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Thursday, 29 August 2019 11:14

ATV: ህይወትና፡ ዝርርብ ምስ ወ/የሱስ ዓማር - 3ይ ክፋል

ATV: ህይወትና፡ ዝርርብ ምስ ወ/የሱስ ዓማር - 3ይ ክፋል
Thursday, 29 August 2019 00:28

It’s Time the Pentagon Finds an Alternative to Djibouti

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August 25, 2019 Topic: Security Region: Americas Tags: MilitaryWarStrategyNational SecurityDefense Department

The United States need not leave Djibouti, but it is time to consider a Plan B for otherwise a single whisper from Beijing to Djibouti’s president could cripple America’s ability to defend itself and its allies.

by Michael Rubin
 
BERBERA, SOMALILAND—Djibouti’s role in U.S. national security has for decades been inversely proportional to its size. The tiny East African country has long been a logistical hub for the U.S. military. Its airfield helped supply U.S. forces in Somalia in the early 1990s, and U.S. Navy vessels visited its port frequently. Because Djibouti—a French colony or territory for nearly a century before its 1977 independence—hosted French forces, the U.S. military could utilize the French infrastructure when necessary.
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The real import of Djibouti to U.S. security calculations, however, came after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, when the George W. Bush administration formed Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) first to coordinate and conduct regional stability operations and then to oversee counterterrorism operations in both Yemen and across the broader region. The Obama administration’s growing reliance on drone strikes—many of which it launched from Djibouti—only increased the country’s importance. Since formally arriving, the Pentagon has invested several billion dollars in Camp Lemonnier, today the largest U.S. military base in Africa and the keystone of U.S. Africa Command operations, hosting four thousand soldiers, sailors, and Marines spread over five hundred acres.
The United States, of course, has not been alone in recognizing Djibouti’s strategic position. The French initially carved what now is Djibouti out from greater Somalia because of its position and harbor. The British had established a coaling station in Aden to support the United Kingdom’s military and commercial interests in East Africa and the Indian Ocean. Djibouti—with a natural harbor just 150 miles away from Aden—served much the same purpose as the French sought to keep Madagascar, Mauritius, and other regional interests secure. The Suez Canal, of course, made the Bab-el-Mandab chokepoint adjacent to the country even more important. Over the decades, technology may have changed by Djibouti’s strategic position did not. Today, in addition to the United States, France maintains a presence and hosts German and Spanish troops at its base. Italy and Japan also have facilities, and both Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates also rent space. China, meanwhile, has built a major new base in the country as it expands its interests in the Indian Ocean basin and Africa. Iran has, in the past, also sought to make inroads but was forced out because of U.S. and Western pressure.

What goes around comes around, however. To date, China has tolerated the presence of its geopolitical competitors in Djibouti, and the Djiboutian government has been happy to leverage its location to collect rents from as many outside powers as possible. But, not every investor in Djibouti is equal. China has financed a water pipeline for Djibouti, as well as a railroad to Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia. While U.S. aid to Djibouti peaked at $31 million in 2017, a Chinese company signed a preliminary $4 billion natural gas deal with Djibouti that same year.

That aid disparity might be enough to tip the scales toward deference to Beijing’s interests, but Djibouti’s corruption makes a tilt toward China—should Chinese authorities demand it—more likely. Djibouti has had only two leaders since its independence—Hassan Gouled Aptidon ruled the country with an iron fist for the first 22 years after its independence. Upon his death, his nephew and handpicked successor Ismaïl Omar Guelleh took over, and has run the country ever since. Corruption remains a major problem in the country, with few deals able to proceeds without Guelleh or his relatives personally benefiting, if not in bribes then in business contracts which any Western country would consider a conflict of interest.

It seems, however, the Trump administration like the Obama administration before it remains in a state of denial. The Pentagon has invested so much money into its Djibouti facilities that it is hard to imagine let alone justify to Congress that those funds were in effect wasted. Inertia also remains a problem. For more than a decade, diplomats and the Defense Department turned a blind eye to the reality of Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan for fear that to acknowledge reality would mean recognizing the vulnerability of the U.S. presence at Incirlik Air Base. The Pentagon likewise continues to treat its facilities at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar as a get-out-of-jail-free card for Qatari terror sponsorship for fear that holding Doha to account would risk U.S. access.

With time, however, U.S. military planners expanded U.S. access to facilities in Romania and Bulgaria, as well as northern Jordan in order to offset reliance on an increasingly erratic Erdoğan. While the Pentagon continues to double down on Qatar, nearby Bahrain could provide an alternative. Not only does it host the U.S. Fifth Fleet but, during Operation Desert Storm, Bahrain’s Isa Air Base hosted four times more American planes that Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base does now.

With China able to out leverage the United States in Djibouti at any time, it behooves the Trump administration to find an alternative to Djibouti now. Ethiopia is no recourse, both because it has no port and because Chinese investment and trade likewise ties it far more to Asia than to the West. Eritrea hosts a United Arab Emirates port and may cooperate with Israel as well, but an uncertain political transition, poor facilities, and a horrendous human rights situation make a U.S. presence untenable. Somaliland, however, could be an alternative. Its main port, Berbera, hosts one of the longest airstrips in Africa. During the Cold War, the United States maintained a military presence and, as one official in Berbera quipped during a recent trip, NASA’s contract for facilities on the airfield technically remains valid and so they could return “tomorrow.” While the United Arab Emirates is building a base, Somaliland authorities remain frustrated at the opacity of the UAE contract (signed with a previous government) which, 

regardless, is not exclusive. Berbera is a deep-water port able to accommodate most U.S. ships.

