ዓለም ለኸ ምንቕስቓስ ይኣክል ኤርትራውያን፡ ካብ 31 ሓምለ ክሳብ 1 ነሃሰ 2021 “ሶቫያ ንሓድነት ሃገር” ኣብ ትሕቲ ዝብል ጭረሖ ፈላሚ ጉባአኡ ኣካይዱ። ምንቅስቓስ ይኣክል ኣብቲ ድሕሪ ጉባአኡ ዘውጸኦ ደምዳሚ ኣዋጅ፡ ኣብዚ ጉባአ ካብ ዓሰርተ ሓደ ሃገራት ማለት ካብ ካናዳ፡  ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣሜሪካ፡ ዓባይ ብሪጣንያ፡ ፈረንሳ፡ ኢጣልያ፡ ስዊትዘርላንድ፡ ጀርመን፡ ደንማርክ፡ ሽወደን፡ ደቡብ ኣፍሪቓን ከምኡ'ውን ኣውስትራልያን ዝተወከሉ ከም ዝትሳትፍዎ ሓቢሩ። 

ኣብዚ ዓለም-ለኻዊ ምንቕስቃስ ይኣክል  ኤርትራውያን ብዕሊ ኤርትራውነት  ዘማእከሎ ምንቅስቓስ ኮይኑ ዝተመስረተሉ ብዙም ዝተኻየደ ጉባአ፡ ኣስታት 400 ሰባት ከም ዝተሳተፍዎ እቲ ኣዋጅ ጠቒሱ። ኣብዚ ጉባአ ካብ ዝተፈላለያ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ምንቅስቓሳት፡ ማሕበራትን ሚድያታትን ዝተወከሉን ኣካላት ናይ ምሕዝነት መልእኽትታት ኣቕሪቦም። ብዘይካዚ ኣገደስቲ ሰነዳት ጸዲቖም ገምግማት ከም ዝተኻየደን 13 ዝኣባላታ ፈጻሚት ከም ዝተመዘትን ተፈሊጡ። እቲ ጉባአ ኣብ መወዳእታ ነዚ ዝስዕብ መልእኽቲ ኣመሓላሊፉ።

  1. መሰረታዊ መበገሲ ምንቕስቓስ ይኣክል፡ ነቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህላወና ብስርዓት ህግደፍ ተኣዊጂ ዘሎ ናይ ጽንተት ኹናት፡ ብኩለንትናኡ ምብዳህን፡ ምውሓስ ሃገራዊ ክብርን፡ ምርግጋጽ ህዝባውነትን ግዝኣተ-ሕጊ ኣብ ኤርትራ ስለዝኾነ ከምቲ ብማዕበል " ይኣክል" ኢልና ዝኣተናዮ መብጽዓና ዳግም ብምሕዳስ፡ ንቅዱስ ተልእኮ  ዓለም-ለኻዊ ምንቅስቃስ ይኣክል ኤርትራውያን ንምዕዋትን ጸዓትና ኣብ ፋልማይ ጉባኤና ከነዕዝዝ ይምሕጸን።
  2. ብዙሕነትን ተሳታፍነትን ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ኣብ መስርሕ ምውሓስ ዋንነት ህዝባውነት፡ ዓቢ ተራ ዘለዎ፡ ምካኑ ብዝግባእ ተገንዚብና፡ ንኩሉ ብድሆታት ናይ ብዙሕነት  ብምጽውዋርን ብምክብባርን እናሰገርና፡ ምንቕስቃስ ይኣክል  ካብዚ ዘሎናዮ ዝሰፍሐ፡ ተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ዘኣንግድ መኣዲ ክኾነልና፡ ንሓድነት ዝግባእ ዋጋ ምኽፋል ከምዝግባእ ነረጋግጽ።
  3. ህዝቢ ዝመሰረቱ ሰፊሕ ጥርናፈ፡ ዋሕስ ቃልስና ምዃኑ ብምእማን፡ እዚ ካብ ባይቶታት ከተማታት፡ ናብ ደረጃ ሃገርን፡ ሕጂ 'ውን ዓለም-ለኻዊ ምንቕስቃስ ይኣክል ኤርትራውያን በጺሑ  ዘሎ ኣገዳሲ ከይዲ፡  ብምቕጻል ንኩሉና ድምጺ ህዝቢ ዝኸውንን  ንረብሓና ዝቃለስ ሃገራዊ ሓይሊ ክምስረት ክጽዓር የዘኻኽር።  ዘለናዮ መድረኽ፡ ናይ ህጹጽነትን ዕትበትን ዝጠልብ፡ ስለዝኾነ፡  ዓለም-ለኻዊ ምንቕስቃስ ይኣክል  ኤርትራውያን  ንኹሎም ተቓለስቲ  ፖለቲካዉያን ውድባትን ሰብ-ብርክን ከም ናይ ቃልሲ  መዛኑን መሻርክትን፡ ብናይ ስራሕ ውዕልን ምትሕብባርን፡ እናተመላላእና፡ ክንቃለስን፡ ንቕድሚት ብሓድነት ክንስጉምን ይጽውዕ።

