መንእሰይ ክበሃል ብደርጃ ዕድመ ክጥመት እንከሎ፡ ነቲ ልዕሊ ህጻንነትን ኣብ ቅድመ ዓቕሚ ኣዳምን ዘሎ ግዜ ዘጠቓልል ህይወት ወዲሰብ እዩ።ብሓፈሻዊ ኣዘራርባ፡ ድማ ናብ ምሉእ ስብእነት ንምብጻሕ ዝዳለወሉ፡ ወሳኒ ግዜ ናይ ወዲ ሰብ እዩ። ኣብ ውሽጢ እዚ ዕድመ እዚ እኹል ተመኩሮ ከይወነነ ከሎ ብንጹህ ሓንጎል ስለዝጎዓዝ፡ ኩሉ እቲ ዝረኣዮን እቲ ዝሓስቦን ብሓንቲ ለይቲ ዝፍጸም ኮይኑ እዩ ዝስመዖ። ኣብ ከምዚ ዕድመ እዚ ከኣ ክፉእ ይኹን ጽቡቕ ንኽቕበል ድልው እዩ። ስለዚ መንእሰይ ትኩስ ወይ ውዑይ ሓይሊ እዩ። ኣብ ዓቕሚ ኣዳም ኣብ ዝበጽሓሉወይ ምላት ስብእነት ኣብ ዘረጋገጸሉ እዋን ድማ ነፍሱ ፈሊጡ ዘዋጽኦን ዘየዋጽኦን ዝመምየሉ ግዜ ማለት እዩ። ካብ ከባቢኡ ብዙሕ ክፈልጥ፡ ክመሃር፡ ክምኰርን ከስተውዕል ስለዝኽእል፣ ከምቲ ብንእስነቱ ከሎ ዝህንደዶ ዝነበረ ኣይከውንን።
መንእሰይ ብባህሪኡ ንብሉይ ብሓዲሽ ዝትክእ ከም ምዃኑ መጠን፣ ነቲ ናቱ መጻኢ ግዜ ዝቕይስ እውን ማለት እዩ። ንኣብነት ቀዳሞት ወለድና ንሓዳር እትኾነካ ባዕሎም እዮም ዝማጽኡልካ ዝነበሩ። ሎሚ ግና እቲ ሓዲሽ ወለዶ ባዕሉ ወይ ባዕላ ብዝሓረያ ወይ ብዝሓረየቶ እዩ ሓዳር ዝፍጸም ዘሎ። ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መዳይ ክንርእዮ ከሎና ድማ ነታ ዝተወልደላ ሃገር ወይ መዳሕንቱ ዝተደፍነትላ ከምዝበሃል ንሃገረይ እንታይ ክገብረላ ኣሎኒ እሉ ዘይሓስብ መንእሰይ ውሑድ እዩ። ይኹን እምበር ተመኩሮ ዘለዎን ዘይብሉን መንእሰይ ሓደ ከምዘይኮነ ኩልና እንሰማማዓሉ ነጥቢ እዩ። ናይ ኣርባዕታት መንእሰይ ነቲ ናይ ሓምሳታት፡ እቲ ናይ ሓምሳታት ነቲ ናይ ሱሳታት፡ እቲ ናይ ሱሳታት ድማ ንናይ ሰብዓታት … ወዘተ እናኣውረሰ እዩ ክሳብ እዚ ዝሎናዮ በጺሕና ዝሎና። መንእሰይ ካብ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበሩ ክመሃርን ክፈልጥን ድልው እንተዘይኮይኑ ግን፡ ነቲ እታ ሃገር እትጽበዮ ከማልእ ኣይክእልን እዩ። ኣብ ሃገረይ እንታይ ግደ ክጻወት፡ ንህዝበይከ እንታይ ክበርክተሉ ይኽእል? ዝብል ክምልስ ድሉው ዝኾነ መንእሰይ እዩ ድማ ንሃገሩን ህዝቡን ክሓሊ ዝኽእል። ሓደ ካብዚ ከም ኣብነት ክጥቀስ ዝግበኦ፣ መንእሰይ ንሃገሩ ክከላኸለላን ተማሂሩ ድማ ከገልግላን ዝብል እዩ።
መንእሰይ ብሓፈሻኡ መን ምዃኑ ንነፍሱ ኣጸቢቑ ኣብ ዘይፈልጠላ ህሞት እዩ ዝርከብ ዘሎ። ነቲ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ሽግራት ብግቡእ ፈልዩ ዘለልዮን ዝፈልጦን እውን ኣይኮነን። ነዘን ክልተ ነጥብታት ክመልከን እንተዘይክኢሉ፡ ንሃገሩን ህዝቡን እንታይ ክገብር ከምዘለዎ እውን ክጻገምን ክሽገርን እዩ። መንእሰይ ብፍላይ ኣብ ነጻነትን ማዕርነትን ፍትሕን ዘለዎ እምነት ድሩትን፣ ብፍላይ ድማ ፖለቲካዊ ኣፍልጦኡ ኣዝዩ ትሑት ምስ ዝኸውን፡ ነታ ሃገር መንሽሮ እዩ ዝኾና። ናይ ነጻነትን ማዕርነትን ፍትሕን እምነት ዘይውንን እንተኾይኑ ምስቲ ካልእ ማዕረ ምዃኑን ንኹሉ እትምልከት ፍትሒ ዘይኣምንን ምዃኑ ይስሕቶ እሞ ኣብ ጸብለልትነት፡ ነፍሰ ምትሓት ወይ እውን ኣብ ምቁንጻብን ምንእኣስን፡ ኣብ ጸቢብነት የተኩር። ነቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝተሰርሐ እውን ከም ቁምነገር ኣይቆጽሮን። ካብዚ ዝነቐለ እውን ይኸውን ነቶም ካብኡ ብትውልዲ ይኹን ብተመኩሮ ዝበልጽዎ ኣኽብሮት ዘይብሉ። ንኹሉ ብኣሉታ እምበር ብእወንታ ጀሚሩ ነቲ ሃጓፋት ወይ እውን ግድላት ፍታሕ ንምምጻእ ኣይጽዕርን።
