Thursday, 21 November 2024
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Rounded up, massacred and posted on social media: can Ethiopia bring justice for atrocities in Tigray?

Friday, 08 November 2024 18:49 Written by

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Martin Plaut

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By Martin Plaut on 07/11/2024

By Martin Plaut on 07/11/2024

The massacre at Mahbere Dego in Tigray is just one atrocity in the brutal war that engulfed northern Ethiopia from 2020 to 2022.About 600,000 people died, according to Olusegun Obasanjo, a negotiator for the African Union and former president of Nigeria. Many died from disease and hunger when aid was blocked to Tigray, prompting a UN investigation into accusations of Ethiopia’s government using starvation as a weapon.

Source: The Guardian

The country is about to start investigating crimes reported in a brutal regional war. But trust is at an all-time low and survivors feel forgotten

Fred Harter in Axum and Mahbere DegoThu 7 Nov 2024 09.00 GMTShare

Meaza Teklemariam was seven months pregnant when the soldiers came to her home in January 2021, dragged her husband, Tsegaye, outside and bound his hands together, before taking him away with other men from their neighbourhood in the Tigray region of Ethiopia.

“They said to him, ‘You are a fighter, you are a fighter’,” says Meaza, tears rolling down her cheeks. “He kept saying, ‘No, no. I’m a farmer, I’m a civilian.’”

Europe is turning a blind eye because Ethiopia is an important partner in Africa

European diplomat

Videos filmed by the soldiers and posted on social media show what happened next. The soldiers gather dozens of men on a rocky clifftop. Then they lead them to the edge and shoot them with automatic rifles. The limp bodies are tossed into the valley below, as the soldiers fire rounds into anyone showing signs of life.

At one point, before the slaughter begins, a smiling soldier with a rifle slung over his shoulder beckons to the camera. “Why don’t you go closer and film?” he asks. “You should film how these are going to die.” In another video a soldier identifies his name and military unit and then passes his phone to a comrade who films him shooting someone.

A stone monument marks the site of the Mahbere Dego massacre in Tigray. Photograph: Fred Harter

Today, a modest stone monument stands at the massacre site in Mahbere Dego town in Tigray, where children graze herds of donkeys and cattle among the orange aloe vera flowers. A tally by local officials, reviewed by the Guardian, puts the number of people killed at 50. It was six months before relatives discovered their loved ones’ remains, when the soldiers withdrew from the area in the face of a rebel offensive.

People were identified by their scattered belongings: tattered identity cards, charred shoes and bloodstained bits of clothing. Bones were collected in sacks as the sounds of battle echoed in the surrounding mountains, and buried in mass graves at two local churches.

“It was heartbreaking,” says priest Gebremeskal Berhe, standing beside one of the graves at his church of Mahbere Tsadkan. “We don’t know the exact number of people buried here,” he says. “We can only guess.”

This massacre is just one atrocity in the brutal war that engulfed northern Ethiopia from 2020 to 2022. About 600,000 people died, according to Olusegun Obasanjo, a negotiator for the African Union and former president of Nigeria. Many died from disease and hunger when aid was blocked to Tigray, prompting a UN investigation into accusations of Ethiopia’s government using starvation as a weapon. An estimated 100,000 women were raped, and UN investigators concluded all sides committed war crimes, including rebels from Tigray when they entered the neighbouring regions of Afar and Amhara.https://interactive.guim.co.uk/uploader/embed/2024/06/tigray-zip/giv-13425ASYdATaAp76C/

Now, two years after the war ended, Ethiopia is preparing to launch a transitional justice process. In April, its cabinet approved a policy setting up a special prosecutor and court to deal with the most serious abuses, as well as a truth commission with powers to grant reparations and amnesties to mend fractured community relationships. Their work will start in the coming months, covering not just the recent civil war, but all crimes committed in the country since 1995, when its constitution came into force.

The transitional justice policy has drawn praise from donors such as the US and the European Union, which froze aid to Ethiopia during the conflict and demanded a transitional justice process before they normalised relations. But it has been criticised by international and national human rights groups, who question the government’s commitment to accountability.

During the conflict, the government cut Tigray’s phone lines and officials downplayed or denied accusations its forces and allies committed abuses. Eritrean troops fought alongside Ethiopia’s military, but Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, denied their presence for months. The ministry of justice says it has carried out investigations but has released little information about findings, raising fears the transitional justice process will be similarly opaque.

Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch, says: “Time and time again, the government has demonstrated outright resistance to any international oversight, scrutiny and transparency. And we are seeing that again with this process.”

A major concern is the lack of international participation in the process. A group of Ethiopian academics who helped draft the policy floated the possibility of including international experts as judges, investigators and commissioners, but the final policy limits them to training and advisory roles.

The government has insisted on a nationally led process, under the banner of “African solutions to African problems”, and refused to cooperate with the UN investigation, whose mandate it lobbied hard to end. The investigation was allowed to quietly lapse last year, as the 3BpYS0yMDIzLTEwLTAzLw=">EU restored €600m (£500m) in frozen funding to Ethiopia, a move that seemed to indicate a shelving of its demands for accountability.

