Eritrea's President Isaias Afwerki cannot afford to ignore Ethiopia's peace offer.
 
 
 
Isaias Afwerki has been Eritrea's president since 1993 [Reuters/James Akena]
Isaias Afwerki has been Eritrea's president since 1993 [Reuters/James Akena]
 
On June 5, Ethiopia announced it would fully accept and implement the 2000 Algiers Peace Accord that ended its border war with Eritrea. It also said it would accept a 2002 ruling by the UN-backedEritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC), which awarded several disputed territories, including the town of Badme, to Eritrea. Ethiopia had been ignoring the commission's ruling and refusing to withdraw its troops from these territories for the past 16 years, making the demarcation of the border practically impossible.

Adis Ababa's announcement last week was welcomed as a major step towards permanently calming the deadly tensions between the two warring neighbours.

Celebrations and concerns

Eritreans in the diaspora celebrated Ethiopia's announcement as if it was a national holiday - a second independence day of sorts. They were happy because they assumed the statement would start a normalisation process between the two countries, which could encourage the Eritrean government to finally abandon its policies of militarisation and loosen its iron grip on the population.

But, as the days passed and the Eritrean government remained silent on the subject, the Eritrean diaspora's enthusiasm and joy transformed into disappointment and anger.
 
Rare reports from inside Eritrea indicated that Eritreans still living in their homeland also welcomed the news. Of course, Eritreans in the country were not able to celebrate Addis Ababa's surprising declaration openly. "We have been beaten down to submissiveness and even lost the language of celebration," a contact in Asmara told me. "People have been waiting for state approval to celebrate it officially and openly." He asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisal.

The response from independent experts who have been working with the Eritrean government was also prompt and clear. Lea Brilmayer, a professor of international law at Yale Law School, who led the Eritrean Boundary Commission and later the Claims Commission, told the Voice of America: "If the statement was made in good faith and they [Ethiopia] implement it, that would be great".

But Addis Ababa's unexpected move was not necessarily welcomed by all.

Eritrean residents of the Tsorena sub-zone in the border area, where the Border Commission had awarded several villages to Ethiopia, have openly expressed concerns. One of their representatives anonymously spoke to Australia's Radio SBS Tigrinya via telephone and pleaded with the two governments to consider his community's unique concerns.

Meanwhile, ethnic Irobs living in the border area between the two countries currently under Ethiopia's rule organised a protest to condemn the decision to accept the boundary commission's ruling. Irobs say the implementation of the "arbitrary" borders drawn by the border commission would divide their community between the two countries.

Despite these concerns and protests, most observers expected an enthusiastic response from the Eritrean government, which appeared to have finally gotten what it always wanted. Yet, no official response has come from the Eritrean state to date.

When contacted by Reuters on the day of the announcement, Eritrea's Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel claimed that he had not yet seen the Ethiopian government's statement, so could not immediately comment. A day later, when pressed to comment on the issue on Twitter, Gebremeskel simply said, "Our position is crystal clear and has been so for 16 years". He did not elaborate.

Other officials from the Eritrean regime also chose to stay quiet about the announcement that carried the African nation to headlines around the globe. This was not surprising; as in Ethiopia, Eritrean officials do not usually comment on such issues before receiving some guidance from more senior members of the regime. Only after Gebremeskel's tweet did some of them began sharing - albeit vague- opinions on the issue.

Eritrean regime caught off-guard

Under President Isaias Afwerki's ironclad rule, Eritrea has become increasingly isolated from the international community. In 2009, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on the country, which are still in force.

In 2016, the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea accused Eritrean state officials of committing "crimes against humanity". For decades, things have been getting worse for Eritreans thanks to the short-sighted policies of the country's repressive and reclusive government. The state has also become increasingly militarised under Afwerki's rule.
 
The Eritrean government blames Ethiopia and the international community for all its problems and refused to take any responsibility for the grave situation the country is currently in. In their 2017 report submitted to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, the Eritrean government once again tried to blame all its wrongdoings and failures on "the border war with Ethiopia that erupted in May 1998 and the subsequent ongoing existential external threats and belligerencies against Eritrea".

But today, the Eritrean government appears to be caught off guard by Ethiopia's unexpected readiness to resolve the long-standing bone of contention between the two countries. The Eritrean regime seems confused, unprepared and clueless about how it should respond to Ethiopia's peace offer.

Ethiopia's call for normalisation and peace put President Afwerki in a very difficult position, as it undermines his current strategy of blaming Ethiopia for his repressive rule. Afwerki kept the country under tight control for two decades by using the "Ethiopia threat" as an excuse. Even if not fully convinced, many Eritreans were coerced to accept those fears as "legitimate" and stoically withstand years of economic hardship, political repression, and military obligations that are akin to modern slavery.

If Ethiopia does follow through with its stated intention to accept the Boundary Commission's 2002 verdict, it's doubtful that Eritreans would accept any further fearmongering from the Afwerki administration regarding Addis Ababa's actions and intentions. If Afwerki attempts to dismiss or undermine this long-awaited gesture from its neighbour, the population may openly turn against the regime.

Eritreans have been demonstrating their willingness to make amends with their neighbour for a very long time. Over the last few years, many Eritreans actively defied their government by travelling to Ethiopia to visit friends and family on Eritrean passports via a third country. These visits helped the Eritrean public hear from the Ethiopian people directly and diluted the state-controlled media's hateful rhetoric about Ethiopia.

Today, there is a real opportunity to reach a peaceful resolution of this long-standing conflict. If the Eritrean government tries to ignore Addis Ababa's peace offer, it will find itself taking a stance against not only the Ethiopian government but also the Eritrean people.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
 

ስለምንታይ ንሃገርና ነፍቅር ኢልና ንዝኾነ ሰብ ምስ እንሓትት፡ ዝተፈላለየ መልስታት ምተረኽበ። ገሊኡ ፍቕሪ ሃገር ማለት ሃገርካ ምፍታው ክብል ከሎ፡ ገሊኡ ከኣ መዳሕንተይ ኣብኣ ስለ ዝተቐብረ ወይ ኣብኣ ስለ ዝተወለድኩ፥ ወይ ብዘይክኣ ካልእ ሃገር ስለ ዘየብልይ ዝብሉ መልስታት ክኸውን ይኽእል። ኣብዚ ክዝከር ዝግበኦ፡ ፍቕሪ ሃገር ብፖለቲካዊ ጽልኢ ይኹን ብቑጠባዊ ድኽነት ዘቋርጽ ከምዘይኮነ ምፍላጥ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ፍቕሪ ሃገር ንምሕደራ ይኹን ንስርዓት ጸሊእካ ወይ ፈቲኻ ዝተኣሳሰር ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ስርዓት እናጸላእካ ነታ ሃገርካ ተፍቅራ እንተዀንካ ነቲ ስርዓት ኣብ ምቕያርን ካብኡ ዝሓሸ ስርዓት ንምትካልን ምጽዓር እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ነታ ተፍቅራ ከተድሕን እምበር ንረብሓኻን ግዙእ ንክትከውን ኣይኮነን።

