support for millions of people trapped in the region. In every ‘life-saving’ sector (food, health, water and sanitation, nutrition, and shelter), needs massively outweigh the valiant and dangerous effort of aid workers.
  5. Children are needlessly suffering. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported that the number of children under the age of five suffering from severe acute malnutrition in Tigray had jumped from 33,000 to 160,000 in just three months, and now estimates a 10-fold increase in the number of children who will suffer from life-threatening malnutrition in Tigray over the next 12 months. Nearly 50 percent of pregnant and lactating mothers screened at health facilities suffer from acute malnutrition.
  6. This is a man-made famine. Humanitarian agencies are concerned that the extreme shortage of food supplies and basic services caused by the blockade will continue to drive famine. The Ethiopian government and parties to the conflict must uphold their responsibility to protect civilians and allow unfettered access for humanitarians to reach populations in need with life-saving assistance before it is too late. It is within their power to do so.
  7. This is the region’s second famine in less than forty years. People in northern Ethiopia also experienced a famine in 1984-85, when an estimated 2 million people died from starvation and related illnesses. This tragic history cannot be repeated.

Right now, people in Tigray have nothing to eat and nothing to feed their children. This is happening in real time. But there is time to prevent the absolute worst of it. The UN Security Council and African Union must set aside political division and see the catastrophe as it really is: a real and growing threat to international security.

AUGUST 17, 2021  NEWS

16 August 2021

Source: Human Rights Concern – Eritrea (HRCE)

The Egyptian Immigration Authorities are planning to return two Eritrean Asylum-Seekers to their country of origin where they are certain to be imprisoned and likely to face tortured or might even be killed.

Alem Tesfay Abraham and Kibrom Adhanom have been detained at Al Qanater prison in Cairo, since March 2012 and 2014 respectively. They have been detained in humane, harsh conditions, and without due legal process. These two refugees, who had to leave Eritrea for genuine fear of persecution and who wished to claim asylum in a safe country, have spent over nine years in Egyptian prisons without having committed any crime.

The Egyptian and Eritrean governments are planning to forcibly return the two detainees to Eritrea in violation of international law. On Sunday 8 August 2021, the prison management took them to the immigration office, where they met two Eritrean Embassy officials and were informed by the Egyptian immigration officers that they would be sent back to Eritrea.

Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees that “everyone has the right to freedom of movement” and “the right to leave any country, including his own.” These two men have simply exercised these rights.

Egypt is party to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention and is also a signatory to the African Union Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa. Under these Conventions, Egypt is duty bound to make every effort to protect the rights and ensure the safety of asylum-seekers and refugees, of whatever nationality. Additionally, Article 91 of the country’s 2014 Constitution stipulates that political asylum must be made available to anyone who has been persecuted.

Mr Adhanom and Mr Tesfay Abraham were conscripts in the Eritrean National Service,  which can lasts for decades. All able-bodied men and women over 18 are conscripted into National Service for indefinite periods, and are often used as cheap labour, which amounts to slave labour, under very poor conditions in government owned projects, including construction, mining or any other use the regime finds for them. Because of this appalling treatment, thousands of young Eritreans desert and escape their country. Mr Adhanom and Mr Tesfay Abraham are two of such escapees.

The punishments for desertion are severe. If Mr Adhanom and Mr Tesfay Abraham are refouled, they would most certainly be imprisoned incommunicado, under harsh conditions, and tortured. Seeking asylum in another country is a crime in Eritrea; therefore, Mr Adhanom and Mr Tesfay Abraham would be in grave danger if they were to be returned to Eritrea as failed asylum seekers.

Anyone who has left Eritrea without official permission is regarded as a traitor who has committed a crime, according to the Eritrean regime’s policy. Returnees have to sign a “repentance” form and accept ill-defined punishment for this confession. Refouled Eritrean asylum-seekers have faced incommunicado detention, torture, inhumane and degrading treatment for extended periods of time upon return.

The findings of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council Commission of Inquiry into the Situation of Human Rights in Eritrea, by highly respected UN experts who took evidence from many witnesses, confirm this mistreatment: –

“A common pattern of treatment of returnees is their arrest upon arrival in Eritrea. They are questioned about the circumstances of their escape, whether they received help to leave the country, how the flight was funded, whether they contact with opposition groups based abroad. Returnees are systematically ill-treated to the point of torture during the interrogation phase. After interrogation, they are detained in particularly harsh conditions…. Returnees… were held in prison between eight months to three years… They were made to undertake forced labour and were frequently punished by prison guards. The Commission finds that, with a few exceptions, those who have been forced to return to the country have been arrested, detained and subjected to ill-treatment and torture.”