“Europe is turning a blind eye because Ethiopia is an important partner in Africa,” alleges a European diplomat in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

One senior member of the UN investigation says: “We left the process with the view Ethiopia was not serious about accountability, that this was something they were primarily doing for external consumption.” They describe this tactic as “quasi-compliance”.

A government spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

There is still fighting in Amhara and Oromia, Ethiopia’s biggest regions, where security forces face accusations of abuses. This includes a massacre of dozens of civilians early this year, which the government is yet to investigate. Much of these regions are too dangerous for officials, so it is not clear how the transitional process will work there. Civil society groups say the ongoing atrocities cast doubt on the government’s commitment to accountability.

The new special prosecutor will have powers to extradite suspects, but Eritrea sending men to face justice in Ethiopia is a remote prospect, with its president, Isaias Afwerki, calling allegations of war crimes in Tigray “a fantasy”.

Eritrean troops have been accused of committing some of the worst atrocities of the war. This includes the massacre of hundreds of men and boys in Axum, an hour’s drive north of Mahbere Dego through flat farmland. On 28 and 29 November 2020, Eritrean soldiers reportedly carried out a door-to-door killing spree after clashing with local militia in this ancient city, whose church is believed by Orthodox Ethiopians to house the Ark of the Covenant.

At her home in Axum’s old town, Tirhas Berha recalls how gunfire rang through the city. Then a group of Eritrean troops barged in. She says they ordered her husband, Tamrat, into the street, lined him up with five other men and opened fire.

When she eventually managed to drag him inside, Tamrat was still breathing. But he bled to death in front of her and their children two hours later. They could not leave their home to bury his decomposing body for three days.

Trust in government institutions is low in Tigray. According to a recent survey, just 2% of people living there want domestic courts to adjudicate. This includes Berha, who has little confidence her husband’s killers will ever be prosecuted.

“We need justice, but it’s been four years and nothing has happened. They have just forgotten about us,” she says.

“No one can understand how I feel.” As she speaks, her young daughter wipes her tears away with a scarf and rubs her back.

Leake Embaye helped to collect the bodies. He says they were fired upon by Eritrean troops while doing the work. At his barber shop, stripped bare by looting, he unfurls a large poster with the pictures and names of the dead from his neighbourhood. He says he too doubts there will be justice.

“The government lied about what happened, they said Eritrean troops weren’t here at the time,” he says.

In a recent interview, Ethiopia’s army chief downplayed what happened in Axum, saying Eritrean troops “were fired upon” and “took action against those who attacked them”. “In the midst of this, peaceful people might have been harmed,” he said.

In the countryside around Mahbere Dego, wrapped in a white shawl, Kiros Berhe walks along a dirt path through fields teeming with crops ready for harvest, up to the church gate where her husband, Solomon, and other relatives lie buried. But she won’t go inside. “It is too painful,” she says.

Despite losing six family members in the massacre at the cliff top, she considers herself “very lucky” because her only son survived. “I am sure God will punish them,” she says, “but I don’t trust the government. They are responsible for this.”

Freedom on Trial: Eritrean Activists Face Legal Battles in America

Monday, 04 November 2024 21:59 Written by

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Martin Plaut

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By Martin Plaut on 04/11/2024

How President Isaias's 'fourth front' is using the courts against pro-democracy activists

By Michael Rubin

Source: National Security Journal

Secretary of State Antony Blinken

Secretary Antony J. Blinken holds a joint press availability with Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III, Philippine Foreign Secretary Enrique Manalo, and Philippine Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro in Manila, Philippines, July 30, 2024. (Official State Department photo by Freddie Everett)

After North Korea, Eritrea is the world’s most repressive and totalitarian country. Independence leader Isaias Afwerki rules with an iron fist. He rejects elections, and treats the country as his personal fiefdom. Unlimited conscription and national service transformed Eritrean citizens into unpaid slaves and made the country Isaias’ plantation. In response, many Eritreans flee. The routes are perilous; many die of thirst in the desert or drown crossing the Red Sea or Mediterranean. Tribesmen, criminals, and slavers prey upon them. Isaias is fine with the flight as Eritrea relies not only upon remittances from those who make it to Europe and the United States but also extorts a two percent “tax” based on ethnicity rather than citizenship. If an Eritrean renounces their citizenship, Isaias does not care. If they do not pay two percent of their income back to his treasury, their relatives will suffer back in Eritrea.

Other members of the diaspora, I would argue, advocate for the government for either privilege or, as possible, intelligence officers who spy on the Eritrean community. This is a strategy ripped from the North Korean playbook. Some experts argue that various ‘front groups’ regularly promote Pyongyang positions in Washington, seeking to confuse policy or, on occasion, win a propaganda coup when they can convince a representative to parrot their talking points without looking behind the curtain.

