ብዕለት 25 ነሓሰ 2018 ዓ.ም. ፈ. ብኤለትሮኒካዊ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ኣቢሎም ናይ ዓመተ 2017 / 2018 ብምላኣት ተሳታፍነት ዕዉት ጉባኤ ኣሳላሲሎም። ጉባኤ ብኣቦ ወንበር ጨንፈር ብሰላምታ ብቅዳም ከፊቱ ኣጀንዳ ጉባኤ ኣርገኤ። ቀጺሉ ስሪዒታውን ፖሊቲካውን ምጣኔ ሃብታውን ብሽማገለ ጨንፈር ቀሪቡ፡ ንጉባኤ እትመርሕ ሽማገለ መሪጹ። ጉባኤ ዳርጋ ንሓደ ሰዓት ክትዕን ተወሳኽን ለወባታትን ቀሪቡ ጸብጻብ ብሙሉእ ድምጺ ጸዲቁ። ድሕሪኡ ብሓጻይት ሽማገለ ዝቀረቡ 3ተ ሕጹያት ጉባኤ ብምሉእ ተቀባልነት ተዋሂቦም ንዕመተ 2018 / 2019 ዓ.ም. እትመርሕ ሽምገለ መሪጾም። ጉባኤ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሰልፊ ብዝገጠሞ መሰናኽላት ጨንፈር ቁ. 2 ትካላውን ሕጋዊ ኣሳራርሓን ዘሎዎ ነቅ ዘብል ንቅሓት ዝውንን ምዃኑ ዘመስከረ ኮይኑ እቲ መሪሕነት ሰልፊ ዝወሰዶ ሕጋዊ ስጉምቲ ይንእድ። ብቀጻሊ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ዝበሃል ዘሎ ሰላም ዘይብሩህን ሓደገኛ ኣሰካፍን ምኳኑ ተመልኪቱ። ብተደራቢ ንኩሉ ተርእዮታ ንምግጣም ብሓብር ምስራሕ ምኻኑ ኣሚኑ እቲ ብሰልፍና ተኣዊጁ ዘሎ ምስ ኩለን ደምበ ተቋውሞ ክሰርሕ ጉባኤ ኣስሚሩሉ። ኣብ መደምደምታ ንመስዋእቲ ዙሁር መሓመድ ስዒድ ኩሉ ፡ በዓልቲ ቤቱ ንተጋላይ ኣቦ ሰውራ ኢብራሂም መሓመድ ዓሊ ዝተስምዖም ጓሂ ብምግላጽ ናይ ሓዘን ተኻፈልቲ ምኳኖም ብምግላጽ ጉባኤ ብዝኽረ ስዉኣት ተዛዚሙ።

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኩነታት ሃገርና ኤርትራን ህዝባን ጽቡቕ ከምዘይነበረ ጌና ኣብዚ ሕጂ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ ከይበጽሐ ዝተረዳእናዮ እዩ። ኣብቲ ከምዚ ሎሚ ከይገዘፈ ውሱን ምልክት ዘርእየሉ ዝነበረ በብዝጥዕመና ኣገባብ ክንገልጾን መተካእታ ከም ዘድልዮን ክንሕብር ጸኒሕና። ምሕባር ጥራይ ዘይኮነ መተካእታ ሓሳብ ንምምጻእ ብደረጃ ፖለቲካዊ ውድባት ኮነ ማሕበራት ካብ እንውደብ እውን ሓጺር ግዜ ኣይኮነን። እቲ ክሳብ ሕጂ ናይ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ስቓይ ቅጭጭ ከይበሎ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ብወገኑ ብዘይሕብእብእ ኣንጻር ህዝብን ሃገርን ምዃኑ ዘረድእ “ኣነ እየ ህዝብን ሃገርን” ዘስምዕ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኣጋጣምታት መርተዖታት ክህበና ጸኒሑ እዩ።

