Wednesday, 30 September 2020 22:02

መጽሔት ሓርነት-ሕታም 75

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Wednesday, 30 September 2020 21:54

መጽሔት ሓርነት-ሕታም 75

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ማሕበረ ቁጠባዊ ጉዕዞ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ በብእዋኑ እንዳተቐያየረ፡ ቀጻልን ዘተኣማምንን ቅሳነት ከየውሓሰ ክመጽእ ዝጸንሐ ዓቐበ ቁልቁለት ምዃኑ ታሪኹ ዝምስክሮ እዩ። ኣብ ሓደ መዋእል ዝተፈላለዩ ባዕዳውያን  ገዛእቲ ተበራርየምሉ። ኣብ ዝተወሰነ መድረኽ ከኣ ናቱ መሲሎም ብዝቐረቡ ዘይናቱ መዛምድቱ ተጠሊሙ። ካልእ ግዜ ከኣ ሓድነቱ ኣደልዲሉ ናይ  ቀረባን ርሑቕን ገዛእቱ ሓንሳብ ንሓዋሩን ከወግድ መሪርን ነዊሕን ቃልሲ ኣካይዱ። ልኡላውነቱ ከኣ ብድምጹ ኣረጋጊጹ። ድሕሪዚ ኩሉ ከኣ ልቡ መሊኡኳ ምሉእ ብምሉእ እንተዘይቀሰነሉ፡ ኣብ ዝምድናዊ ሕጉስ ግዜ ናጽነት ድሕሪ መግዛእቲ ነይሩ።

እንተኾነ እቲ በቚሉ ዓንቢቡ ኣብ ፍረ ክበጽሓሉ ሃንቀው ዝበሎ ኣብ ደምን ኣዕጽምትን ደቁ ዝበቖለ ናጽነቱ ከምቲ ዝተጸበዮ ኣይኮነሉን። ፈልሲ ናጽነት ከምቲ ብጽቡቕ ኣጀማምራ ዝበቖለ ዘራእቲ፡ ኣብቲ መስርሕ ብሰንኪ ኣንበጣን ካልእ በላዒቶን ኣብቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ፍርያት ከይበጽሐ ዝኹለፍ፡ ብሰንኪ ኣድብዮም ዝጸንሑ ጐሓላሉ ናይ ሰብ በላዒቶ እቲ ትጽቢት ዝተገብረሉ ናይ ሰላምን ዕቤትን ምህርቱ ኣይተሓፍሰን። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ርእስቲ በሰንኪ ፍረ ናጽነቱ ክሓስፍ ብዘይምኽኣሉ ዝሓደሮ ሻቕሎት፡ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ሓሓሊፉ ዝኣጐዶ ሓዊ ከጥፍእ ተገዲዱ እዩ። ኣብቲ ምጥፋእ ዘዝተባረዐ ሓዊ ከኣ ክቡር ዋጋ ክኸፍል ግዱድ ነይሩ። ዋጋ ብዋግኡ ከኣ ኣዝዩ ክቡር ህይወት ደቁ፡ ዕንወት  ንብረቱን ስደትን እዩ ኣጋጢምዎ። ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ጐረባብታን ዝተኻየደ ክሳብ ሕጂ ስንብራቱ ዘይሓወየ ብዙሓት ተመራመርቲ “ትርጉም ዘይነበሮ” ዝበልዎ ውግኣት ናይዚ ኣብነት እዩ። እዚ ኣዕነውቲ ሓዊ ንክእጐድ ኣሉታዊ ብጽሒት እቲ ጉጅለ ቀሊል ከምዘይነበረ፡ ሻራ ብዘይብሎም ኣጻረይት’ውን ከይተረፈ ተመስኪሩ እዩ። እቲ እከይ ግባሩ ዝፈልጥ ጉጅለ ከኣ እነሆ ክሳብ ሕጂ በዚ ጉዳይ ምእንቲ ከይሕተት፡ ካብቲ ሃዳሚ መንገዱ ኣይወጸን።