Indeed, Isaias considers pro-government diaspora to be a fourth front” to supplement the country’s Western, Central, and Eastern fronts. Eritrean embassies often coordinate with diaspora front groups to lionize Isaias and celebrate festivals important to his rule. Eritrean front groups usually seek to intimidate those who favor freedom and democracy. In recent years, clashes and violence have become commonplace as pro-regime Eritreans attack those who do not share their views.

The pro-freedom diaspora has now responded. Over the past two years, diaspora groups across Europe and the United States hava rallied behind the so-called Blue Revolution.” Many of this pro-freedom, anti-Isaias Eritreans counter-protest at pro-regime festivals. This infuriates Isaias and pro-regime organizers as it takes the shine off their events and undermines the image of Eritrean solidarity they promote.

The pro-Isaias community in the United States now appears to be experimenting with a new strategy: Using U.S. courts to target anti-regime protestors. Earlier this year, the Eritrean Association in Greater Seattle sued several Eritrean democracy activists at the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington in Tacoma. While the case remains mired in its early procedural issues such as service, it sets a dangerous precedent.  Many cases have no merit—and reading the complaint, this appears to be one of them. The Eritrean Association says they serve more than 7,000 local Eritreans and openly acknowledge they organize events such as Eritrean Independence Day and Martyr’s Day celebrations. These parallel government holidays that lionize Isaias. The complaint then suggests that for their advocacy, they have become the target of hate crimes. This, of course, elides “hate crimes” with political dissent as those whom they accuse share the same ethnicities.

The root of the Eritrean Association complaint is that protestors disrupted their event by protesting and caused participants to cancel hotel reservations. They allege violence, but the complaint appears exaggerated. What the complaint alleges to be severe violence and destruction of property, the local police spokeswoman acknowledged tents tipped over. She described them as scuffles “that have quickly ended.”

It is understandable that the U.S. government prefers to remain aloof. After all, the judiciary is an independent branch of government, and the executive branch has no business interfering. At the same time, though, this can play into Isaias’ hijacking of the courts. He can channel unlimited funds to his front groups and lawyers to try to use court procedures and hearings to intimidate and bankrupt the Eritrean opposition.

The courts should be interested in not allowing themselves to be used by a dictator or groups that, by their actions, appear to act as his proxies. The State Department should also file a brief with the court explaining Eritrea’s methodology and strategies to target and neutralize opposition. Lawfare is simply its latest tactic.

Make no mistake: Freedom is on trial in Tacoma. Not only is Isaias watching its outcome, but dictators from Beijing to Moscow to Addis Ababa to Caracas will also seek to use U.S. courts to do their dirty work.

About the Author: Dr. Michael Rubin

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum. A former Pentagon official, Dr. Rubin has lived in post-revolution Iran, Yemen, and pre-and postwar Iraq. He also spent time with the Taliban before 9/11. For over a decade, he taught classes at sea about the Horn of Africa and Middle East conflicts, culture, and terrorism to deployed US Navy and Marine units. Dr. Rubin is the author, coauthor, and coeditor of several books exploring diplomacy, Iranian history, Arab culture, Kurdish studies, and Shi’ite politics. The views expressed are his own. 

 

Eritrea’s last minute withdrawal from Confederation of African Football CHAN 2024

Wednesday, 30 October 2024 23:19 Written by

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Martin Plaut

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By Martin Plaut on 29/10/2024

BBC Tigrinya reported that Eritrea withdrew from the Confederation of African Football (CAF) without providing any explanation to the organisers.

CAF has confirmed Eritrea's withdrawal from the CHAN 2024 Qualifiers, resulting in the cancellation of the upcoming matches at Juba National Stadium.  Although CAF's Competitions Division was annoyed by this last minute decision, it extended appreciation to all involved parties for their understanding of this unfortunate last minute withdrawal.

Given the political history between Eritrea and Ethiopia, this fixture was expected to be a highly charged affair, according to many sports commentators. The first match was going to be played on Thursday, October 31st in Juba, with the return leg scheduled for Saturday, November 3rd.

The upcoming schedule had created a buzz in social media. Many Eritreans were talking about how Eritrea's national football team resurrected to face Ethiopia for the first time since January 2020 when they lost 1-0 at home in Asmara to Sudan in a friendly. Well, it wasn't meant to be. BBC Tigrinya reported that Eritrea, a country plagued by defections of its players, lacked resources and foresight in neither partaking nor hosting international matches.

As a result, the Eritrean men's national team rarely get the opportunity to play in international football matches. The team has not played an international match in four years, largely due defection concerns.

According to experts the cancellation must have broken the hearts of many members of the national team, including many fans.

The TotalEnergies African Nations Championship (“CHAN”) 2024 will be played between 01 - 28 February 2025. The first round of qualifiers will now be played on the weekend of 25-27 October 2024 without Eritrea. CHAN is scheduled to be hosted by Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. Now the 3rd and 4th matches of the first round which were set to be played between Eritrea and Ethiopia at Juba National Stadium will no longer proceed as planned. Following Eritrea's withdrawal, Ethiopia will instead compete against either Sudan or Tanzania in the final. qualification round.