ልክዕ እዩ፥ ሓንቲ ሃገር ነቶም ኣብኣ ዝቕመጡ ሕብረተ ሰብ ናቶም ስለ ዝኾነት ሓደ ነቲ ሓደ ከይተነፋፈጉ ተሰማሚዖምን ተኸባቢሮምን ክነብሩ ናይ ግድን እዩ። ዋላእ’ኳ ብዝሑነት ቋንቋታትን ሃይማኖታትን እንተሃለዎም ናይ ሓንቲ ሃገር ስድራ ቤት ምዃኖም ኣይተርፍን እዩ። ብዝኾነ ግን ኣኽብሮትን ፍቕሪ ሃገርን ምስ ዝህሉ ደቂ ሰባት ተሰዓዒሮም ወይ ተነጻጺጎም ዘይኮነስ ተደጋጊፎም ህይወት ብሓብር ክሕልፉ እዩ ዝግባእ። ነታ ዘፍቅርዋ ሃገሮም ድማ ከዕቅብዋ፡ ክከናኸንዋን ክከላኸሉላን ይኽእሉ። ፍቕሪ ሃገር ማለት ግን ንካልኦት ሃገራት ዘነኣእስ ወይ ንሃገርካ ልዕሊ ካልኦት ኣተዓባቢኻ ምርኣይ ዘይኮነ ስም ኣህዛብ ካለኦት ሃገራት እውን ተፋቒርካን ተሳኒኻን ናይ ምንባር ኣምር እውን ዝሓቘፈ እዩ።

ሃገርና ኤርትራ እምበኣር፡ ብደምን ሓቢርካ ብምቅላስን ዝተረኽበት፡ ወናኒኣ ከኣ ንዕቤታ፡ ብልጽግንኣን ምዕባሌኣን ዝሓስብ ኩሉ ዜገኣ እዩ። እዚ ከኣ ካብ ሃገራዊ ፍቕሪ ዝተላዕለ ንኹሉ እቲ ብዙሕነት ከም ኣካላት ናይ ሓደ ሰብነት ኮይኖም ስለ ዝተበጀውላ እዩ። እዚ ልክዕ ከምቲ ጓሳ ንጥሪቱ ካብ ተጻባእቲ ኣራዊት ዝከላኸለላን፥ ፍቕሪ ሃገር ዘለዎ ዜጋ ከኣ ካብ ኣፍ ሓራግጽ መግዛእቲ ክከላኸለላ ናይ ግድን እዩ።

እዚ ፍቕሪ ሃገር እዚ ብመሰረቱ ካብ ሓርበኝነታዊ ስምዒት ዝነቅል እዩ። ንሃገርና ነፍቅራ ወይ ንፈትዋ ክንብል ከሎና ልዕሊ ነፍስና፥ ወለድና፥ ሃይማኖትና፥ ብሄርና ወይ ኣውራጃና ነፍቅራ ማለት እዩ። ስለዚ ሃገርና ሕማቕ ከጋጥማን፥ ደጋዊ ይኹን ውሽጣዊ መጥቃዕቲ ከጓንፋን፥ ህዝቢ ፍትሒ ስኢኑ ክሳቐን ክጋፋዕን ክጭቆንን፥ ሰብ ሓሚሙ ፈውሲ ክስእንን፥ ተኣሲሩ ብሕጊ ዘይፍረድን፥ ብገንዘቡ ድላዩ ከይሽምት ከይጥቀምን፥ ቅኑዕ መሕደራ ስኢኑ መሰሉ እናተገፈ እንከሎ፥ ንሱ ስለ ዝጠዓሞ፥ ወይ ንውልቃዊ ረብሓኡ ክብል፥ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ጽቡቕ ኣለዉ እናበለ ዘዳኽር ዜጋ፡ ንሃገረይ የፍቅራ እየ እንተበለ ካብ ክሳድ ንላዕሊ እዩ።

ነፍሲ ወከፍ ፍቕሪ ሃገርን ተወፋይነትን ክህልዎ ብገዛእ ሕልንኡ ዘይብገስ ዜጋ፥ ንሃገርን ህዝብን ክከላኸል ይኹን ከድሕን ኣይክእልን እዩ። ኣብ ክንድኡ በብኣውራጃኻ፥ ብሄርካ፥ ሃይማኖትካ ተጠርኒፍካ ምቅላስ ንፍቕሪ ሃገር ዝሕግዝ ኣይመስለንን። ብኣንጻሩ እኳደኣ ኣድልዎ እዩ ዘንግስ። እቲ “ቅድም ንኣውራጃይ ምስ ኣኽበርኩ እየ ንሃገረይ ዘኽብር” ዝብል ፍቕሪ ሃገር ክሓድሮ ኣይኽእልን እዩ። ምኽንያቱ እቲ ወጽዓን ጭቆናን ክሳብ ናብ ኣውራጅኡ ዝመጾ ናይቲ ካልእ ኣውራጃ ወጽዓን ቁስልን ኣይንታዩን ስለ ዝኾነ።

ስለዚ ካበየናይ ኣውራጃ፥ ሃይማኖት፥ ዓሌት፥ ብሄር ብዘየገድስ ንዝተጨቆነ ኣካል ደው ዘይብል እንተኾይኑ ሓደ ዜጋ፥ ናባይ ጥራሕ ኣይምጻእ ዝብል እዩ። ኣብ ናተይ ናትካ ዝተመርኮሰን ልዕሊ ሃገር ንኣውራጃይ ወይ ንሃይማኖተይ ወይ ንብሄረይ ዝብል ብምቕዳም ፍቕሪ ሃገር ክተጥሪ ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። ከመይሲ ካብ ግጉይ መገድን ግጉይ ሓሳብን ልምዓት ይኹን ብልጽግና ወይ ሓድሕዳዊ ስኒት ይኹን ፍቕሪ ኣይርከብን እዩ። መን ኣሎ ልዕሊ ወለዱ ንኣውራጅኡ ወይ ንብሄሩ ኣብሊጹ ዘፍቅር? ንሃገር ግና ንኹሉ ዝፈትዎ ዘበለ እንተላይ ንኣዝዩ ዝፈትዎም ወለዱ ራሕሪሑ ነታ ዝፈትዋ ህይወቱ እውን ከይበቐቐ በጃ ክሓልፍ ምውሳን ምልክት ፍቕሪ ሃገርን ህዝብን እዩ።