ብመንጽር’ዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ መተካእታ ምምጻእ ናይ ምርጫ ጉዳይ ዘይኮነ ናይ ህልውና ካብ ዝኸውን ነዊሕ ግዜ ሓሊፉ ኣሎ። ንሕና ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ነዚ ዝበቅዕ ቅሩብነት ኣርኢና ካብ እንንቀሳቐስ’ውን ነዊሕ ግዜ ኮይኑ እዩ። ብፍላይ ኣብ ከባቢ 2001 እቲ ስርዓት ጸረ-ህዝብነቱ እምብዛ ሳዕሪሩ ንወጻዒ ባህርያቱ ብሰፊሕ ናይ ማእሰርቲ ለበዳ ምስ ኣረጋገጾ ብዙሓት ኣብ ሕቑፍኡ ዝነበሩ ኤርትራውያን ናብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ተጸንቢሮም እቲ ናይ ለውጢ ደንበ ኣዝዩ ዝመቖሉን ናይ ህዝብና ናይ ለውጢ ባህጊ ሰማይ ዝዓረገሉን ደረጃ በጺሑ ነይሩ። እቲ ባህጊ ግና ብዝድህሰስ መተካእታ ኣይተሰነየን።

ወጻዒ ባህሪ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብናትና ዳህሳስ ድዩ ብናቱ ቅሉዕ ትዕቢተኛ ተግባራት ንጹር ምንባሩ ንቐጻሊ ቃልስና ኣገዳሲ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ እቲ ዝኸበደ ነቲ ሕማቕ ባህሪኡ ምርዳእ ዘይኮነ፡ መተካእታ ምቕራብ ምንባሩን ምዃኑን ከኣ ህልዊ ኩነታትና መስካሪ እዩ። ሓደ ጸገም ጠንቁ ምስተፈልጠ መድሃኒት እንተረኺብካሉ ሓጋዚ እዩ። እንተኾነ ነቲ ጸገም ፈሊጥካዮ ክንስኻ መተካእ እንተ ዘይረኺብካሉ ፋይዳ የብሉን። እዚ ከኣ ንሕና ንዘለናዮ ሃለዋት ዘመልክት እዩ። ኣብ ሃገርና ዘሎ ኩነታት ብኹሉ ማኣዝናት ክረኣይ እንከሎ፡ ኣብ ዝርዝር ከይኣተኻ ኣስካሕካሒ እዩ። ናይቶም መተካእታ ናይ ምርካብ ሓላፍነት ዘለና ወገናት ንጥፈት ብኣንጻር’ዚ ክንህር ዝግበኦ ኣይከኣለን። ብኻልእ ኣዘራርባ ንሕናን ወጻዒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ብማዕረ ንደኽመሉ ዘለና ዘይንቡር ኩነታት ንዕዘብ ኣለና።

ተልእኮን ዕላማን ሓይልታት ለውጢ ነዊሕ ዝርዝር ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ብሓጺር ጸሚቝካ ክቐርብ እንከሎ ንወጽዓ ህግደፍ ዓጺፍካ መሰረታዊ ሕቶ ህዝቢ ዝምልስ መተካእታ ኮይንካ ምቕራብ እዩ። እዚ ዕማም’ዚ ቀሊል ከምዘይኮነ ፍሉጥ ኮይኑ፡ ከም ዝከኣል ግና ብተመኩሮታት ዝተረጋገጸ መስርሕ እዩ። ኣብ ከምዚ ንሕና ዘለናዮ ብብዙሓት ኣገባብ ውዳበታት ዝግለጽ ሃለዋት ብቑዕ መተካእታ ንምዃን ካብ ዘኽብድዎ ምኽንያታት እቲ ዕማም ናይ ብዙሓት ሰብ ጉዳይ ብምዃኑ፡ እቶም ሰብ ጉዳይ ኣብ ሓደ ርኢቶ ክጽመዱ ስለ ዝኸብድ እዩ። እንተኾነ እዚ እውን ፍልልያትካ ወጊንካ ኣብቶም ዘሰማምዑኻ ብሓላፍነት ክትሰርሕ እንተተቢዕካ ስለ ዝከኣል ምኽኑይ መህደሚ ጌርና እነቕርቦ ኣይኮነን። ነዚ ብዙሓት ሕብረ-ሰልፋዊ ስርዓት ዘተኸተላ ሃገራት ዘረጋገጸኦ እዩ። ስለዚ ነቲ ዝከኣል ናይ ዘይምኽኣልና ናትና ድኽመት ዘመልክት ምዃኑ ክንእመነሉ ዝግበኣና እዩ።