An aerial view of Adigrat University in Tigray, Ethiopia in 2015.
30 JULY 2021
 

INTERVIEW

A rapidly escalating conflict has pushed Africa's second most populous country to the edge. In this Q&A, Crisis Group expert William Davison explains why the main protagonists urgently need to strike a deal to avert a downward spiral toward state collapse.

Who is involved in the expanding fighting in Ethiopia?

Ethiopia's grinding nine-month war has entered a dangerous new phase. In late July, the federal government and allied regional leaders intensified attempts to mobilise people from across the country to join the war against forces from the country's northernmost region, Tigray. Those forces, having broken the back of a combined Ethiopian-Eritrean intervention in Tigray after compelling most federal troops to withdraw on 28 June, have made incursions into the neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions. In response, authorities in Addis Ababa enlisted paramilitaries from some of Ethiopia's nine other regions to buttress the flagging federal military. They then launched a mass recruitment drive, including in the capital and in the two most populous regions, Oromia and Amhara. A war that has already exacted an awful toll now seems set to expand significantly, likely leading to thousands more deaths and far greater instability countrywide.

For their part, Tigrayan forces have moved aggressively as Addis Ababa's recruitment campaign proceeds. Though federal authorities have, in effect, blockaded their region, Tigrayan fighters have been able to pursue federal and regional units into Afar, which lies east of Tigray, reportedly displacing tens of thousands of people who fled the violence. They may soon try to cut the key trade route from Addis Ababa through Afar to Djibouti, which functions as landlocked Ethiopia's main port. They have also advanced south and south west, with thousands of Tigrayan fighters pushing down main roads toward Woldiya and Gondar cities in the north of Amhara, taking control of several towns along the way.
Their objective appears to be to force Ethiopian leaders into accepting their terms for a ceasefire, which now include a demand for a "transitional arrangement" - in effect, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's ouster - as well as the withdrawal of Eritrean and Amhara forces from Tigray. By heading toward Gondar, these fighters may well also be preparing to try pushing the Amhara regional government out of parts of western Tigray that it occupied when the ill-fated federal intervention began in early November 2020. If they succeed, Tigrayan forces would open a supply line to neighbouring Sudan. Food and other staples from Sudan would ease the humanitarian crisis inside Tigray, but exacerbate the political one, as Addis Ababa would see Khartoum as aiding a rebellion. Sudanese-Ethiopian ties are already frayed due to clashes over the fertile al-Fashaga borderlands.

Why did Tigray's commanders go on the offensive?

Authorities in Addis Ababa announced a "unilateral ceasefire" following the federal withdrawal from Tigray, which came after the region's fighters had dealt the Ethiopian armed forces a series of devastating blows in June. Addis Ababa said it had taken this step to address a humanitarian crisis in which at least 400,000 Tigrayans are experiencing famine conditions. Tigray's leaders rejected the ceasefire. Their key objection was the continued Amhara presence in western and southern Tigray and the federal blockade on the region, which Crisis Group detailed on 9 July.

This siege continues not just to keep vital aid out of Tigray but also to cut off critical services such as power and telecommunications. The head of the UN World Food Programme (WFP), David Beasley, has said its food supplies will run out in Tigray on 30 July. The agency's vehicles have been unable to get into the region for around two weeks. WFP officials told Crisis Group that local Afar militiamen attacked an aid convoy on 18 July, forcing 170 trucks back to the regional capital, Semera, where they remain.

With the wind in their sails, Tigray's leaders indicate they plan to fight on until they have re-established supply lines and the region's pre-war administrative boundaries. They cast their offensive as a battle for survival. With famine imminent, they argue, they cannot allow Addis Ababa to asphyxiate the region, as the federal government attempted to do in the build-up to the conflict and in the war's first two months when Tigray's defences were overwhelmed.