“ንህዝቢ ኢና እንቃለስ ትብሉስ ኣበይ ትፈልጥዎ ነቲ ህዝቢ” ዝብሉ ገለ ስንኩፋት ኣይሳኣኑን ኢዮም። ኣብዚ ከኣ እዩ ዘሎ እቲ ግጉይ ተረድኦ። ማለት እቲ ህዝቢ ብኣውራጃታት፥ ብሄራት ዝፍለጥ እንተኾነ፥ኣብ ሓንቲ ሃገር ክም ምህላው መጠን ነጻጺልካ ዝረአ ኣይኮነን። እዚ ሓደ ብዘይካእቲ ካልእ ምልኣት ክህልዎ ከምዘይክእል እዩ ዝእምት። ስለዚ ነቲ ህዝቢ መላእ እታ ሃገር ከም ደቂ ሓንቲ ስድራቤት ምዃና ብምእማን ምእንቲ ራህዋ ህዝብን በጅኡ ምሕላፍን ኢና ንቃለስ ዘለና። እዚ ንገዛእ ርእሱ ካብቲ ሓርበኛዊ ስምዒት ዝፍለ ኣይኮነን እሞ ብዘይካ ፍቕሪ ሃገር፥ ንሃገርን ህዝብን ዘድሕን የለን።

Abiy AhmedThe New Ethiopian PM, Abiy AHmed
 
Eritrea's Catholic religious men and women embrace the olive branch of peace from Ethiopia and urge their country’s leaders to accept the offer.
Agenzia Fides - Asmara

"The step taken by the Ethiopian government is positive and fills our hearts with happiness. Now it is up to (Eritrean President) Isayas Afeworki to act. He will decide if he really wants to make peace," These are some of the comments from the Catholic religious men and women in Eritrea.

Ethiopia is ready to cede disputed territories

In April, this year, Abiy Ahmed became Ethiopian prime minister. Africa's youngest head of government, 42-year-old Abiy has surprised many inside and outside Ethiopia with his fast-paced radical reform agenda since taking office. He has quickly lifted a state of emergency; vowed to end months of deadly protests and released thousands of political prisoners. On Tuesday, Abiy announced that Ethiopia would implement the Algiers peace agreement that requires it to cede the disputed territories with Eritrea, including the border town of Badme, which it has occupied for more than twenty years.

At the root of it all is a bitter and bloody two-year conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea that led to the loss of thousands of lives on both sides. The tensions and enmity have lingered on and provided the Eritrean government with a convenient excuse for repression of its people citing the importance of readiness for war with Ethiopia.

Eritrea’s religious urge reconciliation

This week, Eritrea’s religious commended Ethiopia’s willingness to cede the disputed territories to Eritrea and put an end to the twenty-year tensions.

"What we ask ourselves is if peace with Ethiopia is really convenient for Isayas Afeworki,” the religious who cannot be named for security reasons told Agenzia Fides.

Eritrea is considered one of the most repressive countries in the world. The Eritrean government exercises absolute power over the country and has banned opposition parties in the country. The state does not have any independent media.The United Nations’ Security Council imposed an arms embargo on Eritrea in 2009 because the government was providing political, financial and logistical support to militant groups in Somalia. Eritrea has always denied the accusation.

Eritreans and Ethiopians are brothers and sisters

The religious in Eritrea say they dream of a country where there is peace.

"Ethiopians and Eritreans are brothers and sisters. They have the same origins. They speak languages which come from the same linguistic family (ge'ez). They have the same religious traditions; the same costumes and even the same cuisine. They are called to reconciliation and to living together," Agenzia Fides quotes Eritreanreligious men and women.

(Additional reporting –AP)
 

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ናጽነትን ሉኣላውነትን ኤርትራ ክረጋገጽ ኣብ ናይ 1993 ረፈረንዱም ዝወሰዶ መርገጺ፡ ብትግባረ ውሳነ ኣህጉራዊ ኮሚሽን ዶብ ከረጋግጾን፡ ብምስረታ ጽቡቕ ጉርብትናዊ ዝምድናን ሓድሕዳዊ ምክብባርን ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲአን ኣሓት ሃገራት ክዛዝሞን ይጽውዕ።

መንግስቲ ህግደፍ፡ ምርግጋጽ ዲሞክራሲያዊን ሰብኣዊን መሰላት፡ ምስረታ ቅዋማዊ መንግስትን ግዝኣተ ሕጊን፡ ማሕበራዊ ፍትሒን ርግኣትን ኣብ ኤርትራ ከይረጋገጽ፡ ንኣብያ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ንምምልካት ዶብ ከም ረቛሒ ጌሩ ዝህቦ ምስምስ ይዅንን። (ንዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ብዝምልከት ኣብ 2ይ ጉባአ ሰዲህኤርትራ ካብ ዝተወሰነ)

ኣብዚ ከባቢና ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ኣዛረብቲ ኮይኖም ካብ ዝጸንሑ ዛዕባታት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያ ዝተፈጥረ ናብ ደም ምፍሳስ ዝማዕበለ ፍልልይ እዩ። እቲ ደም ምፍሳስ ብናይ ኣልጀርስ ስምምዕ ጠጠው ኢሉ። ቀጻልን ዘተኣማምንን ሕጋዊ ፍታሕ ንምምጻእ ከኣ ብመሰረት ናይ ኣልጀርስ ስምምዕ ናብ ናይ ዓለም ቤት ፍርዲ ተመሪሑ “ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን” ብይን ተዋሂብዎ። እንተኾነ እቲ ሃዋህው ናብ “ኣይሰላም ኣይውግእ” ተቐይሩ እቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ሕጋዊ ህድኣት ኣይተረጋገጸን። እዚ ዘይቅሱን ኩነታት ንብዙሓት ወገናት ክሻቕል ዝጸንሐ ኮይኑ፡ ከምቲ “ንሕማቕ ዘበንሲ በዓል ጋዕሲ ኣለዋ” ዝበሃል፡ በዚ ናይ ሰንፈላል ኩነታት ዝዕንገሉ ወገናት ኣይነበሩን ማለት ኣይኮነን። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ሓደ ካብኣቶም እዩ።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ከምቲ ኣብ መእተዊ’ዚ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ፡ ናይ ጉባአኡ ውሳነን፡ ብ7 ሰነ 2018 ኣብ ዘውጸኦ መግለጺ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለኡ “ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዓማምን ትርጕም ዘይብሉን ውግእ ቅድሚ ምጅማሩ ይኹን ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ እዋን እውን ከይተረፈ፡ ኣካል ናይ’ቶም ንመንግስታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ሽግራቶም ብልዝብ ክፈትሑ፤ ሰራዊታት ክልቲኡ መንግስታት ናብ ቅድሚ ውግእ ዝነበሮ ቦታታት ክምለሱ ዝጽውዑ ዝነበሩ ሃገራውያንን ኣህጕራውያን ሓይልታት ኢና ኔርና።” ኢስፊርዎ ዘሎን፡ ጉዳይ ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ንክልቲኡ ህዝብታት ብዘርብሕን ቀጻሊ ኩለመዳያዊ ሰላሙ ብዘድምቕን ንክፍታሕ ክቃለስ ጸኒሑን ኣሎን።