መንእሰይ ክበሃል ከሎ ኣፍቃር ሃገሩን ህዝቡን ክሳብ ህይወቱ ብጃ ዝህብን ምዃኑ ኣብ መዛግብቲ ታሪኽ ስኑድ እዩ። ስለዚ፡ ዝኾነ ይኹን መንእሰይ እምበኣር ንመጻኢ ዕድል ሃገሩ ብሩህ ንምግባር ሓላፍነት ከምዘለዎ ርዱእ እዩ። ነዚ ሓላፍነት እዚ ብዕምቈት ተረዲኡ ነታ ሃገሩ ካብ ዝኾነ ይኹን ጸገማት ከላቕቓ ይኽእልዶ? ሓላፍነት ንኽስከምከ እንታይ የድልዮ? ዝብል ሕቶ ምምላስ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ኣብ ዓለም ዝርከብ መንእሰይ ብዘይካ እታ መዳሕንቱ ዝተደፍነትላ ሃገር ካልእ ሃገር የብሉን። ኣብ ዝኸደ ይኺድ ተመሊሱ ኣብ ሃገሩን ህዝቡን እዩ ዝምለስ። ተሰዲዱ ሽሕ ግዜ ይጥዓሞ ንሃገሩን ህዝቡን ግን ፈጺሙ ካብ ኣእምሮኡ ኣይሓክኽን እዩ። ኩሉ ግዜ ድማ ናብታ ሃገሩን ህዝቡን ቁልሕ ምስ በለን ምስ ሓሰበን ኣስተንተነን እዩ። ወሓይዝን፡ ጎቦታትን እምባታትን፡ ሩባታትን ፈለጋትን ሃገሩ፡ ባህልን ልምድን እንዳቦታቱ ወትሩ ክርኢ ዝደፋነቕ እዩ። ነዚ መዝነት እዚ ክስከም እምበኣር ግቡእ ትምህርቲ ክሰንቕ የድልዮ።
ናብ መንእሰያት ደቂ ሃገረይ ኢርትራ ንመለስ እሞ ከመይ ዝበለ መንአሰይ እዩ ዘሎና ዝብል ሓሳብ ኩልና ብንቕሓትን ብኣፍልጦን ተመራሚርና ክንበጽሖ ኣሎና። ቀዳማይ ናይ ዕድመ ምትሕውዋስ ኣሎ። ኣቦታት ክምስሉ "ወዲ ኣርብዓ ዘርባዕባዓ፡ ይብሉ። ኣብ ዝመንና ግና ዝወለዱን ዝዘመዱን ደቂ ኣርባዓን ልዕሊኡን፡ መንእስያት ካብ ዝብል ስም ክላቐቑ ዘይመርጹን፡ ነቲ ሓቀኛ ዕቤት መንእሰያት ዝዓናቕፉን ይርከቡ እዮም። እወ ንሳቶምእውን መብዛሕታኦም ግዜ ንእስነቶም ከም መንእሰያት ዘይጸገቡ፡ ዝተበደሉ ዕድመ ንእስነቶም ብምልኪ ዝተሰርቀ ስለ ዝዀነ፡ ነት ዕድመ'ቲ ክብህግዎን ኣባኡ ክነብሩን ኣገራሚ ኣይኰነን። በቲ ካልእ ሸነኹ ድማ ማሕበራዊ ሽግራት የስዕብ ምኽንያቱ ኣብዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘሎና እዋን ኣብ ሕብረተሰብና ዝነበረ ጠቓምን ጎዳእን ባህልን ልምድን ሓዋዊስካ ናይ ምድምሳሱ ዝርኣየሉ ህሞት እና በጺሕና ዘሎና። እዚ ጥራሕ ከይኣክል ማሕበራዊ ሽግራትን፡ መዓት ግድላትን እውን ኣሎና። ንኣብነት ድኽነት፡ ድንቁርና፡ ሕማም፡ ከምኡ እውን ሕድሕድ ዘይምትእምማን ስለዘሎ፣ እቲ መንእሰይ ብዘይ ዝኾነ ይኹን ምኽንያት ኣብ ነንሓድሕዱ ክገራጮን ከፈላለን ኣብ ቅርሕንትታት ተዋሒጡ ኣብ ዘየድሊ ኣቕጣጫ ክምርሽ ይርከብ። ኣብ ከምዚ ህሞት እዚ፡ ነታ ሃገር ብኹሉ መዳያታ፣ ሓድነታ ኣዕቁባ ክትብልጽግ ዝብል ክሓስበላ ይኽእልዶ? ኣነ ንበይነይ ብዘካይ ነዛ ሃገር ከድሕና ዝኽእል የሎን እናተባህለ እሞ ከኣ ብኣውራጃ ወይ ብብሄር እንተዘይተጠርነፍኩም ዝፍታሕ ሽግር የለን ብምባል ነዛ ሃገር የድሕንዶ?