Most importantly, Somaliland authorities want the United States there. As China and Russia both make approaches to Somaliland, the democratically elected, Western-leaning Somaliland government has been holding out for the United States, although it cannot do so indefinitely. The problem to date has been the State Department. Somaliland has been functionally independent since 1991, when it revoked its union with Somaliland and reclaimed its 1960 independence. While the United States recognized Somaliland then, the State Department now pursues a bizarre and expensive one-Somalia policy, effectively cutting off direct dealings with Somaliland for fear that interaction with Somaliland might anger Mogadishu, whose government cannot even control its own capital city. This deference is ridiculous on many levels, both because the Somali government in Mogadishu is more theoretical than real in its ability to control and govern, has recently deferred to China itself, has flirted with terrorism and, last but not least, is neither equal to Washington nor should it defer its national interests to Mogadishu.

Rather than risk American security and interests, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, Assistant Secretary of State Tibor P. Nagy, Jr., and U.S. Ambassador to Somalia Donald Yamamoto should recognize that military ties have never equated to formal diplomatic recognition: Just ask Syrian Kurds, Iraqi Kurds, or Taiwan. In both the Middle East and East Asia, however, a generation of officials recognized that they should prioritize American security and defense above more mundane and tendentious concerns.

Putting all America’s eggs in one basket—and an increasingly shaky one at that—is not a strategy to protect America’s interests in the fight against terrorism, Iranian proxy groups, Al Qaeda affiliates and the Islamic State. The United States need not leave Djibouti, but it is time to consider a Plan B for otherwise a single whisper from Beijing to Djibouti’s president could cripple America’s ability to defend itself and its allies.

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

Source=https://nationalinterest.org/feature/it’s-time-pentagon-finds-alternative-djibouti-75966

Wednesday, 28 August 2019 09:40

ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ፡ ብዙሕነትና ምምሕዳር

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ብዙሕነት ኣገዳሲ ኮይኑ፡ ጸጋ ወይ ብደሆ ዝኾነሉ ኣጋጣምታት ኣለዎ። ጸጋ ዝኾነሉ፡ ዝተፈላለዩ፡ ቋንቋታት፡ ባህልታት፡ ሃይማኖታዊ እምነታትን ምምሕዳራዊ ከባብታትን ዘወንን ሃብቲ ስለ ዝኾነ እዩ። እዚ ዝጠቐስናዮ ብዙሕነት ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣገዳሲ ምዃኑ ንምግናን፡ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣካላት ብመንጽር ሓደ ዓይነት ሕብሪ ዘለዎን ብዝተፈላለዩ ሕብርታት ዝወቀበን ዕንበባ መሮር ይምስልዎ። እቲ ብልጫ ዘለዎ እቲ ብዝተፈላለዩ ሕብርታት ዘጌጸ ዕንበባ ከም ዝበሃግ ከኣ ይሰማምዑ። ንብልጫ ብዙሕነት ከኣ በዚ ይምስልዎ።

ብዝሑነት በዳሂ ወይ ፈታኒ ዝኸውን እዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ብልጫኡ ክውንን ብዘኽእል ኣገባብ ንምምሕዳሩ ምብቃዕን ዘይምብቃዕን ስለ ዘለዎ እዩ። ካብዚ ክሳነን ክከኣኣልን እንከሎ መልዕ ዝኸውን ንብዙሕነት ዘቕውም፡ ሃይማኖት ይኹን ጾታ ወይ ምሕዳራዊ ኣከባቢ መዚዝካ ላዕለዋይ ቦታ ኣትሒዝካ ንናይ ካለኦት ኣነኣኢስካ ናይ “ናተይ ይበልጽ” ኣተሓሳስባ ከተንግስ ክትፍትን እንከለኻ እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት ዝኾነ ወገን ንዓኡ ዝውክል መለለይ ብዙሕነቱ ክነኣኣስን ኣብ ታሕቲ ክስራዕን  ሕጉስ ስለ ዘይከውን መልሲ ንምሃብን ንምክልኻልን “ናተይከ ካብ ናይ መን ንኢሱ?” ስምዒት ይፈጥር እሞ፡ ወዮ መልክዕን ሓበንን ክኸውን ዝግበኦ ዝነበረ ብዙሕነት መዋጠጥን መረሓሓቕን ይኸውን። እዚ ክሳብ ክንደይ ኣጸጋምን ሃሳይን ምዃኑ ንምርዳእ ኤርትራውያን ናይ ካለኦት ተመኩሮ ንጠቕሰሉ ዘይኮነ ናትና ዋጋ ዝኸፈልናሎ ናይዚ መዳይዚ ሃብታም ተመኩሮ ኣለና።

እዞም ናይ ብዙሕነትና መለለይ ዝበልናዮም ዝውክልዎ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣለዎም። ኣብ ሕብረተሰብ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ብዙሕነት ካብ ዝረኣየሎም ምኽንያታት ሓደ ከኣ እዚ ናይ ኣቀዋውማ ብዙሕነት እዩ። ስለዚ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ብዙሕነት ምኽሳቱ ውሁብ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ እቲ መፍትሒ ንኹሉ ጨፋሊቕካ ብፍቶት ኮነ ብግዲ ሓደ ወካሊ ኣተሓሳስባ ምፍጣር ዘይኮነ፡ ንኹሉ ኣሳኒኻን ዝዓብየሉ ዕድል ሂብካን ምክእኣል ኣማዕቢልካ ቦታ መሰል እዩ።