 

Eritrea: Britain maintains human rights focus for aid

Sunday, 13 October 2024 22:32 Written by

Africa, Eritrea, Horn of Africa

 

Date: 26/12/2014Author: Martin Plaut0 Comments

The British government has given an assurance that a commitment to human rights remains one of the key principles of its aid programme for Eritrea.

In a written answer to Lady Glenys Kinnock, the government said “the extent of partner governments’ commitment to respecting human rights and other international obligations is one of four Partnership Principles assessed by country offices.” Further the British government has made “representations to the Government of Eritrea to improve its observance of human rights”. [See full answer below]

Why is this important?

There have been suggestions that the European Union is attempting to develop a “new engagement” with the Eritrean regime as a means of halting the flight of Eritreans from the country, many of whom arrive on European shores. The Italians led the way.

In July 2014 Italy’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lapo Pistelli, made an official visit to Asmara. He was fulsome in his praise for his hosts, saying that he found them “well informed and keen to engage.” The enthusiasm with which he greeted this “new beginning” was reflected in the official communiqué put out by the Italian government.

“It’s time for a new start”. This was Deputy Minister Pistelli’s comment during his visit to Asmara – the first visit to Eritrea by a member of the government since 1997, with the mission by the President of the Republic at that time, Oscar Luigi Scalfaro. “I am here today to bear witness to our determination to revitalise our bilateral relations and try to foster Eritrea’s full reinstatement as a responsible actor and key member of the international community in the stabilisation of this region”.

Eritreans were naturally deeply concerned by this – the Eritrean regime is among the most notorious in the world, with a complete absence of human rights. Torture and imprisonment without trial is routine and there is no freedom of speech and no right to challenge the sole political party – the PFDJ.

Eritrean human rights groups appealed to European leaders not to begin a “new engagement” with the regime without real changes to this appalling situation. Eight Eritrean groups echoed a call from members of the resistance inside Eritrea appealing for pressure to be maintained on the Eritrean authorities:

“Listen to our agony. We thank you for giving shelter to Eritrean refugees abroad, but if you are a decision-maker we beg you to keep up the pressure on the Eritrean regime.”

The British position

In early December the British government sent a mission to investigate the situation inside Eritrea, with a visit to Asmara by two government departments: the Home Office (Ministry of the Interior) and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The visit was designed to look at the underlying causes of migration from “source countries”. This was part of what is termed the “Khartoum Process” which involves discussions between European and African countries.

As the official EU statement put it: “Ministers of the 28 EU countries as well as Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya, Egypt and Tunisia, as well as the European and African Union Commissioners in charge of migration and development and the EU High Representative launched on 28 November the EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative, also known as the ‘Khartoum Process’, which aims to tackle trafficking and smuggling of migrants between the Horn of Africa and Europe.”

This is the background. It led to concerns among Eritreans that Britain might join attempts to launch a “new engagement” with President Isaias Afwerki’s regime by ditching or watering down the UK’s requirement that its partners in the developing world maintain a firm commitment to human rights.

It is in this context that Lady Glenys Kinnock wrote to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. She received this reply from Lady Lindsay Granshaw, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary in the Department for International Development on 23 December 2014.

“We remain deeply concerned by the political situation in Eritrea; the UN estimates that around 200 migrants leave Eritrea daily, with Sudan and Ethiopia as their primary destinations. Those who choose to leave Eritrea do so for a variety of reasons, including a desire to avoid performing national service for an indeterminate length of time and to seek greater economic opportunity than currently available in Eritrea. Our Ambassador in Asmara regularly monitors events in Eritrea and works closely with the UNHCR, through whom we receive monthly updates on migration. The UK Government has made representations to the Government of Eritrea to improve its observance of human rights, and works with European partners on the implementation of the Eritrea Country Programme under the Eleventh European Development Fund to help provide greater economic growth and opportunities.”

Israel Recruits African Asylum Seekers to Fight in Gaza

Saturday, 12 October 2024 23:56 Written by

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Martin Plaut

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By Martin Plaut on 11/10/2024

"If you join the army, you can get a permanent residence permit". The exclusive interview with a contractor aired yesterday evening on Piazza Pulita, produced in collaboration with Africa Express

 Africa ExPress Editorial Team- October 11, 2024

According to what was reports by the Israeli daily Haaretz , Israel intends to recruit asylum seekers to fight in Gaza. In exchange, the government promised to regularize once and for all the administrative status of migrants willing to enlist.

Yesterday evening Piazza Pulita by Corrado Formigli, which is broadcast on La7, broadcast this interview by Carlo Marsili to a contractor who has operated in various African countries. The interview was conducted with the collaboration and consultancy of Africa ExPress

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According to data from the Israeli immigration authority, as of October 2023, there were 23,249 asylum seekers (excluding Sudanese who arrived during the conflict in their country and Ukrainians who fled the ongoing war). In addition, there are nearly 10,000 minors born in the country, children of those who have been waiting for years for a permanent residence permit. According to the Tel Aviv-based NGO Hotline for Regugees and Migrants (HRM), only 1 percent of asylum applications are accepted.