እዚ ጉዳይ ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ምስ ምምጻእ ሓድሽ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያን ናይ ህዝቢ ድፍኢትን እነሆ እንደጋና እዋናዊ መዘራረቢ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ናይቲ ንኢትዮጵያ ዝመርሕ ዘሎ ግንባር ኢህወደግ ፈጻሚ ኮሚተ ንስምምዕ ኣልጀርስን ውሳነ ኮሚሽን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያ “ብምሉእ ተቐቢለ ክትግብሮ እየ” ዝብል መግለጺ ምስ ኣውጸአ ኣዛራራብነት ናይቲ ዛዕባ መሊሱ ጐሊሑ ወጺኡ እነሆ። ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናት ከኣ ነናቶም ሚዛን ይህብሉ ኣለዉ። እቲ ትማሊ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘሎ ኩነታት ከይተፈትሐ፡ ዝኾነ ነገር ክገብር ከም ዘይክኣለ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሕብረተሰብ ዓለምን ተጠሊዑ ዝምሕልን ዝጥሕልን ዝነበረ ጉጀለ ህግደፍ ግና ብዘይካ ወሰነወሰን ምኻድ ናብቲ ጉዳይ ዘቕነዐ ቃሉ ኣይሰማዕናን። ከምቲ ልማዱ ምጽቃጥን ካብ እዋናውነት ምህዳምን ዝመረጸ እዩ ዝመስል።

ሰዲህኤ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዘሎ ኩነታት ብመሰረት ናይ ኣልጀርስ ስምምዕ ክውዳእ ይግበኦ ክብለሉ ዝጸንሐ ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ኣብ ምዕቃብ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ዘለዎ ዘይወላወል መርገጹ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ እዚ ኣተሓሕዛ ነቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ዲክታቶር ንምውጋድን ነቲ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ቃልሲ ይሕግዝ እዩ ካብ ዝብል መሰረታዊ እምነቱ ብምንቃል እዩ። ሕጂ ምስቲ ደሃይ ህግደፍ ምጥፍኡ፡ ናይ ዶብ ጉዳይ ምውዳእ ንናይ ህግደፍ ኣብ ስልጣን ምቕጻል ሓደገኛ ምዃኑ ብምጥቃስ ብዙሓት ፖለቲከኛታትን ዓበይቲ ማዕከናት ዜናን ግምታቶም ይህቡ ኣለዉ። ናይቲ ምጽቃጡን ጐበጎቦ ምኻዱን ምስጢር እውን እዚ እዩ። ጉዳይ ዶብ ናይ መወዳእታ መልክዑ ምስ ሓዘ፡ እቲ ህግደፍ ተሓላቒ ልኡላውነት ብምምሳል ኣጎልቢብዎ ዝጸንሐ፡ ሕቶታት፡ ቅዋም፡ ሰላም፡ ልሞዓት፡ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ግዱድ ውትህድርና፡ ስደትን ሳዕቤኑን፡ እሱራት፡ … ወዘተ ተቐሊዑ ከም ሕንጉጉ ክበልዖ ምዃኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ስለዚ ሕጂ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህግደፍ ዘሎ ዕድላት ወይ ሕጂ እውን ገለ ንዘይምትግባር መመሳመሲ ጉድጓድ ምፍጣር ወይ ድማ ኣተግቢርካ ዕድልካ ምርኣይ እዩ ክኸውን።

ብዙሓት ወገናት ህግደፍ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ኣንጻሩ ከይለዓል ኣርዒድዎን ኣደንዚዝዎን ስለ ዝኾነ ዋላ ጉዳይ ዶብ ምስ ተውደአ ካልእ ምስምስ እንተፈጠረ እውን “መኒኻ” ዝብሎ ኣካል ኣይክህሉን እዩ ዝብል ሓሳብ ኣለዎም። እንተኾነ ፍርሕን ምጽማምን ደረት ስለ ዘለዎ ንሓይሊ ህዝቢ ኣነኣኢስካ እቲ ጉጅለ ንሓዋሩ ከም ዝደለዮ ክኸውን እዩ ኢልካ ምድምዳም ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን። ሓደ እዋን ህግደፍ ደሓን ኣለኹ እንዳበለ ዝስገረሉ ዕድል ክፉት እዩ። ካብቲ ንህዝቢ ጸጊምዎ ዝጸነሐ ንህግደፍ ምስ ህልውናን ልኡላውነትን ኤርትራ ኣጣቢቕካ ምርኣይ እዩ። ብግብሪ ፍልልይ ናይቲ ሓላፊ ጉጅለን ነባሪ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ኣብ ዝተረደኣሉ ግና ኣንጻርቲ ብኣንጻሩ ንኤርትራን ህዝባባን ሓደገኛ ዝኾነ ጉጅለ ምትንሳኡ ዘይተርፍ እዩ።

ከምቲ ኣብ ብዙሕ ኣጋጣምታት እንገልጾ ብዛዕባ ህግደፍ ክንዛረብኳ ባህርያዊ እንተኾነ፡ እቲ ቀንዲ ክንዛረበሉ ዝገበኣና ጉዳይስ ብዛዕባና እዩ። ንሕናን ህዝብናን ሃገርና ካብዚ ሕጂ ዘላቶ ናይ ኩሉ ሕማቕ ነገራት ኣብነት ከመይ ጌርና ከም እነናግፋ ብህግደፍ ዝትኮበልና ዘይኮነስ ብቓልስና ዝረጋገጽ ከም ዝኾነ ከቶ ኣይንዘንግዕ።

June 8, 2018 (ADDIS ABABA) - Ethiopia’s two regional allies Sudan and Djibouti have welcomed a pledge by the Ethiopian prime minister to implement a peace deal with Eritrea signed in 2000 ending a border dispute between the two countries.

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Eritrean president, Isias Afewerki (AFP Photo)

The decision which was announced last Tuesday entails the withdrawal of Ethiopian army from the disputed border town of Badme in line with the rule of the Ethio-Eritrean Boundary Commission (EEBC).

In a statement on Friday, the Ethiopian foreign ministry said Sudan and Djibouti expressed "their strong support" to the Government of Ethiopia in its recent commitment to fully accept and implement the EEBC decision.

"In their talks with Ethiopian ambassadors in their respective countries Foreign Ministers of Sudan and Djibouti stated that Ethiopia’s role towards ensuring peace and stability to the Horn of Africa is monumental," further said the statement.

The Ethiopian foreign ministry said the Sudanese foreign minister al-Dirdiri Mohamed Ahmed affirmed his "Government’s support to Ethiopia’s bold decision" during a meeting with the Ethiopian ambassador to Sudan Mulugeta Zewde.

Further, it said that Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mohamed Ali Yusuf re-affirmed his country’s full support, saying the decision aimed at ending the stalemate and rejuvenating the uniquely historical brotherly ties between Ethiopia and Eritrea is quite noteworthy.

On Wednesday, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said ending the war with Eritrea and increasing economic ties with Asmara is critical for stability and development in the Horn of Africa.