ሎሚ እውን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብዚ መወዳእታኡ እንታይ ከም ዝኸውን ምግማቱ ዘጸግም፡ ናይ ውረድ ደይብን ሻቕሎትን ሃለዋትን ኣይደሓነን። ብፍላይ ኣብዚ ዓለምና ኣብ ትሕቲ መዓት ዝዘነብ ጸሊም ደበና ኮቪድ-19 እትሕቆነሉ ዘላ ህሞት፡ እቲ ካብ ቅድም እውን ኣብ ደሓን ዘይጸንሐ ኩነታት ህዝብና ኣበየናይ ዘየደቅስ ደረጃ ከም ዝርከብ ብሩህ እዩ። ምናልባት ነዚ ዘበን ኮቪድ-19፡ ኣባና ጥራይ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ብእንዳ ህግዲፍ “ደሓን ምስ ሰብካ መዓትስ ዳርጋ ገዓት” ክበሃል ይድለ ይኸውን። እንተኾነ እዚ ለበዳ ኣብ ኩሉ ዘጋጠመኳ እንተኾነ፡ ኣብቲ ንምክልኻሉ ዝግበር ጻዕሪ ሳዕቤኑ ካብ ሃገር ናብ ሃገር ክፈላለ ከም ዝኽእል ንዕዘቦ ዘለና ሓቂ እዩ። ከምቲ ኣብ ካልእ ዛዕባ ዝረአ፡ ኣብ ኣገጣጥማ ኮቪድ-19 እውን፡ ናይቶም ከም ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝኣመሰሉ፡ ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ዘይጉዳዮም፡ ምምሕዳራዊ ባህሊ ተሓታትነት፡ ግልጽነትን ትካላዊ ኣሰራርሓን ዘየዘውትሩ፡ ምስ ናይቶም ልዕልና ህዝቢ ዝኣምኑን ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ዝሕተቱን ትካላዊ መዛርዕ ዘለዎም ምምሕዳራት ክርአ እንከሎ ሓደ ኣይኮነን።

ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ነዚ ለበዳ ሕማም ብዝምልከት ዝወሰዳ እውጅቲ ስጉምቲ ሓንቲ እያ። ንሳ ከኣ “ምዕጻው” እያ። ጉዳይ ኮቪድ-19 ካብ ዘሻቐለን ለገስቲ ሃገራት ንህዝቢ ኣፍሪቃ ካብ ዝተዋህበ ናይቲ ሕማም መከላኸሊ ናውቲ፡ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ንብጽሒት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከም ዝተሓስሞ፡ ከኣ እቲ ቫይረስ ድሕሪ ምኽሳቱ ኣብ ሃገርና ዝተዓዘብናዮ ዘስደምም ተረኽቦ እዩ። እቲ ብሰንኪ ንህዝቢ ኣብ ገዛ ምዕጻው ከጋጥም ዝኽእል፡ ሕጽረት ምናልባት እውን ስእነት፡ መግቢ፡ ማይ፡ መብራህትን ካልእ ናይ መዕንገልን ጽሬትን ቀረባትን ብኸመይ ይማላእ? ዝብል መሰረታዊ ጉዳይ ንምምሕዳር ህግዲፍ ጉዳዩ ከምዘይኮነ ብግብሪ ተራእዩ እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ ነዚ ሕቶዚ ኣይመለሶን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ከም ሓደ ኣገዳሲ ዛዕባ ኣብ መስርሕ ምክልኻል እቲ ሕማም እውን ኣይተዛረበሉን።

ምናልባት እዚ ምጽቃጥ ኣካል ናይቲ ህግዲፍ ካብ ክውንነት ክሃድም እንከሎ ዝጥቀመሉ፡ “ዘይተዛረብና ዝዝረብ ስኢና ዘይኮነስ፡ ክንዛረብ ስለ ዘይደለና ኢና” ዝብል ዕባራ ምኽንያት ክኸውን ይኽእል። ምናልባት እውን እቲ “ንኺድ ጥራይ” ዝብል ናበይ ከምዝኽየድ ግና ዘየነጽር ጭረሖኡ፡ ሎሚ ድማ ናብ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ  “ንዕጸው ጥራይ” ማዕቢሉ ኣሎ ማለት እዩ።