In the light of this well-documented and internationally attested evidence, Human Rights Concern-Eritrea (HRCE) urgently calls upon the government and Immigration Department of Egypt: –

  • to cease all efforts to repatriate the above-mentioned Eritrean refugees;
  •  to release them immediately from prison;
  •  to provide them with temporary safe accommodation;
  •  to ensure they are accorded all the rights outlined in the UN and African Refugee Conventions;
  • to ask the UNHCR to assess their asylum cases and seek a safe country where they may be resettled.

Human Rights Concern – Eritrea (HRCE)

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

+44 7958 005 637

www.hrc-eritrea.org

AFRICAERITREAETHIOPIAHORN OF AFRICASOMALIA

The war in Tigray is tearing at the seams that bind the current structures holding the nations of the Horn of Africa together.

When the Eritreans joined in the invasion of Tigray, supported by Somali troops, at the start of this war in November this year this was the inevitable outcome. Sudan is now caught up in the war, while all the nations of the region look on with concern.

As the US Institute for Peace warned last year:

“While many of the facts remain unclear, the risks of escalation are certain: Intrastate or interstate conflict would be catastrophic for Ethiopia’s people and for the region and would pose a direct threat to international peace and security. The acceleration of polarization amid violent conflict would also mark the death knell for the country’s nascent reform effort that began two years ago and the promise of a democratic transition that it heralded.

As we cautioned in the study group’s Final Report and Recommendations released on October 29, the fragmentation of Ethiopia would be the largest state collapse in modern history. Ethiopia is five times the size of pre-war Syria by population, and its breakdown would lead to mass interethnic and interreligious conflict; a dangerous vulnerability to exploitation by extremists; an acceleration of illicit trafficking, including of arms; and a humanitarian and security crisis at the crossroads of Africa and the Middle East on a scale that would overshadow any existing conflict in the region, including Yemen. As Ethiopia is currently the leading Troop Contributing Country to the United Nations and the African Union peacekeeping missions in Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia, its collapse would also significantly impact the efforts by both to mitigate and resolve others conflicts in the Horn of Africa.”

Even if an Ethiopian state collapse is avoided, it is clear that a new dispensation for Ethiopia is required, which could involve a new relationship with neighbouring states – and Eritrea in particular.

The Tigrayan perspective

Whether Tigray should remain part of Ethiopia or become an independent state has been a question hotly debated since the TPLF was launched in the 1970’s. It is – not surprisingly – once again on the agenda. The atrocities inflicted on Tigrayans, and particularly on Tigrayan woman, has given this extra impetus.

How might an independent Tigray relate to the remainder of Ethiopia? Would it be viable? What would its borders look like? All these questions – and more – are issues that need to be resolved before a final decision is taken, hopefully in agreement with other Ethiopians.

It is a question for the people of Tigray and the people of the region to decide upon.

The Eritrean perspective

It should not be forgotten that President Isaias convened a meeting of his senior advisers and commanders just before the war began.

As Eritrea Hub reported at the time:

The president told them that the country had to accept that it has a small and not very viable economy and a lengthy Red Sea coast, which Eritrean cannot patrol on its own. He is reported to have suggested that some sort of “union” with Ethiopia might be possible, at least in terms of economic co-operation and maritime security.

In so doing Isaias appears to be echoing Prime Minister Abiy’s grandiose dream of re-establishing the old empire-state of Ethiopia. This idea is not as far-fetched as it would appear, despite the fact that Isaias led Eritrea’s 30 year war of independence from Ethiopia.

The war, which has involved the enforced conscription of tens of thousands of young Eritreans and cost so many lives, has not produced the unity President Isaias was looking for. But it may yet see a new relationship between Eritreans and the people of the region.

Key criteria for regional transformation

If the map of the Horn is to be withdrawn – and it seems likely – then there are some key criteria that should apply:

  • First – this is an issue for the people of the Horn of Africa. Outside interests should be resisted. Advice can be welcome, but these questions must not be decided by western, Chinese or Russian influence or Arab cash.
  • Second – the outcome will be shaped by the current conflict but it should not be the result of a solution imposed by the victor; whoever that is.
  • Third – solutions need to take into account tradition, history and economic realities. The views and needs of minorities need to be protected.