Leaders in Mekelle, Tigray's regional capital, may well be making a further political calculation. If Tigrayan forces can compel the Amhara region to relinquish the areas it took in late 2020, which many Amhara believe Tigray's ruling party annexed in the early 1990s, that is likely to inspire considerable Amhara anger at regional and federal leaders, particularly Abiy. The ensuing heightened pressure on the premier might force him to the negotiating table on terms favourable to Tigray. Raising the stakes further, Mekelle is looking to capitalise on its gains without delay, both to alleviate the Tigrayan population's desperate plight and to back-foot the depleted federal military before it can acquire new weapons and train and absorb the new recruits.

Where could the renewed confrontation lead?

Both sides continue to pursue a military solution, imperilling not only thousands more Ethiopian lives but also the state itself. As Crisis Group warned three days before the Tigray war broke out, the fighting could tear the country apart. Each side has demonised the other, and each has a starkly contrasting narrative of why the conflict began and what is happening now. Addis Ababa casts the Tigrayans' current offensive as an attempt to fragment Ethiopia, using this pretext to call for more recruits. Tigrayan leaders, on the other hand, say they are battling not the Ethiopian state but what its spokesmen refer to as "Abiy's army" or the "PP army", in reference to the ruling Prosperity Party. For now, more bloodshed appears likely as Tigray's commanders forge ahead and Abiy sends fresh recruits to face them.

Tigrayan forces continuing their progress would lead to increasing domestic pressure on Abiy from some quarters over the failed and costly effort to bring Tigray's leaders to heel. As noted, an advance into Amhara-held areas would anger Amhara factions in particular. Tigrayan leaders now insist on Abiy's departure, saying he has prosecuted a "genocidal war" upon the region alongside their archenemy, Eritrean leader Isaias Afwerki.

In reality, there are still few obvious alternatives to Abiy as national leader. His Prosperity Party just won a landslide in an election (though some major opposition parties boycotted) and he still commands considerable popular support. Moreover, a Tigrayan advance would also galvanise some Ethiopians to double down on their support for him. Tigrayan leaders, whom many Ethiopians blame for decades of authoritarian rule after 1991, when they wielded a disproportionate share of federal power, are widely reviled in the rest of Ethiopia. Tigrayan forces are likely to encounter popular resistance as they advance. The country could descend into even greater chaos, replete with mob attacks on Tigrayan residents and intensified official persecution of Tigrayans. Similar turmoil could develop if Tigrayan forces are able to choke Addis Ababa, blocking imports such as fuel, food and medicine that are vital to the frail economy.

What steps need to be taken to pull Ethiopia back from the brink?

Key international actors such as the U.S. and European Union share a similar level of alarm about the situation. They urgently need to work in concert to prevent a further unravelling. International actors with direct access to Abiy - such as UN Secretary-General António Guterres, WFP director Beasley and United Arab Emirates ruler Mohamed Bin Zayed - should implore him not to throw more raw recruits at Tigrayan forces that have shown considerable military acumen thus far and are gaining strength as they capture hardware.

Instead, Abiy should seek some form of deal with Tigrayan leaders to avoid the country's further disintegration. Such an understanding would likely involve an Amhara withdrawal from western Tigray, perhaps in exchange for a Tigrayan pledge to have the territorial dispute addressed politically in the future, as Crisis Group recommended in June 2020, months before the war.

Tigrayan leaders, for their part, should stop their advances and soften the transitional government demand. Instead, they should give Abiy and Amhara leaders some time to withdraw forces from western Tigray. Alongside these measures, the federal government would restore basic services such as telecommunications, electricity and banking while granting humanitarian access to Tigray. For now, the parties need to shelve thorny disputes over power arrangements in Addis Ababa and Tigray's future within the federation. The priority instead must be to prevent mass starvation and check the very real risk that the Horn of Africa's pivotal state falls apart.

Read the original on the Crisis Group website.
Sunday, 01 August 2021 15:25

Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 31.07.2021

Written by

Readout

July 29, 2021 - Ottawa, Ontario - Global Affairs Canada

The Honourable Marc Garneau, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today spoke with Demeke Mekonnen, Ethiopia’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Minister Garneau shared Canada’s profound concerns regarding the dire humanitarian crisis in Tigray and urged his counterpart to facilitate the immediate and unimpeded access for all humanitarian assistance, workers, equipment, fuel and cash before the humanitarian situation gets worse.

Minister Garneau called for the Tigray People's Liberation Front and government forces to cease military action in and around Tigray. He emphasized that it is absolutely critical to bring an immediate end to targeted attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, to protect the most vulnerable and to ensure that human rights are respected. He also repeated his call for Eritrean forces to withdraw immediately. Minister Garneau stressed that inclusive political dialogue offers the only path to sustainable peace and prosperity. 