“ክሳብ ሕጂ ብምኽንያት ኮቪድ-19 ዝሞተ የብልናን” ኢልካ እንዳፈከርካ፡ ህዝቢ ብሰንክ’ቲ “ነዚ ተላባዒ ሕማም ንምክልኻል” ብዝብል ሸፈጥ ዝተኸተልካዮ መንገዲ ዘይሓላፍነታውን መገላባጢ ዘየብሉን  ምዕጻው ሰብ እንተ ሞይቱኸ ምስ ምንታይ እዩ ክቑጸር። እቲ መኽሰብን ክሳራንከ ብኸመይ እዩ ክወራረድ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ እዚ ብሰንኪ ህግዲፍ ንነዊሕ ግዜ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣሳፊሑ ዝጸንሐ ጥሜት፡ ጽምኢ፡ ጸልማትን ሕማምን ሎሚ፡ ገጠራትን ከተማታትን ኤርትራ ዝምድናአን ኣብ ዝተበትከሉ ኩነታት ኣበየናይ ደረጃ ዓሪጉ ከም ዘሎ ብዙሕ ዘዛርብ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ርእሲዚ ወራር ኣንበጣን ዘይልሙድ ዓቐን ዝናብ ዘስዓቦ ውሕጅን ክውሰኾ እንከሎኸ። ወዮ ደኣ ብሰንክቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ዕጹው ፖሊሲ፡ ርጉጽ ሓበሬታ ምርካብ የጸገምዩ እምበር፡ ዝተፈላለዩ እዚ ዛዕባ ዘተሓሳሰቦም ወገናት ኣብ ኤርትራ ህጻናት ብሰንኪ ዋሕዲ መግቢ ኣብ ኣፍ ሞት ብምብጸሖም ሻቕለቶም ይገልጹ ኣለዉ። ብዛዕባ ጸገምን ኣገጣጥምኡን ክንዛረብ እንከለና፡ “ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጽኑዕን ኩሉ ጸገም ዝጸውርን እዩ” እንዳበልና በቲ ጽንዓቱን ጹረቱን ንሕበንን ንንየትን ኢና። እንተኾነ ጹረትን ጽንዓትን እውን ደረት ከም ዘለዎ  ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግበኣናን።

ስለዚ ነቲ ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ እምበር ንሓዋሩ ዘይጽወር ብህግዲፍ ክወርድ ዝጸንሐ፡ ሎሚ ከኣ መሊሱ ዝገድድ ዘሎ ጸገም፡ ህዝብና ርዒሙ ክጸሮ ዘይኮነ፡ ሓቢርና ክንቃለሶ’ዩ ዝግበኣና። ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ከኣ ከምቲ ዘለዉዎ ምስ ጸገሞም ክንቅበሎም ዘይኮነ፡ ጠንቂ ሞት ኣብ ሃገርና ኮቪድ-19 ጥራይ ከምዘይኮነ ኣስተብሂልና፡ ናብቲ ክኾንዎ ዝግበኦም ከነበርኾም ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ከነሕይል ግድን እዩ።

Assessment Source 

 Posted 28 Sep 2020 Originally published 28 Sep 2020 Origin View original

Executive Summary

How does it feel being displaced in Sudan? What is it like to leave everything behind – home, work, family, friends, culture – and start a new life as a refugee in Sudan?

To answer these questions, there is no one more qualified than the refugees themselves. For this reason, UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, operations around the world conduct regular participatory assessments to help enhance the accountability and effectiveness of its work. It has become a well-established foundation for UNHCR’s programmatic and practical work with communities and other stakeholders.

Participatory assessments focus on creating an open dialogue with refugees to hear first-hand accounts of their aspirations, challenges, needs and often suffering. The methodology also focuses on the capacities and ideas that refugees bring to the discussions. The qualitative insights gained through participatory assessments complement macro-level data and protection analysis to help UNHCR adjust and tailor its protection solutions.

For the 2019 participatory assessment in Sudan (see methodology at page 76). UNHCR and over 60 partners sat together with 6,068 refugees representing diverse profiles in 569 different events across 13 states to bring forward the valuable recommendations of refugees. About 1,100 girls and 1,000 boys participated through discussions specifically for children participants. Some 500 elderly women and 500 elderly men participated through dedicated discussions. Separate conversations were also held with single-headed households and specific populations to ensure that their voices were heard.

The majority of participants were South Sudanese (reflecting the fact that most refugees hosted in Sudan are from South Sudan). Participants also included refugees from Chad, CAR, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Yemen and Syria.

Across Sudan refugees had serious concerns with protection and assistance gaps in nearly all areas, and particularly with access to: quality education, livelihoods, water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH), justice, physical security, shelter, registration, child protection (particularly against child labour and early marriage) and protection from sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV).

In terms of physical security and access to justice, refugees and asylum-seekers were concerned that the host community could steal from refugees, exploited them in labour situations, and even targeted them for sexual and physical violence with no consequence. Host community impunity for crimes committed against refugees was a major issue for nearly all populations, and particularly those living in Darfur.

Health was another major theme highlighted by refugees, and discussions focused on a significant lack of access to basic healthcare services. In particular, participants highlighted weak referral systems, that costs were unaffordable (particularly for pregnant women), and long waits to access services even when people were suffering from significant pain and other urgent medical issues.

A third major theme was food security and access to basic livelihoods. Here participants were concerned with insufficient assistance, and the inability of refugees to meet their basic nutrition needs because of a lack of work.