እዚ ንምዕዋት ካብ ዝውሰዱ ስጉምትታት ሓደ ኣብ ትካላትን መድረኻትን ሸነኻውን ዘይሚዛናውን ዘይኮነ ምዕሩይ ውክልና ከተረጋግጽ ምብቃዕ እዩ። ምዕሩይ ውክልና ስለ ዝደለኻዮን ዝበሃግካዮን ባዕሉ ዝረጋገጽ ዘይኮነስ ኣብ መስርሕ ዝረጋገጽ፡ ብምዕብልና ዝጽለው፡ ብወድዓውን በዓል ቤታውን ጽልዋታትን ዓቕምታትን ዝረጋገጽ እዩ። ከምቲ ንውክልና ኣብ ግምት ዘየእተወ፡ ብቕዓት ኣብ ምልክት ሕቶ ዝኣቱ፡ ንብቕዓት ዝጓሰየ ውክልና እውን ዝያዳ ሓደገኛ እዩ። ነዞም ክልተ መሰረታዊ ጉዳያት ውክልናን ብቕዓትን ምስናይን ምቅዳውን ከኣ  ኣገዳሲ ግና ድማ በዳሂ እዩ።

ኣብ ከምዚ ኩነታት እቲ መሰረታዊ መዋጸኦ፡ ሓደ ኣካል ካብ ጸቢብ ቀጽሪ ናይቲ ዝውከለሉ ናይ ብዙሕነት ባእታ፡ ሃይማኖት ድዩ ኣውራጃ ወይ ጾታ ወጺኡ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ኩሉ ብዙሕነትና ኣሳንዩ ዝጻወተሉ ሰፊሕ ሜዳ ዝግደስ ኣተሓሳስባ ከተጥሪ ክበቅዕ ኣገዳሲ እዩ። እዚ ሓላፍነታዊ ኣድህቦ ኣብ ዝተጥርየሉ፡ እቲ ኣብ ምስልምና ዝኣምን ማዕረኡ ብዛዕባ ክርስትና ክሓስብ ይበቅዕ። እቲ ክርስትያ እውን ከምኡ። ወዲ ሓደ ኣውራጃ ማዕረቲ ኣውራጃኡ ብዛዕባ ካልኦት ኣውራጃታት እውን ይሓስብ። ኣብ ጾታ፡ ባህልን ካልእ መለለይ ብዙሕነት እውን ከምኡ ኢሉ ይቕጽል። ስለዚ እቲ ኣካላዊ ውክልና ዝህልዎ ጽልዋ’ኳ ኣድላይን ዘይከሓድን እንተኾነ፡ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ስፍሓትን ምሉእነትን ግና ኣዝዩ ኣድላይ እዩ። ስለዚ ሓደ እምነት፡ ኣውራጃ፡ ጾታን ካልእን ህልውናኡ ብኣካላዊ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ብመንጽር ኣተሓሳስባ እውን ክንዕቅኖ ይግባእ። ነዚ ዝያዳ ንምብራህ ብደግኡ ንእምነትካ፡ ንጾታኻ፡ ንኣውራጃኻ ዝመስል ክነሱ፡ ብኣተሓሳስባኡን ግብሩን ግና ንዓኻ ዘይመስል ዝኾነሉ ኣጋጣሚ ብዙሕ እዩ። ገለ ግሩሃት ውሽጡ ከይመርመሩ፡ ዝተጠልሙ ክንሶም፡ ዝተወከሉ መሲልዎም ዝዕንድሩ ኣይሰኣኑን። እዚ ኣብ ጉርሒ ህግዲፍን ግርህነት ሰዓብቱን ብትሑት ደረጃ ብግብሪ ዝረአ ዘሎ እዩ።

ኣብዚ ሎሚ እዋን ንኤርትራ ይገዝእ ንዘሎ ህግዲፍ፡ ከም ናይ ሓደ ካብቲ ንኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነት ዘቖመ ዝንባለ ወካሊ ገይሮም ይወስድዎ እዮም። ንሓንሳብ ናይ ክርስትያን ይብልዎ ንሓንሳብ እውን ሓደ ኣውራጃ ይዕድልዎ። ኣብ ጥራይ ጐልጐል “ናትና እንድዩ” ዝብልዎን ኣብ ዕሩቕ ዝባኖምን ጥሙይ ከብዶምን ዝከላኸልሉ’ውን ኣይሰኣኑን። ንሱ እቲ ጨቋኒ ጉጅለ ግና ኣይኮነንዶ ንሓደ ኤርትራዊ ዝንባለ ሃይማኖት ድዩ ኣውራጃ ንብምልእታ እታ ሃገርን ህዝባን እውን ዝውክል ኣይኮነን። ህግዲፍ ንኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነት ዘመሓድር ዘይኮነ፡  ናቱ ኣካል ኤርትራዊ ብዙሕነት ዘይኮነ፡ ጸቢብ መእከቢ ዓንኬል ዘለዎ እዩ። መእከቢ ነጥቡ፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ኣውራጃ፡ ጾታ ወይ ካልእ ዘይኮነ፡ ኢሳይያሳዊ ዲክታተርነት  እዩ። መለለይ ኢሳይያሳዊ ዲክታተርነት ክኣ፡ ጭቆና፡ ዘይእዉጅ ሜላዊ ባርነት፡ ፍትሒ ምንፋግ፡ ኩሉ መሰላት ምኽላእ፡ ህዝቢ ምክፍፋል፡ ውግእ ምጽሕታር፡ ብልኡላውነት ሃገርን ልዕልና ህዝብን ምውጋይ፡ ብዓብይኡ ከኣ ብትርጉም ሓይሊ ምግዛእ  እዩ።