ስለዚ፡ መንእሰይ ሃገርና ነቲ ‘ኩልና እምበር ንበይነይ ዝገብሮ የብለይን’’ ዝብል ጭርሖ ክዕጠቕ ይግባእ። ንበይነይ ዝገበሮ የብለይን ማለት ድማ ንኹሉ ኤርትራዊ ብኹሉ ፍልልያቱን ሕብሩን ሃይማኖቱን ብሄራቱን ኣውርጃታቱን ተጠርኒፉ ሓንቲ ዝኾርዓላ ሃገር ምፍጣር ማለት እዩ። ከምዚ ምስ ዝገበር ድማ እዩ እቲ መንእሰይ ነቲ ህዝብና ዝብህጎን ዝጽውዖን መልሲ ክህበሉ ዝኽእል። ካብዚ ብዝተረፈ ንጽባሕ እዛ ሃገር እዚኣ ሰላምን ውህደትን ሕውነትን ስኒትን ዝሰፈና ክትከውን እንተኾይኑ ብመገዲ ምፍልላይ ዘይኮነስ እንታይ ደኣ እቲ መንእሰይ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ንለወጢ ቅሩብ ክኸውንን ነቲ ለውጢ ድማ ብመንጽር ሓባራውን ኣሳታፍነትን ክርእዮ ይግባእ። እዚ ከኣ ኩሉ መንእሰይ ካብ ናይ ከፋፋሊ ወይ ፈላላዪ ፖለቲካ ጸጊዕነት ነጻ ኮይኑ ነቲ ማሕበራዊ ምፍንጫላት ዘዕሙቝን ዘባልሕን ኩነታት ወጊድ ክብልን ቅኑዕ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ባህሊ ክኽተል የድሊ። ናብዚ ንምብጻሕ ድማ መንእሰይ ንኹሉ ክጥርንፍን ብዘይኣፈላላይ ዝሓቁፍ ፖለቲካዊ ዕላማ ክውንን ይግባእ። እንተዘይኮይኑ እዚ በበይንኻ ኰንካ ሑሕ ምባል ናይ ጽልኢ ለበዳ ሕማም ምስፍሕፋሕ ንሃገርን ህዝብን ዘርብሕ ከምዘይኮነ ምርዳእ የድሊ።
ስለዚ፡ መንእሰይ ብፖለቲካዊ ውደባ ይኹን ብበርጌሳዊ ማህበር ይወደብ ብዘየገድስ፡ ኩሉ ዝገብሮ ምንቅስቓስ ንዲሞክራሲያዊ መስመር ዝዕኵዅ ወይ ዘህስስ ወይ እውን ዝዕወት ወይ ዝፈሽል፣ ዲዩ ኣመዛዚኑ ክርዳእ ኣለዎ። ከምኡ እውን እቲ ንሱ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ ኣተሓስስባ ዝተጠርነፈን ዝተሓቛቘፈን ሕብረተሰብ ክፈጥር ይኽእልዶ ኣይክእልን ዝመዝንን ዝግምግምን ከኸውን ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ዲሞክራሲያዊ ባህልን ኣተሓሳስባን ዝጠናኸረሉ እንኮ መገዲ ኣብቲ ባህሪ ናይ ንሱ ዝተወደበሉ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፊ ይኹን በርጌሳዊ ማሕበር ዝመርኮስ እዩ። ይኹን እምበር፡ ንሕብረተሰብ መቓቒልካ ናብ ትደልዮ ዓወት ከምዘየብጽሕ እውን ብኣግኡ ከስተብህለሉ ኣለዎ። እቲ ዓወት ዝበሃል ዘሎ ድማ ንፍልልያት ካብ ምግፍሑ ንምጽባቡ ብምውሳእ ፍትሓዊ ዝኾነ ሕብረተሰብ ምፍጣር ማለት ኣዩ። ዎ! ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ፡ እዛ ሃገርካ ኤርትራ ትደልየካ ኣላ ክበሃል ከሎ ካባኻ እንታይ ትጽበ ኣላ ዝብል ሕቶ ንምምላስ ክትበቅዕ ኣሎካ። ንሱ ድማ ነቲ እታ ሃገርካ ትደልዮ ብመገዲ ምፍልላይን፡ ምግርጫውን ድዩ ወይስ ብቕኑዕን ንኹሉ ዝጥርንፍ ኣገባብ ፈሊኻ ምግንዛብ እዩ።
ድራር መንታይ
Eritrean Tv Demtsi Hezbi 16 Nov 2014 Arbi Harnet
Interviews Ambassador Andebrhan W. Giorgis P1
Asmara Regime Arrests Two Catholic Priests; 10 Members of Eritrean Monasteries Flee to Ethiopia
Written by EPDP Information Office
EPDP Information Office
Sources from Asmara and the Vatican confirm that two priests of the Eritrean Catholic Church were arrested by security agents of the dictatorial regime during the first week of November.