Shira Abdo, HRM’s public policy director , explained that many asylum applications are not rejected, but suspended for five, ten or even more years, creating a “legal vacuum”.

Some military sources have confirmed , while remaining anonymous, that the recruitment is organized with legal consultants specialized in the defense branch. In short, they say that the recruitment of these new forces is completely legal. So far, however, it has not been disclosed how the recruits will be used in the field. Many NGOs doubt that Netanyahu's government will keep the promises made to the "African volunteers", that is, to regularize their administrative status.

Recruitment of Young African Asylum Seekers in Israel

One of the asylum seekers , interviewed by the Israeli newspaper, explained that a little over a month after the start of the conflict with Hamas (7 October 2024), he was contacted by a policeman, asking him to report to the nearest police station as soon as possible. Security officers then explained to the boy that they were looking for specific profiles for the army. The boy told Haaretz reporters that the people he spoke to had stressed: “This is a war of vital importance for Israel.”

After several meetings with recruiters, the young man, who arrived in the country at the age of 16, was offered two weeks of intensive training with others with temporary documents like him. In exchange, he would have obtained permanent residency. "I declined the offer, I have never held a gun in my hand," he later told journalists who interviewed him.

Hoping to speed up their integration , many asylum seekers initially volunteered to help with civilian tasks after the war between Israel and Hamas began. And, according to Haaretz, that's how the idea of ​​drafting them into the army and sending them to Gaza emerged.

War in Gaza

Until recently, the Israeli government has always labeled African applicants as “infiltrators.” Most come from the Horn of Africa – especially Eritreans – and Sudan (well before the conflict broke out in the former Anglo-Egyptian protectorate). For years, the Jewish state has done everything it can to transfer them to third countries such as Uganda and Rwanda. Although it has always denied having accepted migrants from Israel, in 2017 a pro-government Kampala newspaper, “Sunday Vision,” published on its front page: “Israel sends 1,400 refugees to Uganda.”

As the conflict drags on , Israel is running out of soldiers, so much so that in June the Supreme Court had already decreed mandatory military service even for young ultra-Orthodox men, who until then had been exempt from the draft. And now the government is also recruiting the much-despised asylum seekers. Many of them are happy to be able to serve their host country. A 21-year-old Eritrean told Haaretz that since he was a child he had always dreamed of enlisting in the army, of doing his part and then of being Israeli. “This is my dream. Those who do not feel this lack of belonging can see recruitment as exploitation. Those who have no status have no other choice,” he concluded.

Africa ExPress

 

Eritrea, Egypt, and Somalia Leaders Issue Joint Communiqué, Affirming Regional Stability and Cooperation

Saturday, 12 October 2024 23:44 Written by

By Martin Plaut on 11/10/2024

Source:Daily News October 10, 2024 6:28 pm [Official communique below]

ritrea, Egypt, and Somalia Leaders Issue Joint Communiqué, Affirming Regional Stability and Cooperation

Presidents Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi of Egypt, Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea, and Hassan Sheikh Mohamud of Somalia met in the Eritrean capital.

Leaders from Eritrea, Egypt, and Somalia met in the Eritrean capital on Thursday for a Tripartite Summit focused on strengthening relations between the three countries and addressing regional security concerns. The summit resulted in a joint communiqué outlining key areas of cooperation and shared goals.

“The leaders of the three countries underscored the need to adhere to the fundamental principles and tenets of international law as the indispensable foundation for regulating relations between states and maintaining stability,” the communiqué states. “This includes, most importantly, absolute respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of countries in the region, opposing any interference in the internal affairs of these nations under any pretext or by any means, and supporting joint efforts to achieve regional peace, combat terrorism, and create a conducive environment for sustainable development.”

The communiqué highlighted the leaders’ commitment to upholding international law as the foundation for regional stability, emphasizing the importance of respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations in the region. They also agreed to oppose any interference in the internal affairs of these countries.

Focus on Somali Stability, Security, and Regional Cooperation

The leaders also expressed their commitment to supporting Somalia’s security and stability, emphasizing the need to strengthen Somali state institutions and the Somali National Army to address internal and external challenges, including countering terrorism.

“The leaders agreed to develop and deepen cooperation and coordination among the three countries to enhance the capacity of Somali state institutions to address various internal and external challenges, enabling the Somali National Army to counter terrorism in all its forms, protect its land and maritime borders, and maintain the unity of its territory,” the communiqué reads.

The summit addressed several key areas of regional cooperation, including the crisis in Sudan, the situation in Somalia, and security issues in the Red Sea. They also discussed establishing mechanisms for diplomatic coordination and joint efforts between the three nations.

Egypt, in a show of support for Somalia, has offered to contribute troops to the upcoming African Union Mission to Support Stability in Somalia (AUSSOM).

The leaders also agreed to establish a joint tripartite commission comprising the foreign ministers of Eritrea, Egypt, and Somalia for strategic cooperation in all areas.