ስለዚ ንህግዲፍ ክንስዕሮ ኣብቲ ብባህሪኡ ዘይክእሎ ድኹም ጐድኑ ክንበልጾ ይግበኣና። ንህግዲፍ ካብ ዘጸግሞን ዘይወሓጠሉን፡ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ብዙሕነት ኣመሓዲርካ ሃገር ከተቕንዕ ሓላፍነት ምውሳድ እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ህግዲፍ ዝሰልጦ ጸቢብ ስምዒታት መዝሚዙ፡ ኣብ ክንዲ ህዝቢ ኣንጻሩ ዝስለፍ፡  ኣብ ሕድሕዱ ከም ዝፋጠጥ ጌርካ ሃገር ናብ ቁልቁ ህዝቢ ድማ ናብ ብርሰትን ምብትታንን ምድፋእን ምንቋትን እዩ። ንሕና እምበኣር ነቲ ህግደፍ ዘጻውዶ  መፈንጥርያታት ንምፍሻል ብዙሕነትና ናይ ምምሕዳር ብቕዓትና ከነመስክር  ይግበኣና።

Tuesday, 27 August 2019 21:01

ሰዲህኤ፡ ሓጺር ሓበሬታ (profile) 2019

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ሰዲህኤ፡ ሓጺር ሓበሬታ (profile) 2019

3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)ን ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ-ሕድሪ (ሃድኤ-ሕድሪ)ን፡ ካብ 29 ሓምለ 2019 ክሳብ 1 ነሃሰ 2019 ኣብ ጀርመን ከተማ ቪዝባደን ተኻይዱ።

Sunday, 25 August 2019 22:38

ATV: ህይወትና፡ ዕላል ምስ ተስፋይ ወ/ሚካኤል – 2ይ ክፋል

ATV: ህይወትና፡ ዕላል ምስ ተስፋይ ወ/ሚካኤል – 2ይ ክፋል
Sunday, 25 August 2019 21:55

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Arabic Sweden 03.08.2018

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Radio Demtsi Harnnet Arabic Sweden 03.08.2018
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Sunday, 25 August 2019 09:06

ሰዲህኤ፡ ብትብዓት ሰልፉ የሕድስ፡ መሪሕነት ቀይሩ ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ይዕቅብ

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ሰዲህኤ፡ ብትብዓት ሰልፉ የሕድስ፡ መሪሕነት ቀይሩ ሃገራዊ ሓድነት ይዕቅብ

ሓደ ካብቲ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ኣብ ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ክረአ ዝጸንሐ ዘሕዝን ባህሊ፡ መራሕቲ ባእታታት ኣብ ግዜኡ ብዘይጸገም ስልጣን ክትለቁ ፈቓደኛታት ዘይምዃን እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ናይዚ ሕማቕ ተግባር ኣብነት እዩ። ኩልና ከም እንፈልጦ እዚ ዲክታቶር፡ ካብቲ ብ1971 ውድብ ዝመስረተሉን ደሓር  ካብ 1991 ብኢደ ወነኑ ናብ ስልጣን ዝደየበሉን ወሲኽካ፡  ን48 ዓመታት ዝኣክል ግዜ  ኣብ ስልጣን ኣሎ።

ንሰዲህኤ ብዝምልከት ግና፡ ብፍሉይነት ዝረአ፡ ነዚ ምስ ምብሓት ስልጣን ዝተሓሓዝ ሕማቕ ባህሊ ኣብ ምቕያር ኣብነታዊ እዩዶ ኣይበሃልን? እስኪከ ነዚ ብዝምልከት ተስፋ ዝህብ ውሑድ ኣብነታት ንርአ፡

ዕድመ ሰዲህኤ 10 ዓምታት በጺሑ ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ሓጺር ናይ 10 ዓመታት ግዜ፡ እዚ ሰልፊ ነቲ ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ዝተመርጸ ሓድሽ ወሲኽካ፡ 4 ኣቦመንበራት ቀይሩ። ኣስማቶም ምስቲ ኣሳእሎም ተጠቒሱ ኣሎ።

Newly Ellected EPDP EC 1 2

ብመትከል፡ ቅዋም ሰዲህኤ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ኣብቲ ኣብ ዓመት ሓደ ግዜ ዝካየድ ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ኣቦመንበር ክመርጽ እዩ ዘፍቅድ። ነቲ ዝጸንሐ ኣቦመንበር ዳግማይ ክመርጾ እቲ ቅዋም ይፈቅድ እዩ። እቶም ዝተረፉ 8 ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ እውን ኣብ ዓመት እዮም ብማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝምረጹ። ማእከላይ ባይቶ ካብቶም ዝጸንሑ ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ዳግማይ ክመርጽ ሕጋዊ እዩ። ልዕሊ ኩሉ ድማ ሓደ ባእታ፡ ኣብ መንጎ ጉባአታት ንክልተ ክፍለ ግዜ (ተርም) ኣቦመንበር ኮይኑ ምስ መረሐ፡ ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ንኣቦመንበርነት ሕጹይ ኮይኑ ክቐርብ ኣይክእልን እዩ። እዚ ማለት ኣቦመንበር ኣብ ዓመታዊ ኣኼባታት ማእከላይ ባይቶ እንዳተመርጸ ዝለዓለ ኣብ ሓላፍነት ዝጸንሓሉ ግዜ 8 ዓመታት እዩ።

ሓድሽ መሪሕነት ሰዲህኤ 

ኣብ ሃገር ጀርመን ከተማ ቪስባደን ዝተኻየደ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ እውን ነዚ ተባዕ ሰልፍን መሪሕነትን ናይ ምሕዳስ ባህሊ ቀጺልዎ እዩ።