The arrested priests belong to the Capuchin order of the Catholic Church. They are Aba/Father Eyob Gheresus, 77, director of Church’s printing press, and AbaTesfai Debas, 60, head of finances, who served in Harerghe, Ethiopia, until the mass expulsion of Eritreans from that country in 1998.
The sources did not want to hint as to the alleged reasons for the current arrest. The sources also confirmed the report in Eritrean websites indicating that the two priests were taken to the Adi Abeyto prison in the outskirts of the Eritrean capital, Asmara.
Meanwhile, 10 members of several Eritrean monasteries of the Orthodox Tewahdo Church have crossed the border to Ethiopia in the past few days fearing imminent arrest by the security apparatus of the regime, probably because of the 1 October 2014 condemnation and excommunication of regime-appointees who promoted, inter alia, corruption and misrule in the Church.
Asmara Regime Arrests Two Catholic Priests; 10 Members of Eritrean Monasteries Flee to Ethiopia
Written by EPDP Information Office
EPDP Information Office
Sources from Asmara and the Vatican confirm that two priests of the Eritrean Catholic Church were arrested by security agents of the dictatorial regime during the first week of November.
The arrested priests belong to the Capuchin order of the Catholic Church. They are Aba/Father Eyob Gheresus, 77, director of Church’s printing press, and AbaTesfai Debas, 60, head of finances, who served in Harerghe, Ethiopia, until the mass expulsion of Eritreans from that country in 1998.
The sources did not want to hint as to the alleged reasons for the current arrest. The sources also confirmed the report in Eritrean websites indicating that the two priests were taken to the Adi Abeyto prison in the outskirts of the Eritrean capital, Asmara.
Meanwhile, 10 members of several Eritrean monasteries of the Orthodox Tewahdo Church have crossed the border to Ethiopia in the past few days fearing imminent arrest by the security apparatus of the regime, probably because of the 1 October 2014 condemnation and excommunication of regime-appointees who promoted, inter alia, corruption and misrule in the Church.
Sudanese police free Eritreans from human trafficking gang
Written by Sudan TribuneElsa chyrum, Director of Human Rights Concern Eritrea Held a Meeting with Eritreans in Bay Area (California, USA)
Written by Eritrean Democratic Association
Mrs. Elsa Chyrum held an important meeting with Bay Area (California, USA) Eritrean residents on November 8, 2014. Hosted by Commission of Inquiry (COI) volunteers in Bay Area, the gathering was part of a series of meetings Mrs. Elsa is conducting in the United States of America in support of the recently launched United Nations Human Rights Commission of Inquiry (COI) on Eritrea.
The meeting was designed to explain the mandate and the work of the COI, and to seek cooperation and participation of all Eritreans in providing the required information to the COI. In a word, her discussion was framed on two crucial issues: one, the commission’s establishment and process it took to establish it, and 2) the responsibility of Eritreans in assisting the commission to reach its final objective, which is documenting the PFDJ’s crimes against humanity and holding Issais regime accountable.
Mrs. Elsa went to a lengthy detail on how we can assist the COI. One of the fundamental issues she underscored was a call for all Eritreans who were victims of the PFDJ regime to come forward and give their testimony to the COI. Second, it was a call to those Eritreans who witnessed serious crimes and atrocities perpetrated by PFDJ regime on other Eritreans to document their witness by identifying and verifying those who get victimized by the regime.
Again, the fundamental message of Mrs. Elsa was this: that the cooperation of victims and witnesses is crucial to obtaining successful outcome of the COI in prosecuting and holding the PFDJ regime accountable on its crimes against humanity in the International Criminal Court, a court which adjudicates crimes against humanity. We must do it; this is our chance, Mrs. Elsa underlined.
Mrs. Elsa also gave specific information and procedures on how victims of PFDJ regime and witnesses can provide their testimony to the COI because of real or perceived threats and intimidations against themselves or against their family members by the PFDJ regime.
Board members of the Eritrean Democratic Association (EDA), that attended and participated in the discussion, appreciate deeply what Mrs. Elsa is doing, and the association affirms to cooperate with Human Rights Concern Eritrea and others to make the COI work successful both in identifying victims of PFDJ and witnesses to come forward and document and provide information they know. EDA is a non-profit organization registered in California, USA, which provides sponsoring services, financial and material assistance to the Eritrean refugee children’s school at Wedisherifey, Sudan.