President Al-Sisi’s Remarks

At a joint press conference following the summit, Egyptian President Al-Sisi emphasized the importance of the tripartite meeting, highlighting the shared challenges and opportunities facing the three nations.

“Our meeting today is not only a testament to the strong and distinguished relations between our three brotherly nations, but it also reflects the growing importance of developing and strengthening these historic ties, whether in confronting shared challenges in both the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea, or in capitalizing on the potential of our countries to maximize opportunities for achieving development and prosperity for our peoples,” President Al-Sisi said.

He highlighted the need for cooperation and coordination to counter destabilising forces in the region. “We have gathered today, hosted by His Excellency the dear brother President Isaias Afwerki, to consult and benefit from exchanging perspectives on ways to counter schemes and actions aimed at destabilizing the region, dismantling its countries, and undermining the tireless efforts of our nations and peoples yearning for peace, stability, and prosperity.”

President Al-Sisi also outlined Egypt’s commitment to supporting Somalia’s security and stability, as well as its efforts to address the situation in Sudan. He emphasized the need for enhanced regional cooperation, including in trade and investment, to maximise opportunities for prosperity.

“We also agreed on the seriousness of the ongoing situation that has disrupted international navigation in the Red Sea, negatively impacting global trade. We emphasized the importance of enhancing cooperation among Red Sea littoral states and developing institutional coordination frameworks to secure international navigation in the Red Sea and to enhance cooperation among these states to maximize the benefits of its natural resources.”

President Al-Sisi concluded his remarks by expressing his gratitude to President Afwerki and President Mohamud for their participation in the summit. He affirmed Egypt’s commitment to working with Somalia and Eritrea to achieve greater security, stability, and prosperity in the Horn of Africa.

Joint Statement of the Tripartite Summit

Source: Eritrea Ministry of Information. Last updated Oct 10, 2024

 

(Unofficial Translation)

1.      Upon the kind invitation extended by His Excellency President Isaias Afwerki, President of the State of Eritrea, to His Excellency President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, President of the Arab Republic of Egypt, and to His Excellency President Dr. Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud, President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, the three Presidents met today, October 10, 2024, in the Eritrean capital, Asmara. During this meeting, the Presidents held extensive consultations on vital regional and international issues at a tripartite summit.

2.      The Three Heads of State underlined the imperative of adhering to the basic principles and pillars of international law as the indispensable basis for regional stability and cooperation: especially unequivocal respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the countries of the region; confronting interference in the internal affairs of the countries of the region under any pretext or justification; coordinating joint efforts to achieve regional stability; and creating a conducive climate for joint and sustainable development.

3.      Agreed to develop and deepen cooperation and coordination between the three countries in order to enhance the capabilities of the Somali state institutions to confront various internal and external challenges, and to enable the Somali National Federal Army to confront terrorism in all its forms, protect its land and sea borders, and maintain its territorial integrity.

4.      In this context, the summit discussed in greater depth and reached a consensus on the following issues:

·        The crisis in Sudan and its regional repercussions.

·        The situation in Somalia in light of recent regional developments.

·        Security and cooperation issues between the Littoral States of the Red Sea and the Bab al-Mandab Strait in the context of its utmost importance as a vital maritime route.

·        Modalities of diplomatic coordination and joint efforts between the three countries.

5.      Welcomed the efforts made by the State of Eritrea and the Arab Republic of Egypt in supporting stability in brotherly State of Somalia and enhancing the capabilities of the Federal Government, and commended the offer of the Arab Republic of Egypt to contribute forces within the framework of peacekeeping efforts in Somalia.

6.      Agreed to establish a Joint Tripartite Committee of the Foreign Ministers of Eritrea, Egypt, and Somalia for strategic cooperation in all fields.

Source: Shabait

Presidents Isaias Afwerki and Abdel Fattah el-Sisi Discuss Strengthening Bilateral Ties

On Oct 10, 2024

Asmara, 10 October 2024 – President Isaias Afwerki and President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of the Arab Republic of Egypt held extensive discussions this afternoon, focusing on strengthening bilateral relations, as well as regional and international issues of mutual interest.

The two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the absolute respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of all countries in the region. They rejected any interference in the internal affairs of these nations under any pretext or justification. Additionally, they agreed to coordinate joint efforts to achieve regional stability, create a favorable environment for sustainable cooperation, and strengthen bilateral ties across various fields to meet the development and prosperity aspirations of their peoples.

Furthermore, the two Presidents decided to deepen and intensify political consultations between their countries on a wide range of regional and international issues, as well as geopolitical developments of common interest. To this end, they agreed to establish a political consultation committee at the Foreign Ministers level, which will meet periodically to enhance cooperation and coordination in areas of shared interest.

President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi expressed his gratitude to President Isaias Afwerki for the warm hospitality extended to him and his delegation.

Earlier today, at the invitation of President Isaias Afwerki, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, along with his delegation, arrived in Asmara for an official visit.