ኣብዚ ሓድሽ ናይ ሰዲህኤ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ እቲ 6 ናይ ሓላፍነት ቦታታት ብሓደስቲ እዩ ተታሒዙ። ከምቲ ኣቐዲሙ ዝተሓበረ፡ ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ ነቲ ሓላፍነት ሓድሽ እዩ፡ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ወጻኢ ጉዳያት ሓድሽ እዩ፡ ሰክረተር ሰልፊ ሓድሽ እዩ፡ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ገንዘባዊ ጉዳያት ሓድሽ እዩ፡ ሓላፊ ጉዳይ መንእሰያት ሓድሽ እዩ። ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውደባዊ ጉዳያት እንተኾነ እውን ነዚ ሒዝዎ ዘሎ ሓላፍነት ሓድሽ እዩ።

ቅዋም ሰዲህኤ ብማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝተመርጸ ኣቦመንበር፡ ዝርዝር ሕጹያት ሓለፍቲ ኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ናብ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ክቕርብ እሞ፡ ድሕሪኡ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ንነፍሲ ወከፎም ከድምጽ እዩ ዝእዝዝ። እቲ ንኣርባዕተ ዓመታት ንክመርሕ ብጉባአ ዝተመርጸ ማእከላይ ባይቶ፡ ብኣቦመንበር ዝቐረበሉ ሕጹይ ነጺጉ ኣብ ክንድኡ ናቱ ሕጹይ ከቕርብ መሰል ኣለዎ።

ሓድሽ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ 35 ናይ ምድማጽ መሰል ዘለዎም ኣባላትን 5 ናይ ምድማጽ መሰል ዘየብሎም ተጠባበቕትን ኣለዉዎ። እቶም ተጠባበቕቲ ዋላ’ኳ እንተዘየድመጹ ኣብ ኣኼባን ካልእ ንጥፈታት መሪሕነትን ዝሳተፉ እዮም። ካብዞም 35 ቀወምትን 5 ተጠባበቕትን እቶም 19 ሓደስቲ እዮም።

ዋላ’ኳ ውጽኢቱ ትሑት እንተኾነ፡ ብዙሕነት ኣብ ጉባአታት ሰዲህኤ ዝለዓለ ቆላሕታ እዩ ዝወሃቦ። ንኣብነት ኣብዚ ሓድነታዊ ጉባአ 14 ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ተሳተፍቲ ነይረን። ካብኣተን 8 ኣብ መሪሕነት ተመሪጸን።

EPDP is Fearless of Renewal and Change 1 3

ሰዲህኤንሓጻይት ሽማግለኣኡን

ሰዲህኤ ካብቲ ዝተመስረተሉ ቅድሚ 10 ዓመታት ንነጀው፡ ኩሎም ኣባላት ሰልፊ ንመሪሕነት ይበቅዕ እዩ ኢሎም ዝኣመንሉ ሕጹይ ናብ ጉባአ ከቕርቡ ብዘሳትፍ ሓጻዪ ሽማግለ መዚዙ እዩ ክሰርሕ ጸኒሑ። ኣቦመንበር ሓጻዪ ሽማግለ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ብጻይ ገብረእግዝኣብሄር ተወልደ፡ ኣብቲ መስርሕ 29 ጨናፍርን 8 ኣብ በበይኑ ከባብታት ዝርከቡ ኣባላት ሰልፍን ኣብ ምሕጻይ ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ከም ዝተሳተፉ ሓቢሩ። ጉባአ ንዝወሰኾም 4 ሓዊስካ ንምርጫ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝቐረቡ ሕጹያት 58 ነይሮም። ጉባአ 35 ቀወምትን 5 ተጠባበቕትን ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝመረጸ ከኣ ካብዞም 58 ሕጹያት እዩ።

እዚ ሓድነታዊ ጉባአ ሓላፍነት ሓጻዪ ሽማግለ ክብ ኣቢሉ፡ ኣብ መጻኢ ኣብ ዞባታትን ጨናፍርን ወሲኽካ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ ጽፍሕታት ሰልፊ፡ ክትግበር ወሲኑ። ሓጸይቲ ሽማግለታት ኣብ ኩሉ ጽፍሕታት ናብ ምርጫ ሓጋግን ፈጻምን ኣካላት ሕጹያት ከቕርባ እየን። እዚ ምዕቡል ኣቀራርባ ሕጹያት፡ ኣብ ጉባአ ሰልፍታት ኣብ ዞባ ስካንድንቪያን ካለኦት ሃገራትን ብዕዉት ዝዝውተር እዩ።

እዚ ኣብ ታሕቲ ሰፊሩ ዘሎ ዝርዝር ኣስማት ኣብ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ሰዲህኤ ናይ ዝተመርጹ ኣባላት መሪሕነት እዩ

===============  

 ኣባላት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰዲህኤ

  1. ተስፋይ ወልደሚካኤል (ደጊጋ) ኣቦመንበር ሰልፊ
  2. ብርሃነ ደበሱ ምክትል ኣቦመንበርን ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ወጻኢ ጉዳይን
  3. መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ውደባዊ ጉዳያት
  4. ደበሳይ በየነ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና
  5. ሃብተሚካኤል ተኽለ (ዶ/ር) ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ገንዘባዊ ጉዳያት
  6. ፍሰሃየ ሓጐስ ሓላፊ ማሕበራዊ ጉዳያት
  7. ክፍለዝጊ ገብረመድህን ሰክረተር ሰልፊ
  8. ኣድያም ተፈራ ሓላፊት ጉዳይ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ
  9. ያሲን ኢብራሂም ሓላፊ ጉዳይ መንእሰያት

ኣባላት ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሰዲህኤ (ብመስርዕ ፊደል ላቲን)