Prepared By
Eritrean Democratic Association
(A non profit public benefit corporation)
ውርይቲ ተጣባቒት ሰብአዊ መሰላት ኤልሳ ጭሩም መቐጸልታ ናይቲ አብ ሰሜን አሜሪካ ማለት አብ ቦስቶን፡ አብ ኒው ዮርክ፡ አብ ዋሽንግቶን ዲሲ፡ አብ ዴንቨር ዘካየደቶ ዑደት እያ ናብ ከተማ ኦክላንድ መጺአ ብዛዕባ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ንአፍልጦ ዝሕግዝን ሓበሬታ ዘስንቕን ህዝባዊ ሰሚናር ዘካየደት። አብ አስተምህሮአ ወ/ሮ ኤልሳ ጭሩም እዚ ኮሚሽን ከመይ ከምዝቖመን ክንደይ ጻዕርታት ከምዝሓተተን ብዝርዝር አብሪሃ። 
ዕድመ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ስጋብ ዝመጽእ ግንቦት 2015 ዓ.ም ኮይኑ ከም አድላይነቱ ስጋብ ሹዱሽተ ዓመት ከም ዝቕጽል ሓቢራ። አብ ዓለም እዚ ኮሚሽን መርማሪት ዝተበየነለን አብ ሓድሕዳዊ ኵናት ዘየለዋ ሃገራት ኤርትራን ሰሜን ኮርያን እየን ድሕሪ ምባላ፡ ወ/ሮ ኤልሳ ነዚ ዕድል ምርካብና አዝዩ ጽቡቕ ዕድል ምዃኑን፡ ነቲ ዕድል ድማ ክንጥቀመሉን ብዋዛ ካብ ኢድና ከይነውጽኦን ተማሕጺና። ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንመርማሪት ኮሚሽን ንከተዓናቕፍን ከነአእስን ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ኩሉ ሽርሕታት አቃሊዓ። 
አብ መደረአ ወ/ሮ ኤልሳ ንሕና ኤርትራውያን አብ ልዕሌና ብስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝወርድ ዘሎ ገበን አዝዩ አሰቃቒ ክንሱ ከም ንቡር ጌርና ንወስዶ ምህላውና አዝዩ ከምዘተሓሳሰባ ገሊጻ። ህዝቢ ድማ አብ ነብሱ ኮነ አብ ቤተሰቡ ንዝወረዱ ግፍዕታት ኮነ ገበናት ብትብዓት ክሕብርን ቃል ምስክርነቱ ክህብን ተላብያ። እዚ አብ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎ ግፍዕታት ደው ስጋብ ዝብል ድማ ቃልሳ ደው ከምዘይተብል እታ ዋዕሮ አንጻር ኩሉ ተጻብኦታት ደው ኢላ ብትብዓት እትምክት ካብ ዓረ ዝተርር ሞራላዊ ሕልና ዘለዋ ኤልሳ ቃል አትያ። ካብ ህዝቢ ቤይ ኤርያ ድማ ናይ አጆኺ አብ ጎድንኺ አለና ዝብል ሞራላዊ ድጋፍ ተዋሂብዋ። 
አብቲ አኼባ አዝዮም አገደስቲ ነጥብታት ከም ሕቶን ለበዋን ክቐርቡ ከለው፡ እቲ አኼባ ብዓይነቱ ፍልይ ዝበለ ፖለቲካዊ ብቕዓትን ብስለትን ተሳተፍቲ ዝተራእየሉ፡ ሓድሕዳዊ ምክብባርን ርዝነትን ዝዓሰሎ ምንባሩ ከይተጠቐስኩ ክሓልፍ አይደልይን። አብ እዋን ሰሚናር ሓደ ካብ ወለንተኛታት መርማሪት ኮሚሽን መንእሰይ አሰናይ ሙሴ ብዛዕባ እቶም ወለንተኛትት ዘካይድዎ ዘለዉ ስርሓትን፡ ህዝቢ ከመይ ጌሩ ነቲ ወብ ሳይት ክጥቀመሉ ይኽእልን ብዝርዝር አረዲኡ። አብቲ ወብሳይት ካብ ህዝቢ ኽቐርቡ ንዝኽእሉ ሕቶታትን መልስታቶምን፡ ከምይ ጌርካ ሓበሬታኻ ክትህብ ከም እትኽእልን አካል ናይዛ ወለንተኛ ጉጅለ ትኸውንን ብፕሮጀክቶር አሰንዩ ናብ ህዝቢ አቕሪብዎ። አብ ሓጺር ሰሙን ዘይመልእ ጊዜ ንዝተዳለወ ሰሚናር ክንድዚ ዝአኽሉ ደቂ አንስትዮ ዝርከብኦም ተሳተፍቲ ምርካቦምን እቲ ሰሚናር ውጺኢታዊ ብምንባሩ፡ ንኹሉ ጉዳያቶም አወንዚፎም ዝተሳተፉ ደቂ ሃገር ክምስገኑ ይግባእ። ድሕሪ ሰሚናር ነበርቲ ቤይ ኤርያ ንኤልሳ ጭሩም ናይ ድራር ግብጃ ጌይሮምላ፡ ብዝከአሎም አብ ጎድኒ መርማሪት ኮሚሽን ደው ኢሎም ዝግብኦም ከም ዝፍጽሙ ብሓደ ድምጺ አረጋጊጾም።
ሰሎሙን ገብረእየሱስ
ኦክላንድ - ካሊፎርንያ
11 ሕዳር 2015 ዓ.ም
ኤልሳ ጭሩም፡ መስራቲትን ኣካያዲትን “ሓልዮት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ኤርትራ” ኣብ ኦክላንድ ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ኣካይዳ።
Written by ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ማሕበር
ERITREAN DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION, INC.