Refugees recommended that malnutrition be addressed by providing them with opportunities to work. This was particularly true in East Sudan where restrictions on freedom of movement prevented many refugees from accessing employment, forcing them to rely instead on inadequate food assistance which diminishes with time.

Communicating with communities was a discussion theme which focused on understanding the communication needs of refugee populations. In this area communities highlighted that they wanted to be involved in more aspects of the services affecting them.

Education was one of the other top themes discussed and participants worried about high dropout rates for refugee children. They listed several causes, including overcrowding, lack of materials, lack of qualified teachers, difficulty affording school fees and the need for children to help with household income generation.

Participants also reported that girls face discrimination in accessing education because they are often tasked with domestic work or forced into early marriage to reduce economic burdens on their families. Girls across the country were seen as the most vulnerable to being denied access to their basic rights to education.

WASH was another significant issue across Sudan. Particularly, a lack of functioning and appropriate latrines and subsequent unhealthy and dangerous coping strategies, such as open defecation in ill-lit areas. Further complaints about inadequate and overcrowded shelters, and a need for more non-food items (NFIs) were repeated frequently.

The findings of the participatory assessment have been shared at state level and UNHCR, Sudanese authorities and NGO partners have already started addressing some of the most pressing needs. However, much more work remains to be done to ensure that the challenges raised by refugees are addressed, and that the solutions they recommend are implemented.

Source=https://reliefweb.int/report/sudan/being-refugee-sudan-2019-participatory-assessment-report

Saturday, 26 September 2020 20:50

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 26.09.2020

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ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ጥልመት፡ ክሕደት፡ ቅትለትን ወጽዓን ህግዲፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብዙሕ መልከዓትን ናይ ነዊሕ ግዜ ታሪኽን ዘለዎ ምዃኑ ብሩህ እዩ። እቲ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝፍጸም በደል መዓስን ብኸመይን ተጀሚሩ ዝተፈላለዩ ወገናት ነናቶም መዕቀንን መበገስን ክህልዎም ይኽእል። እቲ ኩልና እንሰማመዓሉ ግና ሎሚ እውን እዚ ወጽዓ እንዳገደደ እምበር እንዳሓሸ ይኸይድ ዘይምህላዉ እዩ። እዚ ጉጅለ  ጸረ ህዝቢ ተግባሩ ተነጊርዎ ዘእረም ዘይኮነ፡ እኳደኣ ካብ ባህርያቱ ዝነቐለ ን“ባህ ኣይበሎ” ስልትታት እንዳቀያየረን ኣጋጣምታት እንዳፈጠረን ጌጋታቱ ዝደግምን ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዘለዎ ጽልኢ  ዘሳዕርርን እዩ።

እዚ ንኤርትራ ዘመሓድር ዘይኮነ “ዝገዝእ” ዘሎ ህግዲፍ፡ ህዝቢ ዝብድለሉ ኣገባብ ከምዚ’ዩ ኢልካ ካብ ምዝርዛር “ ኩሉ ተግባራቱ ጸረ ህዝቢ እዩ” ኢልካ ምድምዳም እዩ ዝቐልል። በደላቱ ኣብታ ከይፈተወት ሕድሪ ደቃ ጠሊሙ ዘሳቕያ ዘሎ ሃገርና ኤርትራ ዝድረት ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ ኤርትራውያን ዘለዉዎ ኩርነዓት  ክረአ ዝጸንሐን ዘሎን እዩ። ብዙሓት ኣብ ሃገሮም ብሓፈሻ ማሕበራዊ ሕቶኦም፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ናይ ሕክምና ጸገሞም ዝምልሰሎም ዝሰኣኑ ኤርትራውያን ህይወቶም ንምድሓን ናብ ዝተፈላለያ ናይ ርሑቕን ቀረባን ሃገራት ክገሹ ክግደዱ ጸኒሖም እዮም። ኣብ ገዛእ ዓዶም ኣብ ወጻኢ ንዝነብሩ ደቆም ናብ መርዓን መዓርግን ክበጽሑ ስለ ዘይከኣሉ፡ ደቆም ከምስሉ ናብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ክገሹ ዝጸንሑ ኤርትራውያን ሒደት ኣይኮኑን። ብሰንኪ ንምምሕዳር ህግዲፍ ራሕሪሖም ምስዳዶምን ኣብ ዓዲ ስደቶም “ናይ ጣዕሳ ቀጥዒ” ዘይምኽታሞምን ናብ ዓዶም ክኣትዉ ዘይክእሉ መንእሰያት ዝናፈቕዎም ቤተሰቦም ክርእዩ ኣብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ክራኸቡ ዝግደዱ እውን ኣለዉ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ምስቲ ውሱን ዓቕሞም መብዛሕተኦም ኤርትራውያን ናብተን ብኣየርን ብመሬትን ብቕሉዕ ድዩ ብምስጢር ክኣትዉወን ዝኽእሉ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን እዮም ዝያዳ ክገሹ ጸኒሖም። እቶም ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ኩርነዓት ዓለም ዝነብሩ እሞ ዝናፈቕዎም ቤተሰብ ክርእዩ፡ ወይ ዝሓመመ ከሕክሙ ዝደልዩ፡ እንተኾነ ናብቲ ዘለዉዎ ሃገር ናይ ምውሳዶም ዓቕምን ፈቓድን ዘየብሎም እውን ናብዘን ሃገራት እዮም ዝመጽዎም።