ካብዚ ዘለናዮ ሓላፍነታዊ መልክዕ ዘይሓዘ ኣተሃላልዋ ንምውጻእ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ብዙሓት ፈተነታት ኣካይድና ኢና። ብዘይካቶም ብዙሓት ውድባት፡ ሰልፍታትን ውልቀሰባትን ዝተሳተፍሎም፡ ምሕዝነት ሃገራዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ እንብሎም፡ ኣብ ሕድሕድ ክልተ-ሰለስተ ውድባት ክፍተኑ ዝጸንሑ ዝምድናታት ኣዝዮም ብዙሓት እዮም። ኣብ ውጽኢት ክንመጽእ እንከለና ግና ዳርጋ ኩሎም ክሳብ ሕጂ ሓቢርካ ናይ ምስጓም ፈተነታትና ኣይተዓወቱን። ናይዚ ዘይምዕዋት ጠንቂ ኩልና በብደረጃና በብጽሒትና እንወስደሉ ድኽመታት እዩ። ንድኽመታትና ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እውን ዕድል እንተረኺቡ መሊሱ ከም ዘጋድዶ ፍሉጥ እዩ። እቲ መተካእታ ናይ ምዃን ዕማምን ሓላፍነትን ግና ሕጂ እውን ንዓና እዩ ዝጽበየና ዘሎ። እቲ መዋጸኦ ከኣ ካብ ሰማይ ዝወርድ ህያብ ዘይኮነ፡ ንሕና ካብ ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ተመኩሮና ተማሂርና እነዕርዮ እዩ።

ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ሓንሳብ ሕማቕ ምስ በልካዮ ኣብኡ ጠጠው ዝብል ዘይኮነ ኣብ ቀጻሊ ዕቤት ዘሎ እዩ። እቲ ዕቤት ናበይ ገጹ’ዩ ንዝብል ኣብቲ ቅድም ዝሓዞ ናብ ቁልቁል ዝንቆት ዘሎ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ እውን ነቲ ናይ ጥፍኣት ኣቕጣጫ መመሊስካ ምትራሩ እንተዘይኮይኑ መተካእታ ከምጽእ ዘበት እዩ። ሎሚ ንሕና ሰላም፡ ዲሞክራስን ዕቤትን ብኸመይ ከም ዝረጋገጽ እንዳሻቐለና ካልእ ንልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ዝህድድ ዝመስል ተርእዮ ምቕልቃሉ ከኣ ነዚ ዘመልክት እዩ። ማዕረ ማዕረ’ዚ ሻቕሎት ሓይልታት ለውጢ ይንህር ከምዘሎ ዘዳዲ ኣይኮነን። ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ኣብ ጀነቫ ክካየድ ተወጢኑ ዘሎ ሰፊሕ ናይ ተቓውሞ ሰልፊ ናይዚ ናህሪ መርኣያ እዩ። እቲ ፍታሕ ግና በቲ ኩነታት ምሽቓልን ምንሃርን ዘይኮነ፡ ነቲ ሻቕሎት ናብ ራህዋ ዝቕይር ውዱብ መተካእታ ኮይንካ ክትቀርብ ምብቃዕ ጥራይ እዩ። እሞ ብመንጽርዚ ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ኣለና? ንዝብል ሕቶ መልስና “ጌና ነቲ ብቑዕ መተካእታ ናይ ምዃን ፈተና ኣይሓለፍናዮን” ዝብል ካብ ምዃን ዝሓልፍ ኣይኮነን።

እቲ ኣብ ዕንክሊል ዘባኸናዮ ግዜ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን እዩ። እንተኾነ ሕጂ እውን እቲ መተካእታ ናይ ምዃን ዕድልና ኣይተዓጽወን። እቲ ወጽዓ ኣይኮነንዶ ክውገድ መመሊሱ ኣብ ዝገደደሉ ካብ ተመኩሮና ተማሂርና ዘባኸናዮ ግዜን ዕድልን ናይ ምምላሱ ዕድል ኣሎ’ሞ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝወርድ ዘሎ በደል ቅድሚ ኩሉ ሰሪዕና ብመግለጽታትን ኣዋጃትን ዘይኮነ፡ ብተግባር ሓቢርካ ብምስጓም “ኣለናልካ” ንበሎ። ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብፍላይ ካብቲ ብ4 ሰነ 2017 ናይ ሓቢርና ንስራሕ እማመ መጸዋዕታ ምቕራቡ ንነጀው፡ ብዘይምቁራጽ ይጽውዕን ቅርቡነቱ ይገልጽን ኣሎ። ማዕረ ትጽቢቱ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ ሰማዒ እዝኒ ኣይሰኣነን። ስለዚ ሕጂ እውን ነቲ ረኺብዎ ዘሎ ኣውንታዊ ምላሽ ብግቡእ ዓቂቡ እንዳሰርሓሉ ነቲ “ሓቢርና ብቑዕ መተካእታ ንኹን” ዝብል መጸዋዕታኡ ክቕጽሎ እዩ።