However, the Eritrean government didn’t react to the decision as observers say President Isaias Afewerki prefers to see the effective withdrawal of the Ethiopian troops before to react.

Ethiopian officials in the past declared their acceptance of the 2002 ruling but said they want to negotiate first with Asmara. But the latter refused any discussions before the withdrawal.

(ST)

Source=http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article65604

June 8, 2018 Martin Plaut News

The US Immigration and Customs Enforcement has issued this information.

Organisations working with Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers have been concerned for some time that this might happen if the US authorities begin the enforced return of refugees.
John Stauffer, President of The America Team for Displaced Eritreans, said: “For all of the tragedy in the episode, it demonstrates that Eritreans who are denied asylum often fear a fate worse than death if forced to return to Eritrea. This man may have felt that.”
 
Source: Press Release
Enforcement and Removal
06/08/2018
 
ICE detainee passes away in transit to home country
 
CAIRO – An Eritrean national in transit to his home country passed away Wednesday at a detention holding area in the Cairo International Airport, after an apparent suicide.
Zeresenay Ermias Testfatsion, 34, was being held by Egyptian authorities as he awaited removal to Asmara, Eritrea. Egyptian authorities later notified ICE that they found him deceased in a shower area. Egyptian officials later transported the remains to Heliopolis Hospital.

Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Inspector General and the ICE Office of Professional Responsibility were notified of the incident.

Additionally, Egyptian authorities will advise the Embassy of Eritrea of Testfatsion’s death and take responsibility for transporting the remains to Asmara, Eritrea.

Testfatsion had been in ICE custody since Feb. 2, 2017, following his arrest at the Hidalgo, Texas Port of Entry after he attempted to unlawfully enter the United States.

In October 2017, a federal immigration judge ordered Testfatsion removed from the U.S. He had remained in ICE custody while the agency finalized removal arrangements.
 

In a statement issued at the end of a two-day meeting on 27 May, 2018, the  Executive Committee of the Eritrean People's Democratic Party (EPDP) expressed full satisfaction by the performances of party organs during the period under review and highly commended the new Ethiopian leader's conciliatory tone promising better days for the region by ending the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict.

 

The EC regular meeting was opened with expressions of good wishes to all Eritreans at the occasion of their 27th Independence Day and by paying tribute to Martyr Mohammed Asselo, EPDP Central Council member who passed away last April while on duty in the Sudan. It then studied reports of various party organs; discussed arrangements for the upcoming Eritrea Festival 2018; finalized a paper on the modalities for the implementation of the 4 June 2017 EPDP Proposal for Joint Work with other sister organizations and finally reviewed developments in Eritrea and the region.

On EPDP Performances

By reviewing activity reports of the nine EC offices during the previous four months, the meeting observed exceptionally high achievements almost in all sectors of party activities. Special mention was made of the achievements in the spheres of organizational and public diplomacy and advocacy tasks that included EPDP leadership missions to Israel and UK as well as active participations in conferences and public events in the Netherlands, Germany and Canada. Among the commended activities was the party's continued advocacy work on behalf of Eritrean refugees in many critical places like Libya and Israel.

On Ethiopian PM's Signals for Peace

 

EPDP EC Holds Regular Meeting 1

On 27 May, the EC thoroughly discussed the positive gestures of the new Ethiopian Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, on the lingering border problem and urged his government to accept the Algiers Agreement and the ruling of the Eritrean-Ethiopian Boundary Commission (EEBC).

The EPDP leadership meeting, which was held nine days ahead of EPRDF's acceptance of the ruling, also alluded to past records and noted that the forces that eventually formed the EPDP were, from the start, of the position that the EEBC arbitration ruling was final and binding and that there was no need for another "dialogue" if not mutually agreed by both parties. The EPDP Executive Committee thus reiterated the party's resolve to continue advocating for the final resolution of the conflict peacefully.

 

Saturday, 09 June 2018 00:20

When Peace Is a Problem

Written by
By Michela Wrong
Ms. Wrong has spent over two decades reporting on the African continent, visiting Ethiopia and Eritrea repeatedly.
June 8, 2018
Abiy Ahmed, the newly elected chairman of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front, in April.
Credit Mulugeta Ayene/Associated Press

If nature abhors a vacuum, politics abhors a military standoff, especially between two nations in one of the poorest, most volatile and most strategically sensitive regions of the world.
And so there was much excitement when the government of Ethiopia announced on Tuesday that it would fully accept the ruling of an international tribunal in the country’s boundary dispute with Eritrea — some 16 years after the judgment was issued.

In 2002, a special international commission delineated the border between the two countries, as they had agreed in the peace deal that ended their 1998-2000 war. Demarcation on the ground was expected to start swiftly, allowing cross-border trade and cooperation to resume. But none of this happened.

Ethiopia accepted the ruling in principle but called for further dialogue and, crucially, kept its troops in place, including in what had been declared Eritrean territory. A few years later, the boundary commission dissolved itself, and in 2008, the United Nations peace monitoring force meant to oversee actual demarcation pulled out, its services unwanted.

What once seemed unsustainable — an indefinite state of neither peace nor war — became the norm. Both countries hosted guerrilla groups committed to overthrowing the other one’s government. They cynically fought a proxy war in neighboring Somalia. There were repeated flare-ups at their border, triggering apocalyptic predictions that Ethiopia and Eritrea were going to fight again, and next time to the bitter end.

Legally, Ethiopia clearly was in breach, having committed in the 2000 peace deal, like Eritrea, to uphold whatever decision the boundary commission issued. The United Nations, the European Union, the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) and the United States had pledged to act as guarantors, and so were also in the wrong. Eritrea, for its part, had good reason as a fledgling country to crave international recognition for its borders.
 
But given the choice between a giant traditional ally led by an emollient prime minister and a tiny new-kid-on-the-block with a notoriously prickly president, the major Western powers opted to side with the bigger player — and all the more readily because it cast itself as an ally in the fight against Islamist terrorism.
 
So what prompted Ethiopia’s announcement this week? Age and sickness is one answer. Over the years, local analysts and former guerrilla fighters have told me that Ethiopia’s dispute with Eritrea was partly being kept alive by animosity between the two countries’ longtime leaders and their immediate entourages.

Years ago, Meles Zenawi and Isaias Afewerki, whose families both hail from the Tigray region that straddles the border, joined the forces of their rebel movements against Ethiopia’s Marxist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam. They managed to oust him in 1991, paving the way for Eritrea’s formal independence from Ethiopia in 1993 — and then Mr. Meles’s rise to prime minister of Ethiopia and Mr. Isaias’s to president of Eritrea.
 
But rivalry and resentment simmered below the surface. In 1998, a dispute over the nondescript border village of Badme escalated into a war that would kill more than 100,000 people. Many Horn of Africa watchers predicted that relations between the two countries would only normalize once the two leaders quit the scene.