Points to consider

While the shape of a settlement should be arrived at by negotiations by the people of the region, there are some lessons that can be learned from the past and from abroad.

  • Conflict and war is not inevitable. Bitter wounds can be healed. One only has to consider the tragic losses inflicted on the French and Germans by what amounted to three world wars that they fought against each other. From the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-1871 through the First and Second World Wars the youth of both countries slaughtered each other in their millions. Yet today they live together in peace and harmony, with borders crossed as if they hardly exist.
  • Nations and nationalities are never finally resolved. One only needs look at the United Kingdom. The British have been attempting to forge a final settlement of the government of these islands since at least 1800 – if not before. Yet the future is far from settled. Ireland gained independence in 1922, creating Ireland and Northern Ireland. Yet the North may – in the not too distant future – leave the UK and join Ireland, if this is agreed in a referendum. Scotland is pushing for independence and this too may come about, if the Scots vote for it in a referendum. There are movements for self-government or independence in Wales, Cornwall and Yorkshire. Some want all of England to have far more devolved administrations. None of this is settled, but these disputes are being resolved by peaceful negotiation and referenda. Not by war.
  • Nation states and forms of government are important, but not invariably critical. Traditions, religions, social and community links can be just as important. Consider a few of these. Eritreans have visited sacred sites in Tigray down the centuries; irrespective of who ruled in Asmara or Addis Ababa. Somali and Afar traders have crossed vast spaces carrying goods down the years. Sometimes they were called traders, sometimes businessmen, sometimes smugglers. Think of the khat trade, which crosses frontiers irrespective of laws, governments or regulations. Farmers follow their flocks, wherever they lead, in search of fresh pastures. These are vital parts of the life of the Horn of Africa and will continue, whatever is settled in conferences, on battlefields or signed into agreements.
Tuesday, 17 August 2021 12:01

The Tigray Defence Forces strategy

Written by
 
 

The TDF has been pushing southwards from Tigray into the Amhara region. It is difficult to be certain of their strategy, but one of the TDF commanders has been giving a rare insight into what is being attempted.

This is the source.

Here is a translation:

“I’m head of 3rd battalion of Ahiferom division. If I were to express the battle of Woldia in few words, since the enemy was boasting a lot, we entered into it after making high preparations.

However, it was not as we had expected. It was a very easy battle. All the weapons and tanks that were there were captured [by the TDF]. The place we are in is called Geregera.

We are continuing towards Gondar. Gayint is next, then we will take control of Debre Tabor and are going to block the Humera route.

We are prepared to block the route between Gondar and Bahir Dar. This is the mission we have been given”.

AUGUST 15, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Source: Associated Press

August 13, 2021
FILE - In this Saturday, May 8, 2021 file photo, Ethiopian government soldiers ride in the back of a truck on a road near Agula, north of Mekele, in the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia. The United States said Thursday, Aug. 12, 2021 it is sending a special envoy to Ethiopia as the fast-moving conflict in the Tigray region has spread into neighboring regions and Ethiopia's government this week called on all able citizens to stop the resurgent Tigray forces
1 of 7
FILE – In this Saturday, May 8, 2021 file photo, Ethiopian government soldiers ride in the back of a truck on a road near Agula, north of Mekele, in the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia. The United States said Thursday, Aug. 12, 2021 it is sending a special envoy to Ethiopia as the fast-moving conflict in the Tigray region has spread into neighboring regions and Ethiopia’s government this week called on all able citizens to stop the resurgent Tigray forces “once and for all.” (AP Photo/Ben Curtis, File)

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — The United States says it is sending a special envoy to Ethiopia as the fast-moving conflict in the Tigray region has spread into neighboring regions and Ethiopia’s government this week called on all able citizens to stop the resurgent Tigray forces “once and for all.”

The widening war in Africa’s second-most populous country, with 110 million people, is also a growing humanitarian crisis. Millions of people in Tigray remain beyond the reach of food and other aid as the United Nations and U.S. say Ethiopian authorities allow just a small fraction of what’s needed. And hundreds of thousands of people in the Amhara and Afar regions are displaced as Tigray forces move in, vowing to go to the capital, Addis Ababa, if needed to stop the fighting and remove the blockade on their region of 6 million people.

“It’s one of these cases where we’ve run out of words to describe the horror of what civilians are being inflicted,” U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters this week. “More conflict can only lead, sadly, to more civilian pain.”