ኣብ ፈስቲቫል ኤርትራ 2018 ፍራንክፎርትዝ ተኻፈላ፡ ኤርትራውያን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራትንከም መቐጸልታ ናይቲ ኣብ መጋባእያ ዘቕረበኦ መደረታት፣ ኣብ ቀጻሊ ናይ ድራር ግብጃ ዝበጸሐኦ ስምዕ፣ ኣብ ናይ ሓባር መኣዲ ዘተ  (panel discussion) ቀሪበን፡ ዝሰዕብ መግለጺ ሂበን።

ወከልትን መራሕትን ኤርትራውያን ፖለቲካዊ ውድባትን ሲቪውያን ማሕበራትን ዝአከበ መኣዲ ዘተ ነቲ ኣብ ኣዳራሽ ፈስቲቫል ብኩሎም ወከልቲ ዝተዋህበ መደረታት፣ ዝመሳሰልን ነንሕድሕዱ ዝመላላእን ምንባሩ ገምጊሙ። ነኣብ ዝተፈላለየ እዋን ብሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ባይቶ ዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጥን ብመድረኽ ሃገራዊ ልዝብን ዝተበገሰ መጸዋዕታታት ንምውህሃድ ቀጻሊ ርክብን ዘተን ክካየድ ኣድላዪነት ከምዘለዎ ድማ ኣስሚርሉ

ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ተኸሲቱ ዘሎ ኩነታት፡ ጉዳይ ዶብ ጎስዩ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ስምጥለምትን ክድዓትን ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ዘግህድ ተረኽቦ ምዃኑ መዚኑ።

ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፈርት 2018

3-5 ነሓሰ 2018

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ብ24 ነሓሰ 2018 ብመሪሕነት ኣቦ መንበሩ ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብ ዘካየዶ፡ ስሩዕ ኣኼባ ብኣብያተ-ጽሕፈት ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ተነዲፉ ዝቐረበሉ ዓመታዊ መደብ ዕዮ ዘድሊ ምምሕይያሻት ገይሩ ድሕሪ ምጽዳቑ፡ ናብ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ክሓልፍ ወሲኑ። ኣብዚ ዓመታዊ መደብ ዕዮኡ ንኣገዳስነት ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ውድባትን ሰልፍታትን ኤርትራዊ ደንበ ተቓውሞ፡ ምስንዳእ ዕዉት 3ይ ጉባአ ሰልፍን መደባት ምሕዳስ ሰልፍን ዝያዳ ቆላሕታ ሂቡ ተዘራሪብሉ።

ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ኣብዚ ኣኼባኡ ብዝርዝር ዝርኣዮ ካልእ ዓብዪ ጉዳይ፡ ኣብዚ ኣቲናዮ ዘለና ወሳኒ እዋን ኣገዳስነትን ህጹጽነትን ናይ ኤርትራ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ነይሩ። በዚ መሰረት ቅድሚ ሕጂ ሰዲህኤ ዘቕረቦም ናይ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ እማመን፡ ነዚ ኣብ ሃገርናን ከባቢናን ዝርአ ዘሎ ሓድሽ ምዕባለታት ኣብ ዲፕሎማስያዊ መዳይ ሓቢርካ ብዛዕባ ምግጣሙ ዘቕረቦ መጸዋዕታን ኣብ ግምት ኣእትዩ ብደቂቕ ተመያይጡ። በዚ መሰረት በቲ ብማእከላይ ባይቶ ዝተዋህቦ ሓላፍነት፡ ነቲ ምስ ውድባት ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ-ሕድርን ሓድነት ኤርትራውያን ንፍትሕን ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ኣዝዩ ዘተባብዕ ተስፋታት ኣብ ዘድምዕ ደረጃ ንምብጽሑ ዘድሊ ጻዕርታት ከካይድን፣ እቲ ጻዕሪ ኣብዚ ጠጠው ከይበለ ምስቶም ንምዝታይ ቅሩባት ዝኾኑ ካልኦት ኣካላት ርክባት ክጅመርን ወሲኑ። ኣብ’ዞም መዳያት’ዚኣቶም ዝዋስኡ ኣካላት እውን መዚዙ። ኣብ ርእስ’ዚ፡ ናብቲ ኩሉ ሓይሊ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ዝሳተፈሉ ስፊሕ ጽላል ንምብጻሕ ዝግበር ናይ ሓባር ጻዕሪ ቀጻሊ ክኸውን ከኣ ውሳኔኡ ደጊሙ ኣሐዲሱ።

ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ፡ ኣኼባ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኤርትራን ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ካልኦት ናይ ዞባና ሃገራትን ጀሚርዎ ዘሎ ግሉጽነት ዘይብሉ ዝምድናታትን በብኸባቢኡ ኣንጻር ዘይሓላፍነታዊ ተግባራት ህግዲፍ ዝግበር ዘሎ ናይ ኤርትራውያን ምልዕዓላትን ዝምልከቱ ሓበሬታታትን ጸብጻባትን ሰሚዑን ንኣተሓሕዘኦም ዝምልከት ኣቕጣጫ ቀይሱን ኣሎ። ኣብዚ ጉዳይዚ ድማ፡ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ኣብ ዙርያ ምዕቃብ ልኡላውነት ሃገሩን ምውጋድ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን ብሓባር ክስጉሙ ደጊሙ ጸዊዑ።

ኣብ መወዳእታ ድማ፡ ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያት፡ ብመሪሕነት ተተሊሙ ዘሎ መደባት ንምዕዋት ኣባላት ሰዲህኤን ፈተውቱን እቲ ልሙድ ተወፋይነቶምን ትግሃቶምን ክቕጽልዎ ምሕጽንታኡ ብምቕራብ ኣኼባኡ ዛዚሙ።

መጽሓፍ “ተሞክሮ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንሃገራዊ ናጽነትን ማሕበራዊ ፍትሕን፡ Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) . Its Struggle For Freedom and Social Justice (1961 – 1982 ) ተሓቲማ ናብ ህዝቢ ካብ እትዝርጋሕ ልክዕ ክልተ ዓመት ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ትሕዝቶ መጽሓፍ ንተመኩሮ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ብኸፊል ዘንጸባርቕ ክኸውን ከሎ፡ ብዙሓት ሓርበኛታት ተቓለስቲ ንዝዋዓልዎን ዝተሳተፍዎን ተዘክሮታት ኣጠቓሊላ ብምህላዋ መበገስን መወከስን ክትከውን ከምትኽእል እምነት ደረስታ ጥራሕ ዘይክነስ፡ እምነት ኣንበብታን ዘርጋሕታን ከምዝኮነውን ካብቲ ዝበጻሓና መልእኽትታት ክንርድኦ ክኢልና ኣለና።

እቲ መጽሓፍ ተመኮሮ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብሓፈሻ፡ ብፍላይ ድማ ንዕላማ ተጋድሎና ኣብምርግጋጽ ብዝተሰውኡን ዝሰንከሉን፡ ካብ መነባብርኦም ዝተመዛበሉን ዜጋታት ንዝተፈጸመ ታሪኻዊ ስርሒታት ዘንጸባርቕ ብምዃኑ፡ ብውጻኢት ናይዚ ተጠቀምቲ ክኮኑ ዘለዎም ድማ እቶም ሓድጊ ታሪኽ ሰውራናን ግዳይ ዘይተወድኤ ጸገማቱን ኮይኖም ዘለዉ ህጻውንትን እዮም።

ካብዚ እምነትዚ ብምብጋስ ድማ እዮም፣ ደረስቲ መጽሓፍ፣ ሽያጥ መጻሕፍቲ ኣብ ኣገልግሎት ውጉኣት ሓርነትን ነቲ ስደተኛታት ኤርትራውያን ንኽማሃሩ ንልዕሊ 30 ዓመታት ከይተሓለሎ ዝሰርሕ ዘሎ ቤት ትምህርቲ ወዲ-ሽሪፎይን ክውዕል ዝወሰኑ።