  1. ዓብዱ ሓሰን
  2. ኣድያም ሃይለ ሩፋኤል
  3. ኣክሊሉ ግርማይ (ዶ/ር).
  4. ኣልጋነሽ ይስሃቅ
  5. ኣማኑኤል በራኺ
  6. ኣስገደት ምሕረተኣብ
  7. ኣሰፋው በርሀ
  8. ድራር መንታይ
  9. ኤርትራ ኣልኣዛር
  10. ፈቨን ጊደዎን
  11. ገባር ዑቕበ
  12. ገብረህይወት መለስ
  13. ግርማይ ክፍለ
  14. ሃይለ ወልደሚካኤል
  15. እድሪስ እስማዒል
  16. መድሃኔ ህብትዝጊ
  17. ነጋሲ ሓምደ
  18. ንጉሰ ጸጋይ
  19. ረዘነ ተስፋጼን
  20. ተኽለብርሃን ሃይለ
  21. ተስፋጋብር ወልደጊዮርግስ
  22. ትዕበ ተኪኤ
  23. ጸጋይ ተስፋይ
  24. ትኩእ ተስፋይ
  25. ወልደየሱስ ዓማር
  26. ጸሃየ ኣርኣያ

ተጠባበቕቲ ኣባላት መሪሕነት

  1. መዓሾ ሰለሙን
  2. ሑመድ መሓመድ ኣሕመድ
  3. ተስፋማርያም ክብረኣብ
  4. ገነት ሃብተገርግስ ወልዱ
  5. ግርማይ ተመስገን (ቀሺ)

 

 

Sunday, 25 August 2019 09:01

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Sweden 24.08.2019

Written by
Radio Demtsi Harnnet Sweden 24.08.2019
Published in Radio
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Saturday, 24 August 2019 20:54

EPDP: Fearless of Party Renewal, Changes In Leadership & Defense of National Unity

Written by
EPDP: Fearless of Party Renewal, Changes In Leadership & Defense of National Unity

One of the worrisome and deeply entrenched bad habits and practices in Eritrean political landscape since a long time is the resistance of leading figures to leave office on time and without a problem. The Eritrean dictator, Isaias Afeworki, is one such bad example. As we all know, he has been in topmost position of power for 48 years since he created a political organization in 1971 that he always controlled, including during his unchallenged stay in power since 1991.  

But can’t one say that the EPDP has already become an exception - a good example in changing that bad habit? Let us cite a few promising examples below.

The EPDP is now 10 years old. Within this short 10-year period, the party has managed to change four chairmen, including the recently elected one. Their names are shown in the caption to their pictures below.

EPDP is Fearless of Renewal and Change 1 2

In principle, the EPDP Constitution allows the Central Council to elect or re-elect party chairperson at every regular meeting which is held annually. The rest of the eight executive committee members are also elected or re-elected every year by the Central Council. This means that the Council can change, if it so wishes, party chairperson every year. On top of this, no one person can be allowed to be a candidate for party chair if he/she has already served two terms between congresses - that is, a maximum service of 8 years after being subjected to every-year scrutiny and re-election.

The New EPDP Leadership  

The 3rd and Unity Congress that was held  in July-August 2019  in Wiesbaden, Germany, has continued this tradition of fearlessness to renew the party and its leadership at all levels.

In the new EPDP Executive Committee, six of the nine posts are now occupied by new holders. As noted earlier, the party chairman is new to the post; the head of foreign relations is new; the party secretary is new; the head of financial affairs is new; the head of youth affairs is new, and even the head of organizational affairs is new to the post!!

The Constitution allows a newly elected chairman to submit his candidates for each executive office and each person is voted by the Central Council separately. The Council, which itself is elected at congresses for a four-year term, can drop anyone of the chairperson’s candidates and can bring its own. 

The new EPDP Central Council consists of 35 voting members and five non-voting reserve members who, however, have all the right to participate in leadership meetings and activities. Of these newly- elected 35+5 Council members, 19 are new, including the partners in the unity process.

Diversity is one of the primary efforts focused at EPDP congresses although the success has been slow. For instance, the recent unity congress was attended 14 women delegates of whom 8 were elected to the leadership.  

EPDP is Fearless of Renewal and Change 1 3

EPDP and Its Nominating Committee:

At least since its founding ten years back, the EPDP has the method of designating a Nomination Committee which strives to have the participation of all party members in selecting those who can be preseted as leadership candidates in party congresses. As the chairman of this body for the 3rd and Unity Congress, Gherezghiher Tewolde  reported, 29 branches and 8 individuals at isloated locations actively participated in nominating CC candidates. The final count of candidates, including four added by the Congress itself, was 58. It was on this list approved by all members of both uniting sides that the Unity Congress voted and elected the 35 CC members and five reserve members.

The Unityf Congress also expanded and upgraded the mandate of the Nominating Committees of the future to be active at all party structures, including zons and branches. The Nominating Committees shall have the power of presenting final list of candidates to party leadership at all levels, both for the legislative and executive branches. This advanced method of nominating candidates for leadership has been successfully used at party congresses in the Scandinavian region and other countries.

Printed below are the names of EPDP leadership members elected at the 3rd and Unity Congress in 2019:

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The New Executive Committee:

  1. Tesfai Woldemichael (Degiga), Party Chairman
  2. Berhane Debessu, Vice-Chairman and Head of Foreign Office
  3. Menghesteab Asmerom, Head of Organizational Office
  4. Debessai Beyene, Head of Information Office
  5. Habtemichael Tekle/Dr, Head of Financial Affairs
  6. Fessehaye Hagos, Head of Social Affairs
  7. Kiflezghi Ghebremedhin, Party Secretary
  8. Adiam Teferra/ Ms, Head of Women's Affairs
  9. Yassin Ibrahim Neberai, Head of Youth Affairs.