The delegation, which includes the Egyptian Minister of National Security, the Chief of the Presidential Cabinet, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, was warmly welcomed by President Isaias Afwerki at Asmara International Airport.

Remembering Over 360 Eritrean Victims Of Lampedusa at its 11th Anniversary

Thursday, 03 October 2024 14:59 Written by

Eritrean activists face legal battles in America

Thursday, 26 September 2024 20:00 Written by

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Martin Plaut

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Eritrean activists face legal battles in America

By Martin Plaut on 25/09/2024

Michael Rubin

By Michael Rubin

Secretary of State Antony Blinken

Secretary Antony J. Blinken holds a joint press availability with Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III, Philippine Foreign Secretary Enrique Manalo, and Philippine Defense Secretary Gilbert Teodoro in Manila, Philippines, July 30, 2024. (Official State Department photo by Freddie Everett)

After North Korea, Eritrea is the world’s most repressive and totalitarian country. Independence leader Isaias Afwerki rules with an iron fist. He rejects elections, and treats the country as his personal fiefdom. Unlimited conscription and national service transformed Eritrean citizens into unpaid slaves and made the country Isaias’ plantation. In response, many Eritreans flee. The routes are perilous; many die of thirst in the desert or drown crossing the Red Sea or Mediterranean. Tribesmen, criminals, and slavers prey upon them. Isaias is fine with the flight as Eritrea relies not only upon remittances from those who make it to Europe and the United States but also extorts a two percent “tax” based on ethnicity rather than citizenship. If an Eritrean renounces their citizenship, Isaias does not care. If they do not pay two percent of their income back to his treasury, their relatives will suffer back in Eritrea.

Other members of the diaspora, I would argue, advocate for the government for either privilege or, as possible, intelligence officers who spy on the Eritrean community. This is a strategy ripped from the North Korean playbook. Some experts argue that various ‘front groups’ regularly promote Pyongyang positions in Washington, seeking to confuse policy or, on occasion, win a propaganda coup when they can convince a representative to parrot their talking points without looking behind the curtain.Indeed, Isaias considers pro-government diaspora to be a fourth front” to supplement the country’s Western, Central, and Eastern fronts. Eritrean embassies often coordinate with diaspora front groups to lionize Isaias and celebrate festivals important to his rule. Eritrean front groups usually seek to intimidate those who favor freedom and democracy. In recent years, clashes and violence have become commonplace as pro-regime Eritreans attack those who do not share their views.

The pro-freedom diaspora has now responded. Over the past two years, diaspora groups across Europe and the United States have rallied behind the so-called Blue Revolution.” Many of this pro-freedom, anti-Isaias Eritreans counter-protest at pro-regime festivals. This infuriates Isaias and pro-regime organizers as it takes the shine off their events and undermines the image of Eritrean solidarity they promote.

The pro-Isaias community in the United States now appears to be experimenting with a new strategy: Using U.S. courts to target anti-regime protestors. Earlier this year, the Eritrean Association in Greater Seattle sued several Eritrean democracy activists at the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington in Tacoma. While the case remains mired in its early procedural issues such as service, it sets a dangerous precedent.  Many cases have no merit—and reading the complaint, this appears to be one of them. The Eritrean Association says they serve more than 7,000 local Eritreans and openly acknowledge they organize events such as Eritrean Independence Day and Martyr’s Day celebrations. These parallel government holidays that lionize Isaias. The complaint then suggests that for their advocacy, they have become the target of hate crimes. This, of course, elides “hate crimes” with political dissent as those whom they accuse share the same ethnicities.

The root of the Eritrean Association complaint is that protestors disrupted their event by protesting and caused participants to cancel hotel reservations. They allege violence, but the complaint appears exaggerated. What the complaint alleges to be severe violence and destruction of property, the local police spokeswoman acknowledged tents tipped over. She described them as scuffles “that have quickly ended.”

It is understandable that the U.S. government prefers to remain aloof. After all, the judiciary is an independent branch of government, and the executive branch has no business interfering. At the same time, though, this can play into Isaias’ hijacking of the courts. He can channel unlimited funds to his front groups and lawyers to try to use court procedures and hearings to intimidate and bankrupt the Eritrean opposition.

The courts should be interested in not allowing themselves to be used by a dictator or groups that, by their actions, appear to act as his proxies. The State Department should also file a brief with the court explaining Eritrea’s methodology and strategies to target and neutralize opposition. Lawfare is simply its latest tactic
Freedom on Trial: Eritrean Activists Face Legal Battles in America

Freedom on Trial: Eritrean Activists Face Legal Battles in America

Wednesday, 25 September 2024 21:44 Written by

National Security Journal

September 23,

After North Korea, Eritrea is the world’s most repressive and totalitarian country. Independence leader Isaias Afwerki rules with an iron fist. He rejects elections, and treats the country as his personal fiefdom. Unlimited conscription and national service transformed Eritrean citizens into unpaid slaves and made the country Isaias’ plantation. In response, many Eritreans flee. The routes are perilous; many die of thirst in the desert or drown crossing the Red Sea or Mediterranean. Tribesmen, criminals, and slavers prey upon them. Isaias is fine with the flight as Eritrea relies not only upon remittances from those who make it to Europe and the United States but also extorts a two percent “tax” based on ethnicity rather than citizenship. If an Eritrean renounces their citizenship, Isaias does not care. If they do not pay two percent of their income back to his treasury, their relatives will suffer back in Eritrea.