A Nonprofit Public Benefit Corporation
ብኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ዝምራሕ መንግስቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ዜጋታት ኤርትራ ክፍጽሞ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን ጥሕሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ግፍዕታትን ንምስናድ፤ ዕላማታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዘቖሞ መርማሪ ኮሚሽን ንምግላጽን ቃለ ምስክርነት ንምስናድን ብወይዘሮ ኤልሳ ጭሩም ዝተመርሐ ኣኼባ ኣብ ኦክላንድ ብ8 ሕዳር 2014 ተኻይዱ።
ወይዘሮ ኤልሳ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ከተማታት ሰሜን ኣመሪካ ከተካይዶ ዝቐነየት ዑደት ኣኼባታት ኣብ ኦክላንድ’ውን ዝቐጸለ ብሓላፍነት ወለንተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ንጉዳይ መርማሪ ኮሚሽን ዝተዳለወ መደብ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣቶ ኣሰናይ ሙሴ ምስ ኣባላት ማሕበር መንእሰያት ብምትሕብባር ዘወሃሃዶን ዝወገኖን ዕዉት መደብ ነይሩ።
ኤርትራውያን ተቐማጦ በይ ኤርያ ብብዝሒ ዝተሳተፍዎ ኣኼባ ሰብኣዊ ስምዒትን ሓልዮትን ዘሰነዮ ዓሚቝ ምይይጥ ኣብ ዝተኻየደሉ እዋን፣ ኣብ ህላዌኦም ዘስካሕክሕ ግፍዕታት ክፍጸም ዝርኣዩ ተሳተፍቲ ምስክርነት ተሞክሮታቶም ዘቕረቡ’ውን ይርከብዎም። ብዙሓት ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ወይዘሮ ኤልሳ ብምሉእ ሕልናን ተወፋይነትን ድምጽን ጠበቓን ግዳያት ኤርትራውያን ኰይና ኣብ መጋባእያታት ናይ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ቤት ምኽሪ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ቀሪባ ከተካይዶ ዝጸንሐት ምስክርነት ኣብ ኣቓልቦ ዓለም ቦታ ንኽረክብ ካብ ዝገበረትን ምዃና ከም ዝፈልጥዎን ዘመስግንዋን ምዃኖም ገሊጾም። ገለ ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ኣኼባ ወይዘሮ ኤልሳ እትህቦ ሰብኣዊ ኣገልግሎትን ሞያን ከም ኤርትራዊት ማዘር ተሬሳ፣ ዶክተር ማርቲን ሉተር ኪንግን ሮዛ ፓርክን ከም ዝቘጽርዋን ዝሕበኑላን ገሊጾም።
ኣባላት ናይቲ ኣብ ካሊፎርንያ ምዝጉብ ዝዀነ መኽሰብ ኣልቦ ማሕበር፣ ንጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኤርትራ ዝከታተል ሰብኣዊ ማሕበር “ኤርትራዊ ማሕበር ደሞክራሲ” ኣብቲ ኣኼባ ተሳቲፎም ደገፎም ገሊጾም እዮም። ኣብዚ ኣጋጣሚ’ዚ ወይዘሮ ኤልሳ ንተተሓሒዛቶ ዘላ መስርሕ መደብ ምቅላዕ ሰብኣዊ ጥሕሰታት ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፣ ኣብ ቅድሚ ሕጊ ቀሪቦም ዝሕተቱሉን ክሳብ ዝዕወት ምሉእ ደገፎም የረጋግጹ።
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Burkina Faso: Some Dub it the Beginning of African Uprising
Written by EPDP Editorial
EPDP Editorial
After 27 years of dictatorship and brutality, the dictator of Burkina Faso, Blaise Campaore who came to power through coup d’état in 1987, fled in disgrace to the neighboring country of Ivory Coast on October 31 following massive protests and unrests that went to the extent of storming and burning his Party’s Headquarters and other government buildings in the capital city of Ouagadougou. The popular uprising was set off by Blaise’s attempt to amend the two term limit provision stipulated in the country’s constitution in order to prolong his reign, which is unconstitutional. But nothing is new here; when things do not go in their favor, it is a common practice for many African authoritarian leaders to repeal term limit, amend it, or come up with a new one in order to stay in power for life.
Yet, for the people of Burkina Faso, the term limit was only a catalyst in the ouster of president Blaise from power; the protest was against the three decades of absolute rule of president Blaise that brought poverty and inequality, political repression, as well as deprivation of fundamental social and political rights. Again, tens of thousands protesters showed up in the streets of Ouagadougou, and the popular rage instantaneously reached a level of no return and forced Campaore to flee the country. They chanted liberty; they chanted justice; they demanded constitutional democracy; they told their leaders to stop manipulating their country’s constitution.