Minister Garneau urged the Government of Ethiopia to engage in dialogue with all national parties and regional partners to achieve a political solution to the crisis.

Contacts

Syrine Khoury
Press Secretary
Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs
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ህላወ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ነቲ ናይ 1998-2001 ውግእ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ተኸቲሉ  ዝተኸስተ እዩ። እቲ ውግእ ምስተጀመረ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝነበሩ ናይ ወተሃደራዊ ዕጥቂ ኣጠቓቕማ ተመኩሮ ዝነበሮም ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት “ንጸጥታና ኣስጋእቲ ኢኹም” ተባሂሎም ተታሕዙ። እዞም ኣብ መጀመርያ ዝተታሕዙ፡ ፍቸ ኣብ እትበሃል ኣብ መንገዲ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ጐንደር ካብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ 100 ኪ/ሜ ዝርሕቀታ ከተማ ሰፊሮም። እቲ ውግእ ምስ ቀጸለ ድማ ዝማረኹ ወይ ብድሌቶም ኢዶም ዝህቡ ወተሃደራት ኤርትራ  ምስበዝሑ እቲ ዝዕቆብሉ ቦታ ኣብ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ብላቴ ናብ ዝበሃል መደበር ታዕሊም ተቐይሩ። ድሕሪ ዝተወሰነ እዋን፡ ደደሳ ናብ ዝበሃል ቀደም መራሒ ሊብያ ዝነበረ መዓመር ጋዳፊ ደርጊ ንምሕጋዝ ኣብ ዝሃነጾ ኣዝዩ  ጽኑዕ መደበር ታዕሊም ተወሲዱ።

ቁጽሪ ናይቶም ኣብ ደደሳ ተዓቚቦም ዝነበሩ እናበዝሐ ምስ ከደን፤  እቲ ውግእ  ጠጠው ኢሉ ተኹሲ ናይ ምቁራጽ ስምምዕ ምስተኸተመ፡ ኣብቲ መደበር ዝነበሩ ኤርትራውያን መጻኢኦም እንታይ ክኸውን ከም ዝደልዩ ምርጫታት ቀሪብሎም። ካብቲ ዝተዋህቦም ምርጫታት፡ ናብ ኤርትራ ምምላስ፡ ናብ 3ይ ሃገር ምጥያስን ምስ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ተሰሊፍካ ኣንጻር ህግደፍ ምቅላስን ነይሩ። ድሕሪ ምርጫታቶም ምንጻሩ፡ እቶም ናብ ኤርትራ ምምላስ ዝመረጹ ብናይ እሱራት ምልውዋጥ  ስምምዕ መሰረት  ናብ ኤርትራ ተመሊሶም። እቶም ምስ ውድባት ምስላፍ ዝመረጹ ነናብተን ዝመረጽወን ውድባት ተሰሊፎም። እቶም ናብ 3ይ ሃገር ምጥያስ ዝመረጹ ከኣ ብቀይሕ መስቀል ተመዝጊቦም ምስተጻረዩ  ንላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ተረኪቦም። ቅድም ናብ ዋዕላ ንህቢ ደሓር ከኣ ሽመልባ ናብ ዝበሃል ኣብ ሰሜን ትግራይ ዝተኸፍተ መደበር ስደተኛታት ኣብ ትሕቲ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታትን ናይ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ጉዳይ ስደተኛታትን ካብ ስደት ተመለስትን ዝምልከት ትካል ክመሓደሩ ጀሚሮም።