Mr. Isaias, 72, is still at the helm, although only last month he was reported to have left Eritrea for emergency medical treatment in Abu Dhabi. Mr. Meles died in 2012. His immediate successor, Halemariam Desalegn, resigned in February, seemingly overwhelmed by the task of running his discontented nation of some 105 million people. Mr. Halemariam’s fresh replacement, Abiy Ahmed — a spruce 41-year-old with a background in military intelligence — is a man in a hurry.

And with good reason. Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, may be booming, but so is unrest among a young population that scoffs at official 8-to-10 percent annual growth rates, accuses Mr. Meles’s party — which long dominated the ruling coalition — of ethnic chauvinism and corruption, and chafes at government repression. Foreign exchange reserves are running low; the national debt is climbing. Ethiopia has lived through coups and popular revolutions before, and in recent years the Oromo, who make up the country’s biggest ethnic group but have long been marginalized, have been at the forefront of protests. Appointing Mr. Abiy, an Oromo, as prime minister was a smart survival move; the Ethiopian realized that real change was required.

So have its foreign allies.

In recent years, Western diplomats have grown more and more worried that an increasingly isolated Eritrea, resentful at its treatment by the international community and routinely dubbed a “pariah state” for its domestic human rights record, might come to be seen as an attractive destination by jihadists spilling out of nearby Yemen, Syria and Iraq.

Any such infiltration would be particularly unwelcome given rising geostrategic interest in the Horn of Africa over the last decade and a half. The Red Sea has quietly become one of the world’s most important waterways, with foreign military assets and investment pouring into the region’s ports, railways, airports and roads. Djibouti, landlocked Ethiopia’s de facto outlet to the sea, now hosts troops from the United States and France, but also China, Germany and Japan. The United Arab Emirates’ military operates out of the ports of Assab in Eritrea and Berbera in Somaliland.

For such players, the stalemate between Eritrea and Ethiopia was becoming politically and financially untenable. It is probably no coincidence that Ethiopia’s shift about the boundary this week follows a visit to the region in late April by Donald Yamamoto, the United States’ acting assistant secretary of state for African affairs.
 
While cheering Mr. Abiy’s declaration about the border, diplomats are stunned by the rat-a-tat pace of his sudden departures from old practice. First came the release of the opposition leader Andargachew Tsige, a bête noire of the Ethiopian government, along with several hundred political prisoners. Then the state of emergency was lifted. After that it was announced that state-owned enterprises would be opened to private investment.
 
“This is breathtaking stuff,” said a diplomat who has spent years shuttling between the region’s capitals. “The pace of change is incredible, and the prime minister needs every bit of support from the international community if he is to push this through.”

And yet the much-awaited, much-desired normalization of relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea could prove more destabilizing to the Horn of Africa in the long term than its cold war ever was.

For all of Mr. Isaias’s complaining about Ethiopia’s refusal to honor the boundary decision, that reluctance has served him well: It has allowed his control-freak regime to keep running Eritrea along the militaristic lines he and his movement established in the bush during the fight for independence. His government could invoke the threat of an imminent invasion to justify its refusal to implement the 1997 Constitution, allow opposition parties, stage multiparty elections or tolerate a free press.

Mr. Isaias’s insistence that all Eritreans’ first duty is to protect their country has kept much of the nation’s youth trapped in open-ended military service. The policy has crippled the economy, leaving Eritrean farms and businesses bereft of labor. It has also been massively unpopular, including within the military itself. In 2013, Mr. Isaias survived a coup attempt by junior army officers.

At the same time, indefinite forced conscription has allowed Mr. Isaias to pre-empt the kind of mass protests that roiled northern Africa during the Arab Spring. Eritreans who can’t stand living conditions in Eritrea flee rather than rebel. In one of the saddest exoduses in contemporary African history, tens of thousands of them have risked their lives heading for the Mediterranean Sea and then trying to cross it. Many have drowned; others have wound up rotting in Libyan prisons or being held hostage by human traffickers in the Sinai Peninsula.
If Ethiopia does withdraw its troops from the Eritrean territory it still occupies, a key excuse for Mr. Isaias’s iron rule will be removed.
 
His admirers hope that he would grab any historic opportunity for real peace with Ethiopia to display once again the visionary leadership that defined him as a freedom fighter and reset his management of the country.
 
His critics, who see him as incapable of shifting gears, believe the sustained bluff that was mass conscription may have just been called. If they are correct, Ethiopia’s recent peace overture could actually make the region more, not less, volatile.
 
Michela Wrong is the author of “Borderlines,” a novel about a border dispute in the Horn of Africa, and “I Didn’t Do It For You,” a history of Eritrea.
 

The UN Security Council has imposed sanctions on six leaders of human trafficking networks operating in Libya – the first time traffickers have been put on an international sanctions list.

The blacklisted six are four Libyans, including the head of a regional coast guard unit, and two Eritrean nationals.

Smugglers have taken advantage of insecurity in Libya to move hundreds of thousands of migrants by sea to Europe.

Many migrants are trapped in detention centres and beaten by traffickers.

The sanctions – a global travel ban and an assets freeze – were the result of an internationally-backed Dutch proposal. The proposal was initially presented on 1 May but held up by Russia, which sought to examine the evidence against the six men.

The unprecedented sanctions follow widespread outrage at the end of 2017 after CNN aired footage showing the auctioning of migrant men as slaves in Libya.

The Dutch proposal came after Professor Mirjam van Reisen and Munyaradzi Mawere published the names of several human traffickers involved in criminal networking.

They concluded that: “Crimes against Humanity are ongoing in Eritrea. Human trafficking is organised from within Eritrea and the lines between human trafficking and smuggling are blurred. Refugees believe that traffickers from within Eritrea are connected to the broader network operating outside Eritrea, which involves perpetrators all along the routes. Many who flee stay within the region, but feel that they are in constant danger.”

According to Van Reisen and Mawere, the human trafficking network leading to Tripoli and the Central Mediterranean route began in 2009, when many Eritreans were abducted and held in captivity in Sinai. There they were tortured and had ransoms extorted from them by calls to relatives and friends over mobile phone.

Some have been persecuted, such as the Eritrean trafficker Medhanie Yehdego Mered, known among refugees as ‘The General’. But in a tragic mistake the wrong person was taken to court.

The real Medhanie was recently confirmed to be operating with a Ugandan passport from Kampala (news reported by The Guardian and in a Swedish documentary).

Another Eritrean trafficker said to have a central role is Angosom Teame Akolom, also known as Angosom Wajehey or Angosom Kidane.

Angosom is alleged to be a key player in human trafficking from Eritrea, including to Egypt and Sinai. He is reported to have been previously a member or the head of the Eritrean Intelligence Agency in Asmara.

Mirjam van Reisen and one of the researchers, Meron Estefanos, concluded that the trafficking networks operated with knowledge of the Eritrean regime.