ብዙሓት፡ እዚ ንዓልምና ዘሸበረ  ጌና ሎሚ’ውን ናህሩ ዘይነከየ ኮቪድ-19 ከይተጋህደ እንከሎ፡ ገሊኦም ብመኪና ገሊኦም ከኣ ብነፋሪት ንዝተፈላለየ ማሕበራዊ ዕማም ዝገሹ ኤርትራውያን፡ ጉዳዮም ወዲኦም ናብ ሃገሮም ክምለሱ ቅሩባት ክነሶም፡ ህግዲፍ ነቲ ቫይረስ ኣመኽንዩ ስለ ዘይፈቐደሎም፡ ኣብ ዓዲ ጓና ኣብ ከቢድ ስቓይ ይነብሩ ኣለዉ። በዚ መሰረት ከኣ ብስእነት መጽለሊ ኣባይቲ፡ መግብን ካልእ መሰረታዊ ነገራትን ኣብ ዝለዓለ ጸገም ወዲቖም ኣለዉ። “ቀልጢፍና ክንምለስ ኢና” ኢሎም ኣብ ዓዲ ምስ ዝገደፍዎም እሞ ተዓጽዮም ዘለዉ ቤተሰቦም  ኣብ ዓሚቕ ናፍቖትን ሻቕሎትን ወዲቖም። ምስተመለስና ክንዓሞ ኢና ዝበልዎ መደባቶምን ናይ ክረምቲ ሕርሻን ኩሉ በዂሩ። ናይዚ ብኩራት ሳዕቤን ከኣ ንመጻኢ እውን ቁጠባዊ ስንብራቱ ቀሊል ኣይክኸውንን እዩ። ወለዶም ወይ ካልእ ኣባል ቤተሰቦም ንዝተፈላለዩ ምኽንያታት ንውሱን ግዜ ናብዘን ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ንክኸዱ ዘተባብዑን ወጻኢኦም ዝኸኣሉን ኣብ ወጻኢ ዝነብሩ ኤርትራውያን፡ ብሰንኪ ኮቮድ-19 ኣታዊኦም ኣዝዩ ስለ ዝነከየ፡ ብቐጻሊ ክናብይዎም ብዘይምኽኣሎም ኣብ ሻቕሎት ኣትዮም ኣለዉ።

ሓደ ናብ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ቅርበት ዘለዎ ከም ዝጠቐሶ፡ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያንን ጥራይ ብድምር ልዕሊ 6 ሺሕ ኤርትራውያን ኣብተን ሃገራት ናብ ዘለዋ ኤምባስታት ምምሕዳር ህግዲፍ ከይዶም፡ ናይ “ናብ ዓድና ምለሱና” ጥርዓን የስምዑ ኣለዉ። ካብዞም በብግዜኡ ብተለፎን ረብሪቦም ብኣካል ናብተን ኤምባስታት ቀሪቦም “ምዕጻው ምዕጻዉስ ኣብ ዓድና ምስ ቤተሰብና ክንዕጾ መንገዲ ክፈቱልና” ዝብሉ ዘለዉ፡ ሓያሎ ኣብ ሕክምና ዘይተዓወቱ ወይ መሊሶም ዝተደግሱ፡ ብኮረር ዝብል መናብር (wheelchairs)  ዝሕገዙ ኣብ ዓድኻ ምቕባር እምበር: ካልእ ትጽቢት ዘየብሎም ከም ዝርከብዎም ይገልጹ።

ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ወትሩ ናይ ህዝቢ ጸገምዩ ዝምዝምዝ። እዞም ናብ ዓዶም ክምለሱ እሞ፡ ኣብ ዓዶም እንተ ንምሕዋይ እንተ ንሙማት  ዕድሎም ክርእዩ ዝህወኹ ዘለዉ ኣካላት፡ እቲ ጉጅለ ዝበሎም ካብ ምትግባር ካልእ ዕድል ከምዘይብሎም ይርዳእ እዩ። ህግዲፍ ነዚ ኣጨናቒ ኩነታቶም ናብ ገንዘባዊ ረብሕኡ ከውዕሎ ከም ዝሰርሕ ከኣ፡ ብመንጽርቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ መጻዪ ተመኩሮኡ ሓድሽ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ሓደ እዋን ልዕሊ ዕድመ ደቅኹም ብዘይፈቓድ መንግስቲ ናብ ስደት ኣምሪሖም ኢሉ ልዕሊ 50 ሺሕ ናቕፋ ዘኽፈለ ጉጅለ ምዃኑ እውን ዝዝንጋዕ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከኣ እነሆ ብግብሪ  ነዞም ጽጉማት ካብቲ ቅድም ኣብ መንጎ ኣስመራን ካርቱምን ወይ ኣስመራን ኣዲስ ኣበባን  ንበጺሕካ ምምላስ ዝኽፈል ዝነበረ ዘይውሕድ ዓቐን ዶላር፡ ናብ ኣስመራ ንምምላስ ጥራይ ከኽፍል መዲቡ ኣሎ። ኣብ ርእሲ እዚ “ምስተመለስኩም ንዝተወሰነ ግዜ ኣብ ሆቴላት ክትጸንሑ ኢኹም” ብዝብል ነቲ ሆቴላት ዝኽፈል ገንዘብ ቅድሚ ምብጋሶም ምስ ህልዊ ኤርትራዊ ዓቕሚ ዘይመጣጠን ገንዘብ ከትሕዙ ናይ ምግዳዶም መደብ ከም ዘለዎ እቶም ነቲ ኩነታት ብቐረባ ዝከታተሉ ይሕብሩ ኣለዉ።

እዚ ኣካል ናይቲ ህግዲፍ ናይ ህዝቢ ጸገም መዝሚዙ መኽሰብ ንምእካብ ዘውጸኦ መደብ እዩ። ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣጽቂጡ ዝጸንሐ እውን ነዚ ተንኮልዚ ንምፍሓስ እዩ። ጉዳይ ህዝቡ ዘገድሶ ነይሩ እንተዝኸውን፡ በቲ ብዙሓት ሃገራት ኣብዚ ሕማቕ ግዜ ኣይኮነንዶ ንመገሻ ከይዶም ዝተዓግቱ፡ ኣብተን ሃገራት ነዊሕ ዓመታት ዝጸንሑ ዜጋታተን ብፍላይ ካብ ሃገራት ማእከላይ ምብራቕ ብመንግስታዊ ወጻኢ ናብ ሃገሮም ንምምላስን ኣብ ዓዶም እግሪ ንምትካልን ዝገብረኦ ብዘለዋ ጻዕሪ መቐንአ። ሓላፍነት ወሲዱ ነዚ ጉዳይ እንተዝግደሰሉን ናተይ ኢሉ እንተዝሕዞን ከኣ  ነዞም ኣብ ጸገም ወዲቖም ዘለዉ ኤርትራያውን ካብ ሱዳን ኮነ ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ብመካይን ናብተን ኣብ ዶባት ኤርትራ ዘለዋ ከተማታትን ነቁጣታትን መብጸሖም እሞ ኣብኡ እቲ ዝድለ ጥዕናዊ መርመራ እናተገብረ ነናብ ዓዶም ምተመልሱ።

እዚ ብህግዲፍ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝፍጸም ዘሎ ግፍዒ መልክዑ ቀይሩ ዝመጸ እምበር ብትሕዝቶኡ ሓድሽ ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ “ሓድሽ ኣይኮነን” ኢልና ስቕ ኢልና እንሓልፎ ዘይኮነ፡ ከም ኣካል ናይቲ ከውርዶ ዝጸንሐ ግህሰት ሰብኣውን ዲሞክራስያውን መሰላት ክንቃለሶን ድምጽና ከነስመዓሉን ዝግበኣና እዩ። እዚ ሓላፍነት ናይቶም ቤተሰቦም ዝሳቐዩ ዘለዉ ውሱናት ወገናት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ናይ ኩልና ኤርትራውያን ግቡእ ስለ ዝኾነ ብሓባር ክንቃለሶን ከነቃለዖን ዝግበኣና እዩ።

Analysis Source 

 Posted 24 Sep 2020 Originally published 23 Sep 2020 Origin View original

 

Millions of the foreign nationals who live and work in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states hail from repressive or conflict-affected countries, and yet their situation rarely features in discussions about forced migration or the hosting of refugees. The result is both a lack of information about the specific protection challenges faced by forced migrants en route to and within the GCC States, and a limited understanding of where these individuals go, and what conditions they face, when they move on.