ዋላኳ ውግእ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ጠጠም ኢሉ፡ ጉዳይ ዶብ ከኣ ብሕጊ ዝብየነሉ መስርሕ ምስ ሓዘ “ስደት ኤርትራውያን ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ከቋርጽዩ፡” ዝበል ትጽቢት እንተነበረ፡ ብተግባር ግና እቲ ዋሕዚ ዛይዱ። ኣብ ውትህድርና ዝነበሩ መንእሰያት ከይተደረተ ስድራቤታት ብምሉአን ናብ ስደት ክፈልሳ ጀሚረን። እዚ ዘመልክቶ ከኣ መሰረታዊ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ስደት ውግእ ዘይኮነ፡ እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዝነበረን ዘሎን ጸረ-ህዝቢ ምምሕዳር ምንባሩን ምዃኑን ዘረድእ እዩ። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ናቱ ካብ ዓድኻ ዘልቅቕ ጸረ-ህዝቢ ተግባራት ሓቢኡ፡ ንዋሕዚ  ኤርትራውያን ናብ ስደት ንኢትዮጵያን ንምዕራባውያንን  ከላግበሎም ዝፍትኖ ሸፈጥ፡ ላግጽን ካብ ተሓታትነት ንምህዳምን ዝመሃዞ ምዃኑ ግቡእ ግንዛበ ክረክብ ይግበኦ። ከም ውጽኢት ናይቲ ዋሕዚ ስደት ብብዝሒ ምቕጻሉ ከኣ ኣብ ትግራይ ኣብ ርእሲ ሽመልባ፡ ተወሰኽቲ መደበራት፡ ማይዓይኒ፡ ዓዲ ሓርሽን ሕንጻጽን ተኸታቲለን ተኸፊተን። ኣብ ክልል ዓፋር ከኣ 2ተ ካልኦት መደበራት ተኸፊተን። እዚ መደበራትዚ ኤርትራውያን ዝዕቆብሉን ኣብ 3ይ ሃገር ክጣየሱ ዝጽበይሉን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ከም መንጠሪ ናብቲ ብሱዳን ኣቢልካ ናብ ሊቢያን ካብኡ ድማ ናብ ኤውሮጳ ዝዝርጋሕ ሓደገኛ፡ ናይ ደቂሰባት ንግዲ ውጥን ንምትላም ይጥቀምሉ ከም ዝነበሩ ዝሰሓት ኣይኮነን። ካብዚ ኣብ ትግራይ ዝነበረ መደበራት በብግዜኡ ብቐጥታ ብመንገዲ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣስታት 10 ሺሕ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ናብ ዝተፈላለያ ሃገራት ከም ዝተጣየሱ ይግመት።

ኤርትራውያን ካብቲ ጨቋኒ ስርዓት ኣምሊጦም፡ ዶብ ካብ ዝሰግሩ ጀሚርካ ኣብ ዝኣተዉዎ ዓዲ ብህዝቢ ትግራይ ዝተገበረሎም ሕውነታዊ ኣቀባብላን ምድግጋፍን እቶም ብኡ ዝሓለፉ ኣጸቢቖም ዝፈልጥዎ እዩ። ኣብ ከባቢ’ቲ መደበራት ብዝነብር ሓረስታይን ብተቐማጦ ኣብ ጥቓ’ተን መደበራት ዝርከባ ከተማታት ትግራይን ነዞም ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝተገብረሎም ሕውነታዊ ምትሕግጋዝን ዑቑባን’ውን ክዝንጋዕ ዝግበኦ ኣይኮነን።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ወትሩ ካብ ኣጀንዳኡ ስለ ዘየውጸኦ፡ ብ1 ነሃሰ 2019፡ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአኡ ክዛዝም እንከሎ ኣብ ዘጽደቖ ፖለቲካዊ ውሳነታት ንስደተኛታት ብዝምልከት ካብ ዝበሎ “ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ዝምልከተን ዓለም ለኻዊ ትካላትን ሃገራትን፡ ናይ ዓለም ሕግታት ኣኽቢረን፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት መሰላት ህዝቢ ዘየኽብር፡ ህዝቢ ሃገሩ ራሕሪሑ ክወጽእ ዝደፋፍእን ዜጋታቱ ምቕባል ዝሕሰምን ምምሕዳር ምዃኑ ኣሚነን መሰል ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ንከኽብራን ሰዲህኤ ይምሕጸነን።….ነተን ብዙሕ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ ዝተቐበላ ክልላት ትግራይን ዓፋርን ድማ ፍሉይ ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ። እዚ ሎሚ እዘን ክልተ ክልላት ንህዝብና ኣብ ግዜ ጸገሙ ዘርእይኦ ዘለዋ ሕውነታዊ ኣተሓሕዛ ናይ ጽባሕ ኤርትራ ምስዘን ጎረባብታ ንዝህልዋ ጽቡቕ ዝምድና መሰረት ዘቐምጥ ስለዝኾነ ክተባባዕ ዝግብኦ ሰብኣዊ ውርሻ ምዃኑ ጉባኤ ኣረጋጊጹ።”  ዝብል ይርከቦ።