In this publication, Van Reisen and Estefanos stated that: “Linked across the region between Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt and Libya, the Eritrean refugees are traded as priced commodities: the most conservative estimate of the total value of the human trafficking in trade in Eritreans is over 1 billion USD.”

The researchers also conclude that the financial gains are controlled through an international web of informal financial agents operating in Asmara, Khartoum, Israel, and Libya.

An Eritrean who made the journey told the researchers:

“In Khartoum, I went to an Eritrean called Zeki. I paid 1,600 USD from Khartoum to Libya. I went to Asmara Market in Khartoum. I paid to an Eritrean man, Welid, USD 2,200 USD for the crossing on the boat. They split it, they pay the Sudan people and Libya people and they keep the rest.” (Interview by Van Reisen). 

Van Reisen and Estefanos spoke to an Eritrean, named as Abderaza or Abdurazak, who has been in charge of developing the route from Eritrea to Libya since 2005 or 2006:

“The alleged head of the human trafficking organisation in Libya (..) is now a wealthy man. (..). According to various sources this Eritrean started his involvement in smuggling and human trafficking in Libya in 2005. He has residences in Libya and Dubai. Other Eritreans, working for him (..) were involved in the day-to-day organisation and collection of the payments.”

The trafficker was also identified in a report by the Horn of Africa’s regional organisation, IGAD.

The Eritrean ‘top traffickers’ work with Libyans to arrange transport and accommodation. The book identifies the role of the Eritrean embassy in Libya:

“A refugee mentioned that he saw that a representative of the Eritrean Embassy in Tripoli assisted specific refugees who had been captured by the Libyan authorities while moving across Libya to Europe (..)”.

A similar allegation was made in the IGAD report, which stated:

“Nevertheless, one NGO official based in the region for a significant amount of time alleges that some remaining diplomatic personnel profit from the irregular migration routes, by charging ‘fees’ to negotiate the release of people from detention centres. Two eyewitnesses appeared to corroborate these allegations when they reported that they have seen high-profile smugglers at the Eritrean embassy in Tripoli. “ (cited in Van Reisen and Mawere, p. 176)

Van Reisen and Estefanos conclude that: “Linked across the region between Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Egypt and Libya, the Eritrean refugees are traded as priced commodities: the most conservative estimate of the total value of the human trafficking in trade in Eritreans is over 1 billion USD.”

Eritrean refugees are trafficked by a Human Trafficking network led by these Eritrean traffickers.

This sad reality is now confirmed by the resolution adopted by the UN Security Council, which blacklists two Eritrean traffickers and 4 Libyans.

The Netherlands, currently chairing the UN Security Council, has used its role to  expose the illicit Eritrean involvement abroad. Earlier the Netherlands expelled the chargé d’affaires.

The UN Security Council sanctions are the next step in tackling the exterritorial criminal engagement of the Eritrean regime.

This is an attempt to end the impunity of Eritrean traffickers: to bring them to account for torture and killing of their fellow citizens in the Horn and beyond.

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን

ብምኽንያት መበል 27 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ናጽነት ኤርትራ፡ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንዅሉ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ግዳምን ዝርከብ ኤርትራውን ፈተውቲ ሃገርና ኤርትራን ናይ ዮሃና መልእኽቲ የመሓላልፍ። ህዝብና ካብ’ዚ ዘሕልፎ ዘሎ ኣደራዕ ተጋላጊሉ፡ ፍትሕን ግዝኣተ-ሕግን ዝነግሰሉ፡ ዜጋታት ብሰላም ወፊሮም ብሰላም ናብ ገዝኦም ዝምለስሉ፡ ውግእን ወረ ውግእን ዘኽትመሉ ዓመት ክዀነልና ድማ ይምነ። 

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ብ17ን 27ን ግንቦት 2018 ዝተኻየደ ካልኣይ ኣርባዕተ ወርሓዊ ምዱብ ኣኼባኡ ብዝኽሪ ስዉእ ተጋዳላይን ኣባል ማእከላይ ባይቶ ነበርን መሓመድ ኣሰሎ ኢዩ ከፊትዎ። ኣብ’ዚ ካብ ወርሓት ጥሪ ክሳብ ሚያዝያ 2018 ዘጠቓለለ ኣኼባ ዝቐረቡ ዛዕባታት ድማ፡ ጸብጻባት 9 ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ፈስቲቫል 2018፡ ንድፊ ትግባረ እማመ ሰዲህኤን ዝብሉ ነበሩ።

ንጥፈታት ሰልፊ፡ ካብ ግዜ ናብ ግዜ እናበረኸ ከምዝመጽእ ዘሎ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ መዚኑ። ሰዲህኤ፡ ብመሰረት ናይ እማመ ሓባራዊ ዕዮ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት፡ ምስ ዝተፈላለያ ውድባትን ምስ ህዝብን ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ርክባት ተስፋ ዝህብን ኣበርቲዑ ክደፍኣሉ ዘለዎ ዕማምን ምዃኑ ርእዩ። ነቲ እማመ ናብ ግብሪ ንምውዓል ዝሕግዝ ንድፊ ትግባረ እውን ተሊሙ ኣሎ።

ኣብ እስራኤልን ዓባይ ብሪጣንያን ብኣባላት መሪሕነት ዝተኻየደ ዑደት ዝንኣድ ውጽኢት ከምዝነበሮ ገምጊሙ። ከምኡ’ውን፡ ብቤት ጽሕፈት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ርብዒ ዓመት ኣብ ሆላንድ፡ ከተማ ሀግ፡ ዝተኻየደ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍን ኣኼባታትን፤ ብእጋጣሚ 8 መጋቢት ኣብ ካናዳን ሽወደንን ዝተኻየዱ ህዝባዊ ኣኼባታት፡ ብምኽንያት መበል 27 ግንቦት መዓልቲ ናጽነት ብምኽትል ኣደመንበር ቤት ጽሕፈት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እተገብረ ቃለ-መሓትት...ወዘተ ንጥፈታት ቤት ጽሕፈት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ እናበረኸ ይመጽእ ምህላዉ ዝሕብሩ ምልክታት ምዃኖም ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣስሚርሉ።

ቤት ጽሕፈት መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ፡ ጀሚርዎ ዘሎ ናይ ፓልቶክ መደብን ኣብኡ ዝዝረበሎም ዘለዉ ኣጀንዳታትን ትምህርቲ ዝቕሰሞምን ንሓድነት ናይ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንቕድሚት ክደፍኡ ዝኽእሉ ኣበርክቶታት ዘለዎምን ምዃኖም ኣኼባ መዚኑ። ነዚ ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ ጽቡቕ ተበግሶ ንምስፋሕን ኣሳታፊ ንምግባሩን ተወሳኺ ጻዕሪ ክግበር ከምዘድሊ ድማ፡ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ርእዩ።