This new Rights in Exile Policy Paper on Forced Migration from the Gulf States to Africa (#GulfAfricaMigration), begins to address the gap. It documents the experiences of Eritreans who originally travelled to Saudi Arabia after being displaced from Eritrea, but who now find themselves pressured to leave the Gulf, but unable to return to their country of origin. For them, ‘return’ to the Horn of Africa is thus the first move in a series of new migrations and experiences of displacement within and from the continent. Uganda constitutes one of the countries to which they move in search of stability, security and protection. “We have left our country because they would steal our children [and take them] to the military. If a bullet is going to eat that child [gesturing to her son], I will bring him here, not stand and watch them do that. So I brought him here”, said one of female respondents interviewed during the research.

Based on interviews with Eritreans in Kampala, this policy paper outlines the key drivers of this population’s forced departures from Saudi Arabia, including the intensification of the country’s nationalisation programme, and their subsequent journeys to Uganda. The paper further documents the key challenges they face in Kampala, particularly with regards to applying for asylum, but also notes the plight of a sizeable population of Eritreans within the Gulf States, who are both unable to leave and unable to stay there legally, rendering them involuntarily immobile and in a state of extreme precarity. Amidst the extension of attempts to drive out certain low-skilled workers from the GCC States, and the worsening impacts of Covid-19 on employment conditions there, the protection challenges of choiceless departures to Eastern Africa and involuntary immobility will only worsen.

The author of the paper, Dr Georgia Cole noted that “their onward movement from Sudan [first country of asylum], should in no way be seen to invalidate their original claims for persecution, particularly when this has been compounded by the discrimination many of them suffered as Christians in Saudi Arabia”. As one respondent indicated, “we are still refugees. We didn’t get citizenship in Saudi and our government is still creating problems for us”. Another respondent added, “we went to Saudi because we could not wait as refugees in Sudan. We couldn’t wait for money – where was it going to come from?”. In despair, another respondent concluded that "even if we had the full status [in Uganda], there's nothing we can do with it. We left Saudi [Arabia] poor and we stay poor in Kampala. In Kampala, there's no hope for a better tomorrow."

While acknowledging a set of transformative reforms that would improve the situation of Eritrean forced migrants in and from the Gulf States, the paper outlines a number of areas for immediate policy advocacy. These include advocacy around the end of discriminatory forms of taxation within the GCC States that disproportionately target long-term migrants with resident families; strengthening monitoring mechanisms in major migrant-receiving states, such as the GCC States, to ensure that forced migrants and refugees within their labour markets are not returned to countries where they may face persecution or cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment; and the introduction of alternative legal statuses to regularise the position of forced migrants within Uganda in quicker, more humane and less expensive ways than individualised RSD procedures.

This case study further highlights that the key to assisting forced migrants may not be found in either ‘return to’ or ‘reform of’ the country of origin, particularly in cases where generations of displacement have resulted in significant populations residing (semi-)permanently in third countries. Shifts in employment for Eritreans in Israel, South Sudan and the Gulf States are indeed causing large numbers of these individuals to seek refuge in other African countries as they remain unable and/or unwilling to return to their country of origin. Assistance to these sites of departure and arrival, not the country of origin or traditional spaces of asylum, may prove more beneficial to the forcibly displaced. Basic statistics on return migration can therefore conceal important and widespread patterns of onward movements. Alongside contributing to the potential misallocation of funds and resources for response, this feeds into a misplaced optimism that these ‘return’ movements constitute a durable solution for displaced populations, and takes the pressure off the search for more innovative solutions that respond to their actual movements.

“When we say ‘African solutions for African problems’ this should manifest to protect Africans, and the continent’s body of laws should be interpreted to safeguard and not exclude Africans in-need. This is the least we can expect from the Pan-Africanist and the free movement regimes”, said Achieng Akena, IRRI’s Executive Director.