እዚ ኣድማሱ ኣስፊሑ ዝቕጽል ዘሎ ውግእ ትግራይ ምስተጀመረ፡ ጉዳይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝያዳ ኣሻቓሊ ኮይኑ። እቲ ቀንዲ ኣሻቓሊ ዝኾነሉ ምኽንያት እቲ መደበራት ኣብቲ ውግእ ዝካየደሉ ከባቢ ምንባሩ እዩ። ብዘካዚ እቲ ራሕሪሐምዎ ዝመጹ ምምሕዳር ህግደፍ፡ ሕነ ካብ ምፍዳይ ድሕር ስለ ዘይብል፡ ከምቲ ብግብሪ ዝተራእየ በቲ ጉጅለ ምግፍዕን ምብስባስን ከየጋጥሞም  ስግኣት ዝለ ዝነበረ እዩ። ከምቲ ዝተፈርሖ ከኣ፡ ብዙሓት ስደተኛታት ተቐቲሎም፡ ተገዲዶም ናብ ኤርትራ ተመሊሶም፡ ሃለዋቶም ጠፊኡ፡ ንብረቶም ተራስዩን ብዙሕ ዓይነት ግህሰታት ኣጋጢምዎምን። ካብዚ ጽባሕ ዘሕትት ዘስካሕክሕ ተግባራት ንምህዳም፡ ተዋጋእቲ ሓይልታት ነብሶም ንከንጽሁ ሓደ ነቲ ካልእ ኣብ ዝኸሰሉን ዘላግበሉን ንርከብ ኣለና። ስለዚ እቲ ጉዳይ ዋና ዘየብሉ ከይጠፍእ  ብዝብል ሰዲህኤ ነቲ “ሻራ ብዘይብሎም ወገናት ተጻርዩ፡ ገበን ዝፈጸመ ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕጊ ይቕረብ” ዝብል ናይ ብዙሓት ወገናት መጸዋዕታ ኣትሪሩ ይድግፎ።

እቲ ጉዳይ ሎሚ እውን ከም ዝሓለፈ ተረኽቦ ዝዝንቶ ዘይኮነ እዋናዊ ኣሻቓሊ ኮይኑ ዝቕጽል ዘሎ እዩ። ብፍላይ  እተን ተሪፈን ዘለዋ መደበራት ማይዓይንን ዓዲ ሓርሽን ኣብቲ ሓይልታት ትግራይን ኣምሓራን ደማዊ ውግእ ዘካይድሉ ዘለዉ ከባቢ ስለ ዝርከባ እቶም ስደተኛታት ኣብ ዓውዲ ውግእ እዮም ዘለዉ። ስለዚ ካብዚ ደልሃመትን ጨንቅን ክወጹ ኤርትራውያን ከነእውየሎምን ኩሉ ዝከለና ክንሕግዞምን ጻውዒት ንደልየሉ ኣይኮነን። ኣብቲ ከባቢ ዝዋግኡ ዘለዉ ሓይልታት ንጉዳይ ስደተኛታትና ብሰብኣውነት ክርእይዎን ክሕልዉዎምን ደጊምና ንጽወዖም። ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታትን ካለኦት ዝምልከቶም ሰብኣዊ ትካላትን’ውን ብሰንኪ ብኩራት መራኸቢ መስመራት ይጭነቑ ከም ዘለዉ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ ዝኾነ መንገዲ ተጠቒሞም ህይወት እዞም ስደተኛታት ንምድሓን ኩሉ መማረጽታት ክጥቀሙ ንምሕጸን።

Media Advisory

For Immediate Release

Thursday, July 29, 2021
Office of Press Relations
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Administrator Samantha Power will travel to Sudan and Ethiopia July 31–August 4 to strengthen the U.S. Government’s partnership with Sudan’s transitional leaders and citizens, explore how to expand USAID’s support for Sudan’s transition to a civilian-led democracy, and continue to press the Government of Ethiopia to allow full and unhindered humanitarian access to prevent famine in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

In Khartoum, Administrator Power will deliver a speech on Sudan, highlighting its promising yet fragile transition, and celebrating the essential role of civil society, independent media, and the courageous Sudanese people who marched for freedom. She will meet Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, Chairman of Sudan’s Sovereign Council Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and other officials in the transitional government. The Administrator will meet Ethiopian refugees in Sudan who recently fled the conflict and atrocities in the Tigray region, and travel to Darfur to assess USAID humanitarian programs to assist people displaced by conflict, as well as meet with Darfuri youth and community leaders.

While in Addis Ababa, Administrator Power will meet with humanitarian assistance partners and observe how USAID-provided food is stored and prepared for delivery throughout Ethiopia, including to the Tigray region, to feed families who need it most. The Administrator’s itinerary also includes meetings with Ethiopian government officials to press for unimpeded humanitarian access to prevent famine in Tigray and meet urgent needs in other conflict-affected regions of the country.

JULY 30, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

Aid workers say the Ethiopian government has effectively cut off the lone route into the conflict-torn region of Tigray, leading to a risk of mass starvation.