Members of the EPDP Central Council, in alphabetical order, are:

  1. Abdu Hassen
  2. Adiam Haile Rufael
  3. Aklilu Ghirmai/Dr.
  4. Alganesh Isaac
  5. Amanuel Beraki
  6. Asghedet Mehreteab
  7. Assefaw Berhe
  8. Dirar Mantai
  9. Eritrea Alazar
  10. Feven Ghideon
  11. Ghebar Oqbe
  12. Ghebrehiwet Meles
  13. Ghirmai Kifle
  14. Haile Woldemichael
  15. Idris Ismael
  16. Medhanie Habtezghi
  17. Negasi Hamde
  18. Neguse Tseggai
  19. Rezene Tesfazion
  20. Tekleberhan Haile
  21. Tesfagaber Woldegiorghis
  22. Tiebe Tekie
  23. Tseggai Tesfai
  24. Tuku Tesfai
  25. Woldesus Ammar
  26. Zehaye Araya

Reserve Members

  1. Maasho Solomon
  2. Humed Mohammed Ahmed
  3. Tesfamariam Kibreab
  4. Ghenet Habtegergis
  5. Ghirmai G.Temesgen.
Saturday, 24 August 2019 01:33

ቃል ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣብ ዋዕል ንቕሎ ኣዴታት

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ቃል ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣብ ዋዕል ንቕሎ ኣዴታት

ክቡራት መራሕቲ ክልቲኡ ዓበይቲ ሃይማኖታት

ክቡራት ኣዳለውቲ ዋዕላ ኣዴታት ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን መራሕቲ ፖለቲካውን ሲቪላውን ማሕበራትን ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳትን

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን ዕዱማት ኣጋይሽ ብሓበራ

ኣቐዲመ፡ ብስም መሪሕነትን መሰረታትን ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ንዝተገብረልና ዕድመ ክብ ዝበለ ምስጋናይ እናገለጽኩ፡ ዋዕላ ንቕሎ ኣዴታት ናይ ምድምማጽን ሕድሕድ ምርድዳእን መንፈስ ዝሰፈኖን ነቲ በብኣንፉ ዝግበር ዘሎ ናይ ምጥርናፍ ምቅንስቓሳት ናብ ክብ ዝበለ ደረጃ ንምብጻሕ ደራኺ ግደ ዝጻወትን ክኸውን እትስፎ።

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን፡ ኣገደስቲ ውልቀሰባትን ዝርከብዎ ዋዕላ ተኻይዱ፡ በቲ ንዅልና ዘሰማምዕ ከም ምሕላው ልዑላውነት፡ ምውዳቕ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ምኽባር ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ዜጋታት ኤርትራን ምቛም ብግዝኣተ-ሕግን ብቕዋምን ዝምራሕ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ዝብሉ መሰረታውያን ነጥብታት ተሰማሚዕና ብልፍንቲ ተዋሃሂድና ንድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ክንሰርሕ ከምዝግብኣና ይኣምን። ካብ’ዚ ሓሊፉ ክልተ ወይ ካብ ክልተ ንላዕሊ ዝዀነ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ብፕርግራም ይኹን ብተግባር ፍልልይ ከምዘይብሎም እንተደኣ ኣሚኖም ክጸናበሩን ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ሓደ ሰልፊ ክምስርቱ ከምዝኽእሉ ይኣምን። ነዚ ንምርግጋጽ ድማ፡ ኣብ ኵሉ ምእንቲ ድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ዝተጸውዐ ዋዕላታት ተሳቲፉ። ምስ ዝተፈላለዩ ውድባት ድማ፡ ተዋሃሂዱ ንምስራሕ ክዋሳእ ጸኒሑ። ሰዲህኤ፡ ኣብ ዋዕላ መድረኽ ኣብ ናይሮቢ፡ ኣብ ዋዕላ ኣትላንታ፡ ኣብ ዋዕላ ሚኒሶታ፡ ሕጂ ድማ ኣብ ዋዕላ ንቕሎ ኣዴታት ኣብ ፍራንክፈርት ብክብ ዝበለ ደረጃ ምስታፉ መርኣያ ናይ’ቲ ሓቢርካን ተዋሃሂድካን ምስራሕ ዘለዎ ድሌትን ባህግን ኢዩ።

ኣብ’ቲ ቅድሚ 2 ኣዋርሕ ማለት ካብ 22 ክሳብ 23 ሰነ 2019 ብመስተንግዶ መኣዲ ዘተ ናይ ተምፖ-ኣፍሪክ  ኣብ ሚኒሶታ እተገብረ ዋዕላ ዝተበጽሐ ስምምዕ ድማ ከም’ዚ ዝስዕብ ይመስል።

1.   ኣብ ኤርትራ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ንምስዓርን ዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ንምርግጋጽን፣ ጻዕርታትና ክነወሃህድን ብሓባር ክንሰርሕን፤

2.   ኣብ ሓባራዊ ሃገራዊ ረብሓታት ሕድሕድና ንምትሕግጋዝ ኣወንታዊ ተግባራዊ ስጉምታት ክንወስድ፤

3.   ዲፕሎማሲያዊ ንጥፈታትና ክነዋሃህድን ሓባራዊ ጽዕርታት ክነካይድን፤

4.   ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራን ኣብ ወጻኢ (ዲያስፖራን) ዝካየድ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቓሳት ዘጠቓለለ፣ ንኹሉ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ዝጥርንፍ፣ ኣብ ሕድሕድና ብምውህሃድ ወይ ብልፍንቲ ስሙር ኤርትራዊ ተቓውሞ ንምፍጣር ክንሰርሕ፤