Here’s a look at the latest in the nine-month war and what pressure the U.S. special envoy might apply.

WHAT IS THE U.S. SEEKING IN ETHIOPIA?

The U.S. announced overnight that special envoy Jeffrey Feltman would travel to Ethiopia, neighboring Djibouti and the United Arab Emirates, a key Ethiopia ally, starting on Sunday. This is a “critical moment,” White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan tweeted. “Months of war have brought immense suffering and division to a great nation, that won’t be healed through more fighting. We call on all parties to urgently come to the negotiating table.”

That seems highly unlikely. Ethiopia’s government this year declared the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, which dominated the government for nearly three decades before Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018, a terrorist group. The Tigray forces have set several preconditions for talks and say Abiy no longer has the legitimacy to govern. They retook much of the Tigray region in June in a dramatic turn in the war as Ethiopia’s military retreated.

What began as a political dispute has now killed thousands of people.

Discussing what pressure the U.S. could apply to encourage negotiations, a congressional aide told The Associated Press that “I understand all options are on the table, from Global Magnitsky (sanctions over human rights violations) to an executive order on sanctions, to removal from (the African Growth and Opportunity Act), to more restrictive measures on assistance,” as well as ways to block Ethiopia’s efforts to get cash from international financial institutions. The aide spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly on policy discussions.

Officials and lawmakers in Washington have signaled impatience as Ethiopian officials deny widespread human rights abuses such as gang-rapes and forced expulsions of ethnic Tigrayans or blame the Tigray forces.

The Ethiopian government’s prickly dismissal of a new Amnesty International report on shocking sexual violence against Tigrayan women during the war “reflects the tone-deafness with which the government is handling the multiple conflicts and humanitarian crises across the country,” Senate Foreign Relations Committee ranking member Sen. Jim Risch tweeted on Thursday.

WHAT DOES ETHIOPIA’S GOVERNMENT SAY?

Ethiopia’s government has repeatedly expressed frustration, alleging without evidence that the U.S., U.N. and others are taking the side of the Tigray forces or supporting the fighters with aid. It has asserted that disproportionate attention is paid to the Tigray people and not enough is done to address alleged abuses by Tigray forces in the Amhara and Afar regions.

The most urgent allegation was raised by the U.N. children’s agency, which cited “credible information from partners” about deadly attacks last week on a camp for newly displaced people in Afar. A U.N. team plans to assess the scene as soon as security allows, the agency said Thursday. Ethiopia’s government has blamed the Tigray forces, whose spokesman Getachew Reda denied it but said they’re willing to cooperate in an independent investigation.

In the Amhara region, humanitarian groups are having trouble reaching their colleagues in Woldiya, one center of the fighting, amid a communications blackout. Now the Tigray forces have formed a military alliance with the Oromo Liberation Army, also designated by Ethiopia as a terrorist group.

On Thursday the prime minister’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, told reporters that the government’s call to arms this week, signaling an end to a unilateral cease-fire, meant that Ethiopians are urged to stop the Tigray forces by “all means necessary.” She said this is not a result of the military’s inability to take on the Tigray forces, and asserted that “in the millions, people are taking this call.”

WHAT ABOUT THE FATE OF EVERYDAY PEOPLE?

Caught in the middle are civilians, and efforts to reach them with aid are increasingly challenging because of the Ethiopian government’s concern that it will end up helping the Tigray forces.

Just 10% of the aid needed for Tigray reached the region in recent weeks, the administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development, Samantha Power, told reporters after a brief Ethiopia visit last week in which the prime minister did not meet her. USAID has estimated that up to 900,000 people in Tigray face “man-made” famine conditions while phone, internet and banking services remain cut off.

The U.N. World Food Program on Friday said at least 30 trucks a day must enter the region to address the need and what has arrived so far is a “drop in the ocean.”

Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s government has suspended the operations of two major international aid groups, the Dutch section of Doctors Without Borders and the Norwegian Refugee Council, accusing them of spreading “misinformation.” This has further deterred many humanitarian workers from speaking openly, worried about retaliation. It also means efforts to respond to the crises in the Amhara and Afar regions could be affected.

“Some humanitarian organizations may now alter their public messaging campaigns or self-censor to avoid facing suspension. This would further contribute to Ethiopia’s closing civic space,” the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies wrote on Thursday.

That means even less knowledge about conditions on the ground as many journalists face government-imposed restrictions, it said, adding that “civilians will suffer.”

EPDP Magazines