Source: New York Times

  • July 29, 2021

AFAR, Ethiopia — The road, a 300-mile strip of tarmac that passes through some of the most inhospitable terrain on earth, is the only way into a conflict-torn region where millions of Ethiopians face the threat of mass starvation.

But it is a fragile lifeline, fraught with dangers that have made the route barely passable for aid convoys trying to get humanitarian supplies into the Tigray region, where local fighters have been battling the Ethiopian army for eight months.  Now the road is barely passable, making aid delivery from the United Nations difficult.CreditCredit…Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

Aid workers say the main obstacle is an unofficial Ethiopian government blockade, enforced using tactics of obstruction and intimidation, that has effectively cut off the road and exacerbated what some call the world’s worst humanitarian crisis in a decade.

A relief convoy headed for Tigray came under fire on the road on July 18, forcing it to turn around.

In the past month, just a single United Nations aid convoy of 50 trucks has managed to travel this route. The U.N. says it needs twice as many trucks, traveling every day, to stave off catastrophic shortages of food and medicine inside Tigray.

Yet nothing is moving.

Credit…Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

On Tuesday, the World Food Program said 170 trucks loaded with relief aid were stranded in Semera, the capital of the neighboring Afar region, waiting for Ethiopian permission to make the desert journey into Tigray.

“These trucks must be allowed to move NOW,” the agency’s director David Beasley wrote on Twitter. “People are starving.”

The crisis comes against the backdrop of an intensifying war that is spilling out of Tigray into other regions, deepening ethnic tensions and stoking fears that Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous nation, is tearing itself apart.

Inside Tigray, the needs are dire, and rapidly rising. The United Nations estimates that 400,000 people there are living in famine-like conditions, and another 4.8 million need urgent help.

Ethiopian and allied Eritrean soldiers have stolen grain, burned crops and destroyed agricultural tools, according to both aid groups and local witnesses interviewed by The New York Times. This has caused many farmers to miss the planting season, setting in motion a food crisis that is expected to peak when harvests fail in September.

Credit…Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

The Ethiopian prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, who won the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, said last week that his government was providing “unfettered humanitarian access” and committed to “the safe delivery of critical supplies to its people in the Tigray region.”

But Mr. Abiy’s ministers have publicly accused aid workers of helping and even arming the Tigrayan fighters, drawing a robust denial from one U.N. agency. And senior aid officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to avoid jeopardizing their operations, said the government’s stated commitment to enable aid deliveries was belied by its actions on the ground.

Aid workers have been harassed at airports or, in the case of a World Food Program official last weekend, have died inside Tigray for want of immediate medical care.

Billene Seyoum Woldeyes, a spokeswoman for Mr. Abiy, said federal forces had left behind 44,000 tons of wheat and 2.5 million liters of edible oil as they withdrew from Tigray in June. Any hurdles to humanitarian access were being “closely monitored” by the government, she said.

But on the ground, vital supplies are rapidly running out — not just food and medicine, but also the fuel and cash needed to distribute emergency aid. Many aid agencies have begun to scale back their operations in Tigray, citing the impossible working conditions. Mr. Beasley said the World Food Program would start to run out of food on Friday.

Fighting is raging along what had once been the main highway into Tigray, forcing aid groups to turn to the only alternative: the remote road connecting Tigray to Afar that runs across a stark landscape of burning temperatures.

Credit…Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

When I traveled the route on July 4, the war in Tigray had just dramatically reversed direction.

Days earlier, Tigrayan fighters had marched into the regional capital, Mekelle, hours after beleaguered Ethiopian soldiers quit the city. The city airport was shut, so the only way out of Tigray was on a slow-moving U.N. convoy that took the same desolate route out as the fleeing Ethiopian soldiers.

We drove down a rocky escarpment on a road scarred by tank tracks. As we descended into the plains of Afar, the temperature quickly rose.

The road skirted the western edge of the Danakil Depression, a vast area that sits below sea level with an active volcano, the saltiest lake on earth, and surreal rock formations in vivid colors that are frequently likened to an otherworldly landscape.
Credit…Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

Our minivan raced across a barren field of dried lava that stretched for miles. Sand drifted onto the road in places, and the van’s roof grew too hot to touch.

Our driver chewed leaves of the mild narcotic khat as he gripped the wheel, frequently steering us onto the wrong side of the road. It didn’t matter — the only vehicles we passed were broken-down trucks, their sweating drivers poring over greasy entrails.

In the handful of villages we crossed through, people sheltered from the sun inside buildings covered with tin sheets and heavy blankets. My weather app said it was 115 degrees outside. Then my phone issued a text warning that it was overheating.