5.   ሰናይ ጉርብትና ምስ ኩሎም ጎሮባብቲ ኤርትራ ንድግፍ፣ ይኹን እምበር፣ እዚ ሞራላዊን ሕጋውን ቅቡልነት ዘይብሉ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ምስ ናይ ወጻኢ መንግስታት ወይ ኣካላት ዝኣትዎም ኩሎም ውዑላት ፣ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ልዑላውነት ስለ ዝግህሱ ብትሪ ንኹንን፤

6.   ሓይልታት ምክልኻልን ጸጥታን ኤርትራ አካል ጭቁን ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ምዃኖም እምነትና ብምዃኑ፣ ኣብ ጎድኒ ህዝቦም ደው ክብሉን፣ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ንምርግጋጽ ዕዙዝ ተራ ክጻወቱን ንጽውዕ፤

7.   ካብ ምልካዊ ስርዓት ናብ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ምሕደራ ምስግጋር ከቢድን ዝተሓላለኸን መስርሕ ምዃኑ ርዱእ ኢዩ። ስለዝኾነ፣ ኩላትና ንሰማማዓሉ ሓባራዊ መሰጋገሪ ቻርተር ንምስንዳእን ንምትግባርን ብዕቱብ ክንሰርሕ ተሰማሚዕና፤

8.   ነዚ ስምምዕ ናይ ዝኸተሙ ኣካላት ወከልቲ ዝሳተፍዎ ናይ ትግባረ ፎረም ንምቛም ተሰማሚዕና፤ ከምኡውን

9.   ነዚ ስምምዕ እዚ ዝቕበሉን ኣብ ናይ ትግባረ ፎረም ክሳተፉ ቅሩባት ዝኾኑን ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን፣ ሲቪክ ማሕበራትን ፣ ናይ መጽናዕቲ ጉጂለታትን ብኽብሪ ንዕድም።

ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ካብ 29 ሓምለ ክሳብ 1 ነሓሰ 2019፡ ኣብ ቪዝ ባደን፡ ጀርመን ኣብ ዝተኻየደ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጕባኤ፡ ሃድኤ-ሕድርን ሰዲህኤን ሰሚሮም ሓደ ሰልፊ ክምስርቱ ከምዝበቕዑ ከበስር ከለኹ ደስ ይብለኒ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ምስ ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሒ ሓደ ውድብ ወይ ሰልፊ ንምምስራት ንንውሕ ዝበለ ግዜ ዕቱብ ልዝብ ክካየድ ጸኒሑ ኣሎ። ኣብ ቀረባ እዋን ክዛዘም ድማ ባህግን ድሌትን ክልቲኡ ውድባት ምዃኑ ከረጋግጸልኩም እፈቱ። ከምኡ’ውን፡ ምስ’ቲ 4 ውድባት ዘቖምዎ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ግንባር ብልፍንቲ ንምስራሕ ኣፈናዊ ልዝብ ጀሚርና ኣሎና።

ኣብ ሽወደን ኣብ ዝተኻየደ 2ይ ጕባኤ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ (ኤሃባደለ)፡ ሰዲህኤ፡ ከምተዓዛቢ ተኻፊሉ። ኣብ ቪዝባደን ኣብ ዝተኻየደ 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጕባኤ ሰዲህኤን ሃድኤ-ሕድርን ድማ ኤሃባደለ ከም ተዓባዚ ተኻፊሉ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ኣብ ሽወደን ኣብ ዝተኻየደ 2ይ ጕባኤ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ምስ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ዝላዘብን ንዕርቂ ዝሰርሕን ፍሉይ ቤት ጽሕፈት ከምዝቖመን፡ ሓላፊ እቲ ቤት ጽሕፈት፡ ዶር መሓመድ በሺር፡ ንሰልፍና ክራኸብ ቅሩብነቱ ዝገልጽ መልእኽቲ ድሮ ሰዲዱልናስ፡ ንሕና እውን ድሕሪ ምዝዛም ጕባኤና ክንራኸብ ቅሩባት ምህላውና መሊስናሉ ኣሎና።

ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ኵሉ ኵርንዓት ዓለም ኣብ ትሕቲ “ይኣክል” ዝብል መርሆ ተላዓዒሉ ዘሎ ንስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዘርዓደን ዘጃጀወን ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ሰዲህኤ ደጋፊኡ ምዃኑ እናገለጸ፡ ካብኡ ዝጥለብ ምድግጋፍን ምትሕብባርን ከወፊ ድልዊ ምህላዉ ክረጋግጸልኩም እፈቱ።

ኣብ መደምደምታ፡ ተቓወምቲ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራትን ህዝባዊ ምጥርናፋትን ተማላላእትን ተደጋገፍትን ደኣ’ምበር መቓናቕንቲ ሕድሕድ ከምዘይኰኑ ክንግንዘብ ይግብኣና። ስለዝዀኑ ድማ ተረዳዲኦምን ተደጋጊፎምን ክሰርሑ ንጽውዕ። ዕላማና፡ ነዚ ናይ ይኣክል ምንቅስቓስ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ከምዝለዓል ብምግባር ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ኣዉዲቕካ ስልጣን ንዋንኡ ዝዀነ ህዝቢ ምርካብ ኢዩ።

ንድሕነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ሓቢርና ንስራሕ ከነድምዕ፡ ሓቢርና ነድምጽ ከነስምዕ!!!

መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም

ኣቦ መንበር ሰዲህኤ

23-25 ነሓሰ 2019 ፍራንክፈርት

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