ቤት ጽሕፈት ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ሰዲህኤ ንጕዳይ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ብሓፈሻ፡ ንጕዳይ ኣብ እስራኤል ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ድማ ብፍላይ፡ ኣብ ምጥባቕ፤ ዘካይዶ ዘሎ ዘይሕለል ጻዕርታት፡ ቤት ጽሕፈት ማሕበራዊ ጕዳያት ከኣ፡ ህጻናት ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ሱዳን ዝምሃርሉ ቤት ትምህርቲ ወድሸሪፈይ ቀጻልነት ክህልዎ ንዝገብሮ ዘሎ ኣበርክቶ፡ መርኣያ ናይ’ቲ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ዜጋታቱ ዘለዎ ሓልዮትን ሓላፍነትን ዝገልጽ ዕላማታቱ ምዃኑ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣስሚርሉ። ነቶም ነዚ ቤት ትምህርቲ ዝምውሉን ዝድግፉን ማሕበራትን ውልቀሰባትን ድማ ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ።

ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና ሰዲህኤ እውን፡ ኣብ ነፍስወከፍ ዕለት ዘቕርቦም መሃርቲ ርእሰ-ዓንቀጻት ብጽሑፍን ብድምጽን ዝዝርግሖም ዜናዊ ሓበሬታታት፡ ንሰልፋዊ ንጥፈታት ኣብ ምቅላሕ ዝጻወቶ ዘሎ ግደ ኣኼባ ንኢዱ።

ኣባላት ሰዲህኤን ደገፍቱን፡ ነዚ እናበረኸ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ንጥፈታት ንምትብባዕ ክገብርዎ ዝጸንሑን ዝገብርዎ ዘለዉን ናይ ገንዘብ ወፈያታት ድማ፡ ኣኼባ ናእዳኡን ምስጋናኡን ገሊጹ።

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ብጕዳይ እቲ ካብ 3-5 ነሓሰ 2018 ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ዝካየድ ፈስቲቫል 2018፡ ካብ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ዝቐረበሉ ጸብጻባት ሰሚዑን ንለበዋታታ መሊሱን። ናይ ሎምዘበን ፈስቲቫል፡ ንኣባላት ሰልፊ ዝምልከት መዓልትን ንህዝቢ ዝምልከት መዓልትን ተባሂሉ ብፍልይ ዝበለ መልክዕ ክዳሎ ምዃኑ እውን ተራእዩ ኣሎ።

ብጕዳይ ኣብ እስራኤል ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት ብዝምልከት፡ ኣብ ሃገራት ምዕራብ ዝርከቡ ገለገለ ስሱዓትን ገበነኛታትን ኤርትራውያን፡ ናብ’ዚ ሃገር’ዚ ከነሰጋግረኩም ገንዘብ ስደዱልና እናበሉ ዝፍጽምዎ ዘለዉ ናይ ምድንጋርን ስርቅን ተግባራት ደው ከብልዎ ሰዲህኤ ይጽውዕ። እቶም፡ መረጋገጺ ከይሓዙ ገንዘቦም ንመጠፋፋእቲ ዝህቡ ግዳያት ድማ፡ ካብ’ዞም ጐሓላሉ ክጥንቀቑ የዘኻኽር።

ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ገማግም ናይ ቀይሕ ባሕሪ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ናይ ጂኦ-ፖለቲካዊ ውድድራትን ቅድድማትን እኹል ግዜ ሂቡ ብኣትኵሮ ተዘራሪብሉ። ዞባ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ብስእነት ርግኣትን ወጥርታትን ይሳቐ ከምዘሎ ድማ መዚኑ። ብዝሒ ወተሃደራዊ መደበራት ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ኣብ ዞናና ድማ ምልክት ናይ ዘይምርግጋእ እምበር ናይ ጥዕና ምልክት ከምዘይኰነ ኣስሚርሉ።

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን

ኣብ መንጐ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ዓማምን ትርጕም ዘይብሉን ውግእ ቅድሚ ምጅማሩ ይኹን ኣብ ዝጀመረሉ እዋን እውን ከይተረፈ፡ ኣካል ናይ’ቶም ንመንግስታት ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ሽግራቶም ብልዝብ ክፈትሑ፤ ሰራዊታት ክልቲኡ መንግስታት ናብ ቅድሚ ውግእ ዝነበሮ ቦታታት ክምለሱ ዝጽውዑ ዝነበሩ ሃገራውያንን ኣህጕራውያን ሓይልታት ኢና ኔርና። ክልቲኦም ሸነኻት፡ ማለት መንግስቲ ኤርትራን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ግን፡ ነዚ መጸዋዕታ ዕሽሽ ኢሎም ናብ ናይ 1998-2000 ዓ.ም ውግእ ድሕሪ ምእታዎምን ኣብ ልዕሊ ክልቲኡ ኣህዛብ እዚ ዘይብሃል ህልቂትን ብርሰትን ምውራዶምን፡ ብመሰረት ስምምዕ ኣልጀርስ፡ ነቲ ውግእ ደው ኣቢሎም ናብ ፍርዲ ክኸዱን እቲ ዝውሃብ ፍርዲ ድማ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ክኸውን ተሰማሚዖም ከምዝኣተውዎ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣብ ልዕሊ  ምዝካር፣ ተሓኤ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ፡ ሰልፊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ሰዲህኤን፡ ካብ ብጊሓቱ፡ እቲ ቀያድን ናይ መወዳእታን ውሳኔ ኮሚሽን ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ግብሪ ክውዕል ከም ዝግባእ ክጒስጒሱ ምጽናሖም ዘኪሩ። መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ነዚ ብይን’ዚ ኣብ ክንዲ ምትግባር ነቲ ኮሚሽን ዶብ ዝገበሮ ብይን ብመትከል ንድግፎ ኢና፡ ኣብ ትግባረኡ ብዝምልከት ግን ልዝብ ክግበር ኣለዎ ብምባል፡ 5 ነጥብታት ዝሓዘለ ናይ ልዝብ ቅድመ-ኵነት ብምቕራብ ናይ ኣይሰላም ኣይውግእ ኵነታት ከምዝቕጽል ገይሩ ምጽናሑ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።

ሓድሽ ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ኢትዮጵያ፡ ነቲ ደስኪሉ ዝጸንሐ ናይ ዶብ ሕቶ ኣብ ዝቐልጠፈ ጊዜ ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ክንፈትሖ ይግባእ ኢሉ ጻዕሪ ምክያዱ ዝድገፍን ተስፋ ዝህብን ኢዩ።  ሰዲህኤ፡ ከም ቀደሙ፡ ንሰላማዊ ፍታሕ ዝግበር ጻውዒት ይኹን ጻዕሪ ደጋፊኡን ኣብ ጐድኑ ደው ኢሉ ንምዕዋቱ ኵሉ ዝከኣሎ ክገብርን ኢዩ። ነዚ ንምርግጋጽ ግን፡ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ግብራዊ ተበግሶ ክወስድ ንጽውዕ።

ሓቢርና ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ሓቢርና ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ

7 ሰነ 2018