We passed 13 checkpoints, the initial ones manned by militia fighters and then later ones guarded by Ethiopian government forces. We reached Semera after 12 hours.

Days later, a second U.N. convoy headed out of Tigray was not so lucky.

According to an aid worker on the convoy, Ethiopian federal police subjected Western aid workers to extensive searches along the way, and later detained seven Tigrayan drivers overnight after impounding their vehicles. The drivers and vehicles were released after two days.

On July 18, a 10-vehicle U.N. convoy carrying food to Tigray came under attack 60 miles north of Semera when unidentified gunmen opened fire and looted several trucks, according to the World Food Program. The convoy turned around, and all aid deliveries along the route have since been suspended.

Credit…Finbarr O’Reilly for The New York Times

In a statement, Mr. Abiy’s office blamed the attack on the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the former ruling party of the Tigray region that the national government’s forces have been fighting.

But two senior U.N. officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity to avoid worsening relations with the Ethiopian authorities, said they believed the attack had been carried out by a pro-government militia at the behest of the Ethiopian security forces.

A rare humanitarian flight to Tigray four days later confirmed fears among aid workers that the Ethiopian authorities were pursuing a strategy of officially permitting humanitarian access while in practice working to frustrate it.

At the main airport in Addis Ababa, 30 aid workers boarding the first U.N. flight to Mekelle in more than a month were subjected to intensive searches and harassment, several people on board said. Ethiopian officials prohibited aid workers from carrying cash greater than the equivalent of $250, satellite phones and personal medication — the last restriction resulted in an official with Doctors Without Borders having to get off the flight. Six hours late, the flight took off.

The World Food Program publicized the flight but made no mention of the delays or harassment — an omission that privately angered several U.N. officials and other aid workers who said it followed a pattern of U.N. agencies being unwilling to publicly criticize the Ethiopian authorities.

Further complicating the aid effort: The war is now spilling into Afar.

In the past week Tigrayan forces have pushed into the region. In response Mr. Abiy mobilized ethnic militias from other regions to counter the offensive.

Mr. Abiy has also resorted to increasingly inflammatory language — referring to Tigrayan leaders as “cancer” and “weeds” in need of removal — that foreign officials view as a possible tinder for a new wave of ethnic violence across the country.

Ms. Billene, his spokeswoman, dismissed those fears as “alarmist.” The Ethiopian leader had “clearly been referring to a terrorist organization and not the people of Tigray,” she said.

Inside Tigray, the most pressing priority is to reopen the road to Afar.

“This is a desperate, desperate situation,” said Lorraine Sweeney of Support Africa Foundation, a charity that shelters about 100 pregnant women displaced by fighting in the Tigrayan city of Adigrat.

Ms. Sweeney, who is based in Ireland, said she had fielded calls from panicked staff members appealing for help to feed the women, all of whom are at least eight months pregnant.

“It brings me back to famine times in Ireland,” Ms. Sweeney said. “This is crazy stuff in this day and age.”

JULY 29, 2021  ETHIOPIANEWSTIGRAY

29 July 2021

The United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Martin Griffiths, today started a six-day mission to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

“It was important to me that I carry out my first official mission as the UN’s humanitarian chief to Ethiopia,” said Mr. Griffiths. “Humanitarian needs in the country have increased this year as a result of the armed conflicts in Tigray and Benishangul-Gumuz, intercommunal violence in parts of Afar, Somali and SNNP regions, and drought in Somali, Oromia and Afar regions.

“These shocks came on top of existing challenges associated with floods, the desert locust infestation, chronic food insecurity and the COVID-19 pandemic. Millions of vulnerable people are now struggling and in need of help.”

During the visit, Mr. Griffiths is expected to meet with high-level Government officials and representatives of the humanitarian and donor communities.

He plans to travel to the Tigray region to hear from civilians affected by the conflict and to witness first-hand the challenges humanitarian workers face. An estimated 5.2 million people (about 90 per cent of the population) need humanitarian assistance in the Tigray region.

Mr. Griffiths also plans to meet with Amhara regional authorities in Bahir Dar city.

“The humanitarian community is committed to working with the Government and the people of Ethiopia to respond to this crisis,” said Mr. Griffiths. “This visit is an opportunity to discuss with the Government of Ethiopia’s officials and partners how the United Nations and its humanitarian partners can best serve the people of Ethiopia. I look forward to constructive discussions on scaling up the humanitarian response across the country.”

More than 9 UN agencies, along with international and national non-governmental organizations and Government agencies, are responding to the humanitarian needs in Ethiopia