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Thursday, 24 September 2020 20:34

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 24 09 2020

Written by

SEPTEMBER 23, 2020  NEWS

Eritrean human rights organization withdraws claim against EU, but remains vigilant about forced labour

SEPTEMBER 23, 2020ERITREA HUBNEWS

Source: Africa ExPress

Eritrea: Italian school of Asmara closed: Enforced enlistments despite the virus

By Cornelia Toelgyes on September 23, 2020

Special for Africa ExPress
Cornelia I. Toelgyes
23 September 2020

The historic Italian school of Asmara , established in 1903, has temporarily closed its doors. This can be read in a decree signed on 31 August 2020 by the chargé d’affaires of the Italian Embassy in Eritrea. The new ambassador, Marco Mancini, was appointed only a few days ago by the Council of Ministers.

Last year the institute had a thousand members, only 10 percent were Italian.

The reasons for the closure are many and the responsibility is certainly to be attributed to both governments, the onset of the crisis began several years ago. And it got worse with the cut in expenses for Italian schools abroad (DL 64/2017 and DM 2051/2018), thus preventing the use of alternates. In this way it was necessary to resort to the constant recruitment of local teachers; often the chairs were uncovered and this obviously to the detriment of the quality of school education. Certainly Eritrea has interpreted this as a gesture of minor interest on the part of our government towards the Asmara school.

Italian School, Asmara, Eritrea

The situation further precipitated in March of this year because the school principal would not have agreed on the educational suspension, aimed at avoiding the spread of the pandemic, with the competent local authorities. The intervention of the President of the Council of Ministers, Giuseppe Conte, to the Eritrean government was useless. Asmara has not renewed the license with the consequent termination of the bilateral agreement of 2012 and has sealed the building.

The students of Italian nationality were then able to take the maturity exam regularly, something that was denied to Eritrean students, who are forced to take this test in Sawa, where they were enrolled together with their compatriots.

It is not excluded that behind all this there is also the desire to nationalize the school, as was done last year with other institutions owned by the Catholic Church in the country. On that occasion, however, the dictatorship appealed to the application of a 1995 legislation that limits the activities of religious institutions.

In the past, the most deserving Eritrean students of the Italian institute of Asmara enjoyed scholarships given by our government with the aim of contributing to the training of young Eritrean excellence. For about ten years and perhaps more, the allocation of funding for study purposes in favor of students from our former colony has become increasingly rare, to almost completely disappear. The Isaias regime is somewhat reticent in granting visas for them, since they cannot leave the country until they have finished basic military training which lasts several years. An intervention by the Italian government would have been useless, it would have been seen as interference in internal affairs.

SAWA military training camp, Eritrea

At the beginning of the month, photos and videos were posted on social networks framing young people in the capital Asmara as they are loaded onto buses without a mask, headed for the Sawa training camp in the west of the country. Nothing has changed since the 2018 peace treaty signed with Ethiopia, the archenemy of all time.

As every year, the regime forces thousands of young and very young to finish the last year of secondary school in the notorious Sawa military camp, where boys and girls, in addition to studying, undergo hard military training in often prohibitive climatic conditions.

If life is hard for boys in this hell , we can only imagine what it is for girls. And in this period, no measures are applied to stem the spread of the virus: the dormitories are overcrowded, no social distancing and health care is lacking, as reported by the Human Rigts Watch Organization in a recent article.

The impact with Sawa is terrible for everyone; in Eritrea no young person can dream of his own future, everything is written from birth. The deserving students, after finishing secondary school, can attend college (military university) in the same facility and are later sent to work for the government in various ministries. The others, on the other hand, are forced to attend professional courses, which almost always means military service.

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), a human rights organization specializing in freedom of worship, said the Eritrean regime recently released 27 Eritrean Pentecostal Christians. Some of them had been lying in Mai Serwa prison, not far from the capital Asmara, for 16 years without any trial.

According to some CSW sources, it seems that the release of the 27 (19 men and 8 women) is somehow connected with Covid-19; they are among the first group of prisoners released out of a total of 54 that the asmarine authorities intend to release soon. Another group of 22 (mostly women and minors) belonging to the Methodist church were reportedly released in July. Their names have not been disclosed so far.

However, to prevent them from leaving the country,  these people are only free on bail; they had to pledge their property documents or those of a guarantor. Since 2002, the government has recognized only Sunni Islam, the Eritrean Orthodox Church, the Roman Catholic and Lutheran Churches.

Even today, the dictatorship holds tens of thousands of its citizens in more or less 300 rotten prisons scattered throughout the country. Most of these unfortunates are incarcerated for daring to criticize the regime; extrajudicial detentions, enforced disappearances continue and family members often have no news from their relatives for years.

And if on the one hand Eritrea seems to have released some detainees to avoid the spread of the pandemic – official data do not report deaths linked to Covid-19, only 364 infected, among these 305 recovered – the regime continues the forced enlistment of Young people.