Yes, the people of Burkina Faso won; their revolution toppled the one-man dictatorial rule that lasted for 27 years in just few days. Yes, the downfall of president Blaise also brought thrills and new hopes in Burkina Faso. However, despite the excitement and enthusiasm, what we are witnessing in Burkina Faso is not uniquely different from the recent uprisings that brought dictatorships down, and ended up facing power vacuum, political crisis, and instability, especially in African countries - because of the absence of an organized opposition that can pave the way for democratic transition through adopting a constitutional democracy. True, the Burkina Faso’s army, using such a political vacuum and opportunity, and on the pretext of order and stability of the country, it moved in and seized power by dissolving the General Assembly and suspending the constitution. And it declared it formed a transitional government led by one of its own, Lt. Col Isaac Zida, even though the constitution of Burkina Faso states that “the president of the Senate should take over after the national president resigns and an election should take place between 60 and 90 days afterwards.”
In the midst of all this, the African Union and UN are warning of an imminent sanction against the military - an attempt to force the army to form a civilian transition body until elections are held in the country. But these are all toothless threats. It didn’t work in Egypt and in many other countries that recently toppled dictatorial regimes. The brute fact is majority of African leaders are throwing in such a threat of sanction (a provision adopted by African Union few years ago) not out of commitment to democracy and freedom, but out of fear of similar changes and popular uprising that may happen in their own countries.
History has repeatedly shown that African opposition forces are either weak, operate along ethnic and tribal fault lines, easily forced into submission by the army, or cooperate with the military for self enriching, a fundamental reason why popular uprising is always at risk of being hijacked in Africa by self-serving groups, mainly the military establishment and extremists. This is an area where African opposition forces in general and Eritrea’s oppositions in particular need to address at the level of building institutions from bottom up, empowering citizens, and creating a cohesive and united leadership.
Nevertheless, the people of Burkina Faso are holding their ground for now by rejecting the army’s takeover of power. They are aggressively demanding the army to give power and return to its barracks. Time will tell if the opposition forces of Burkina Faso will continue to galvanize the people against the army’s illegal seizure of power by forging unity among various forces under the banner of one message and one cause – an uprising for establishing constitutional democracy. Only then can we dub it an African uprising.
For Eritreans, the lesson from the uprising of Burkina Faso is this: popular uprisings are unpredictable; they are quick and unstoppable like a powerful tsunami given an opportune circumstance. And they can bring down the most powerful dictator in a matter of days. It is also true that in the wake of popular uprising, chaos, instability, and power vacuum is possible. In our country resistance is simmering against the PFDJ regime. And this resistance will explode in the form of popular uprising; it is a matter of time. The question is where are we? And are we doing enough to prevent power vacuum when the day comes to our country. EPDP knows one thing, and that is disorganized and fragmented popular uprising is more dangerous than anything else for our country.
Burkina Faso: Some Dub it the Beginning of African Uprising
Written by EPDP Editorial
EPDP Editorial
After 27 years of dictatorship and brutality, the dictator of Burkina Faso, Blaise Campaore who came to power through coup d’état in 1987, fled in disgrace to the neighboring country of Ivory Coast on October 31 following massive protests and unrests that went to the extent of storming and burning his Party’s Headquarters and other government buildings in the capital city of Ouagadougou. The popular uprising was set off by Blaise’s attempt to amend the two term limit provision stipulated in the country’s constitution in order to prolong his reign, which is unconstitutional. But nothing is new here; when things do not go in their favor, it is a common practice for many African authoritarian leaders to repeal term limit, amend it, or come up with a new one in order to stay in power for life.
Yet, for the people of Burkina Faso, the term limit was only a catalyst in the ouster of president Blaise from power; the protest was against the three decades of absolute rule of president Blaise that brought poverty and inequality, political repression, as well as deprivation of fundamental social and political rights. Again, tens of thousands protesters showed up in the streets of Ouagadougou, and the popular rage instantaneously reached a level of no return and forced Campaore to flee the country. They chanted liberty; they chanted justice; they demanded constitutional democracy; they told their leaders to stop manipulating their country’s constitution.
Yes, the people of Burkina Faso won; their revolution toppled the one-man dictatorial rule that lasted for 27 years in just few days. Yes, the downfall of president Blaise also brought thrills and new hopes in Burkina Faso. However, despite the excitement and enthusiasm, what we are witnessing in Burkina Faso is not uniquely different from the recent uprisings that brought dictatorships down, and ended up facing power vacuum, political crisis, and instability, especially in African countries - because of the absence of an organized opposition that can pave the way for democratic transition through adopting a constitutional democracy. True, the Burkina Faso’s army, using such a political vacuum and opportunity, and on the pretext of order and stability of the country, it moved in and seized power by dissolving the General Assembly and suspending the constitution. And it declared it formed a transitional government led by one of its own, Lt. Col Isaac Zida, even though the constitution of Burkina Faso states that “the president of the Senate should take over after the national president resigns and an election should take place between 60 and 90 days afterwards.”