Other members of the diaspora, I would argue, advocate for the government for either privilege or, as possible, intelligence officers who spy on the Eritrean community. This is a strategy ripped from the North Korean playbook. Some experts argue that various ‘front groups’ regularly promote Pyongyang positions in Washington, seeking to confuse policy or, on occasion, win a propaganda coup when they can convince a representative to parrot their talking points without looking behind the curtain.

Indeed, Isaias considers pro-government diaspora to be a “fourth front” to supplement the country’s Western, Central, and Eastern fronts. Eritrean embassies often coordinate with diaspora front groups to lionize Isaias and celebrate festivals important to his rule. Eritrean front groups usually seek to intimidate those who favor freedom and democracy. In recent years, clashes and violence have become commonplace as pro-regime Eritreans attack those who do not share their views.

The pro-freedom diaspora has now responded. Over the past two years, diaspora groups across Europe and the United States have rallied behind the so-called “Blue Revolution.” Many of this pro-freedom, anti-Isaias Eritreans counter-protest at pro-regime festivals. This infuriates Isaias and pro-regime organizers as it takes the shine off their events and undermines the image of Eritrean solidarity they promote.

The pro-Isaias community in the United States now appears to be experimenting with a new strategy: Using U.S. courts to target anti-regime protestors. Earlier this year, the Eritrean Association in Greater Seattle sued several Eritrean democracy activists at the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington in Tacoma. While the case remains mired in its early procedural issues such as service, it sets a dangerous precedent.  Many cases have no merit—and reading the complaint, this appears to be one of them. The Eritrean Association says they serve more than 7,000 local Eritreans and openly acknowledge they organize events such as Eritrean Independence Day and Martyr’s Day celebrations. These parallel government holidays that lionize Isaias. The complaint then suggests that for their advocacy, they have become the target of hate crimes. This, of course, elides “hate crimes” with political dissent as those whom they accuse share the same ethnicities.

The root of the Eritrean Association complaint is that protestors disrupted their event by protesting and caused participants to cancel hotel reservations. They allege violence, but the complaint appears exaggerated. What the complaint alleges to be severe violence and destruction of property, the local police spokeswoman acknowledged tents tipped over. She described them as scuffles “that have quickly ended.”

It is understandable that the U.S. government prefers to remain aloof. After all, the judiciary is an independent branch of government, and the executive branch has no business interfering. At the same time, though, this can play into Isaias’ hijacking of the courts. He can channel unlimited funds to his front groups and lawyers to try to use court procedures and hearings to intimidate and bankrupt the Eritrean opposition.

The courts should be interested in not allowing themselves to be used by a dictator or groups that, by their actions, appear to act as his proxies. The State Department should also file a brief with the court explaining Eritrea’s methodology and strategies to target and neutralize opposition. Lawfare is simply its latest tactic.

Make no mistake: Freedom is on trial in Tacoma. Not only is Isaias watching its outcome, but dictators from Beijing to Moscow to Addis Ababa to Caracas will also seek to use U.S. courts to do their dirty work.

Today: Bologna protest march demanding human rights in Eritrea

Saturday, 21 September 2024 23:02 Written by

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Martin Plaut

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By Martin Plaut on 21/09/2024

On September 21, 2024, at 4:00 p.m., a march for the human rights of the Eritrean people will be held in Bologna, an awareness-raising event that aims to bring serious human rights violations in Eritrea to international attention. The march will start from the historic Church of San Luca and will pass through the city's porticoes to end in Piazza Nettuno at 6:30 p.m.

The protagonists of the initiative will be young Eritreans who, along the route, will share stories and testimonies of journalists who are prisoners of conscience, illegally detained in Eritrean prisons for over twenty years. These media professionals, arrested in 2001 for exercising their right to freedom of expression, were unjustly accused of conspiracy with Ethiopia and treason, without ever having been formally tried.

Among the detained journalists are internationally renowned figures such as Dawit Isaak, awarded the Golden Pen of Freedom in 2011 and the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize in 2017, and Amanuel Asrat, recently awarded the International Courageous Writer Award.

The main purpose of this march is to raise awareness among institutions and the public about the dramatic state of human rights in Eritrea, a country where there are no independent media and where freedom of speech is violently repressed. The demonstration aims to urge the intervention of international organizations to put an end to these serious violations and to obtain the immediate release of prisoners of conscience.

The event will see the participation of various city entities and illustrious guests, united in the common goal of giving voice to those who, for too long, have been forced into silence.

About the organizer

The event is organized by the Eritrean Provisional Committee for Freedom and Justice, an organization committed to defending human rights and promoting freedom of expression in Eritrea and around the world.

For more information This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

 

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