In the midst of all this, the African Union and UN are warning of an imminent sanction against the military - an attempt to force the army to form a civilian transition body until elections are held in the country. But these are all toothless threats. It didn’t work in Egypt and in many other countries that recently toppled dictatorial regimes. The brute fact is majority of African leaders are throwing in such a threat of sanction (a provision adopted by African Union few years ago) not out of commitment to democracy and freedom, but out of fear of similar changes and popular uprising that may happen in their own countries.
History has repeatedly shown that African opposition forces are either weak, operate along ethnic and tribal fault lines, easily forced into submission by the army, or cooperate with the military for self enriching, a fundamental reason why popular uprising is always at risk of being hijacked in Africa by self-serving groups, mainly the military establishment and extremists. This is an area where African opposition forces in general and Eritrea’s oppositions in particular need to address at the level of building institutions from bottom up, empowering citizens, and creating a cohesive and united leadership.
Nevertheless, the people of Burkina Faso are holding their ground for now by rejecting the army’s takeover of power. They are aggressively demanding the army to give power and return to its barracks. Time will tell if the opposition forces of Burkina Faso will continue to galvanize the people against the army’s illegal seizure of power by forging unity among various forces under the banner of one message and one cause – an uprising for establishing constitutional democracy. Only then can we dub it an African uprising.
For Eritreans, the lesson from the uprising of Burkina Faso is this: popular uprisings are unpredictable; they are quick and unstoppable like a powerful tsunami given an opportune circumstance. And they can bring down the most powerful dictator in a matter of days. It is also true that in the wake of popular uprising, chaos, instability, and power vacuum is possible. In our country resistance is simmering against the PFDJ regime. And this resistance will explode in the form of popular uprising; it is a matter of time. The question is where are we? And are we doing enough to prevent power vacuum when the day comes to our country. EPDP knows one thing, and that is disorganized and fragmented popular uprising is more dangerous than anything else for our country.
European Court Rebuffs Dublin Accord on Refugees; Most Affected is Switzerland
Written by EPDP Information Office
EPDP Information Office
According to a Swiss daily, centre-right parties in Switzerland are extremely angry with the recent decision of the European Court for Human Rights (ECHR) which created the precedent that European countries will no more be allowed to send refugees to country of first entry without making sure that the returned refugee will be treated humanely.
Tribute de Genève of November 4 reported that the European court decided in favour of Afghan family members in Switzerland who were asked to return to Italy where they the first entered and carry finger prints justifying that fact. However, the ECHR said Switzerland cannot send the family back to Italy before Switzerland first asks Italy if it is going to treat the family in good condition because no refugee should be returned to live under “inhumane and degrading” condition. The case of the family was brought to the court by a Swiss NGO.
The decision is a big blow to the Dublin accord which until now allowed European countries to send back refugees to the first point of entry in Europe, which is usually Italy.
The Swiss newspaper reported that Switzerland sent back to Italy last year 2,527 asylum seekers to Italy because they had finger prints. This figure represented 84% of all refugees returned to Italy in 2013. Most affected were Eritreans.
The paper further stated that asylum seekers are not given support in Italy which has place only for 8,000 asylum seekers/migrants. Currently, there are 64,000 asylum seekers/migrants in Italy and most of them are not provided with shelter or other support.
The right-wing parties in Switzerland are now threatening to ignore the ECHR decision.
The ECHR is a supranational or international institution based in Strasbourg, France, and established by the European Convention on Human Rights. It receives applications from individuals or groups of individuals alleging that a contracting state has breached human rights provisions in the European convention.
European Court Rebuffs Dublin Accord on Refugees; Most Affected is Switzerland
Written by EPDP Information Office
EPDP Information Office
According to a Swiss daily, centre-right parties in Switzerland are extremely angry with the recent decision of the European Court for Human Rights (ECHR) which created the precedent that European countries will no more be allowed to send refugees to country of first entry without making sure that the returned refugee will be treated humanely.
Tribute de Genève of November 4 reported that the European court decided in favour of Afghan family members in Switzerland who were asked to return to Italy where they the first entered and carry finger prints justifying that fact. However, the ECHR said Switzerland cannot send the family back to Italy before Switzerland first asks Italy if it is going to treat the family in good condition because no refugee should be returned to live under “inhumane and degrading” condition. The case of the family was brought to the court by a Swiss NGO.
The decision is a big blow to the Dublin accord which until now allowed European countries to send back refugees to the first point of entry in Europe, which is usually Italy.
The Swiss newspaper reported that Switzerland sent back to Italy last year 2,527 asylum seekers to Italy because they had finger prints. This figure represented 84% of all refugees returned to Italy in 2013. Most affected were Eritreans.
The paper further stated that asylum seekers are not given support in Italy which has place only for 8,000 asylum seekers/migrants. Currently, there are 64,000 asylum seekers/migrants in Italy and most of them are not provided with shelter or other support.
The right-wing parties in Switzerland are now threatening to ignore the ECHR decision.
The ECHR is a supranational or international institution based in Strasbourg, France, and established by the European Convention on Human Rights. It receives applications from individuals or groups of individuals alleging that a contracting state has breached human rights provisions in the European convention.