በዚ መሰረት፡ ደረስቲ መጽሓፍ ኣብቲ ብዕለት 04.08.2018 ብኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ማሕበርን ጨናፍር ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኤውሮጳን ዝተሰላሰለ ፈስቲቫል ፍራንክፎርት 2018 ተረኪቦም፡ ቀዳማይ ክፍል ሓገዞም፣

  1. ሓገዝ ንፕሮጀክት ውጉኣት ሓርነት መደበር ከሰላ $2.500,00 (ክልተ ሽሕን ሓሙሽተ ሚእትን ዶላር ኣመሪካ)
  2. ሓገዝ ንቤት ትምህርቲ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ወዲ-ሸሪፎይ €3.000,00-ኤውሮ (ሰለስተ ሽሕ ኤውሮ) ከምዘወፈዩ ንህዝቢ ዝገለጹ።

ምስዚ፡ ንኩሎም’ቶም ዕላማ ናይቲ መጽሓፍን ውጽኢቱን ተገንዚቦም ኣብምዝርጋሕ ልዑል ተወፋይነት ዝገበሩን ዝገበራን ኣሕዋትን ኣሓትን ብምምስጋን፡ ብሳላ ዘይሕለል ጻዕርታቶም ዕዉት ዕማም ከምዝተመዝገበ ዘኪሮም፡ ውኢቱ ድኻሞም ድማ ኣብ ጠቕሚ ጽጉማት ኣሓቶምን ደቆምን ምውዓሉ ክሕበኑ ከምዝግባእ ኣዘኻኺሮም። ደረስቲ መጽሓፍ፣ ገና እቲ ዝስዕብ ኣብ ምእካብ ዘሎ ሽያጥ መጻሕፍቲ ኣብዝተዋህለለሉ ግዜ ድማ ከምእድላይነቱ ኣብ ኣገልግሎት ዜጋታት ናይዚ ትካላት እዚ ክውዕል ምዃኑ ደጊሞም ቃል ኣትዮም።

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German Minister for Economic Cooperation & Development Gerd Müller
arrived in Asmara for an official visit , following his visit to Ethiopia.

German minister pushes for free trade deal ahead of Africa trip

Germany’s development minister Gerd Müller is promoting a “customs-free trade deal in Africa” ahead of his seven-nation Africa visit. Experts say the real issues are being ignored.

When it comes to the economic relationship between Germany and Africa, the issue of customs exemption is no longer an important topic. At least that’s what renowned development economist Robert Kappel from the University of Leipzig thinks. Instead, agricultural subsidies and trade barriers should be the main topic of discussion. However, Kappel blames Europe for pursuing neocolonialism in its monetary policy.

Yet, Müller avoided these issues before his trip to Africa this week. According to Kappel, he has failed to recognize that a trade imbalance has only increased in recent years — despite a customs exemption. “The minister is not well informed, therefore it’s right to criticize him,” Kappel told DW.

Africa’s negative trade balance

The trade relationship between Europe and Africa is increasingly turning out to put Africa at a disadvantage. While the imports from Europe in most African countries are on the rise, the total number of African exports to most European countries is decreasing.

This mostly has to do with the trend of prices, says Kappel. Oil and gas are the main exports from Africa to Germany and Europe, followed by agricultural products. “The prices of agricultural products and that of oil and gas have dropped in the past years,” says Kappel. “This is why the trade balance of African countries with Europe has become negative.”

According to the economic promotion company Germany Trade and Invest (GTAI), Germany’s foreign trade with sub-Saharan Africa amounted to €26.1 billion euros ($30.1billion) last year. Imports have also risen compared to the previous year. However, sub-Saharan Africa accounted for only 1.1 percent of total foreign trade in 2017, just as in the previous year.

A group of protesters in red t-shirts roll two large drums over tomatoes spread on the ground.

A new free trade agreement with Africa?

If the European Union (EU) and Germany’s federal government had their way, more European products would be found in the African market in the future. Europeans have already identified Africa as a huge outlet market. The European Commission’s statistical office, Eurostat, has calculated that by 2050 a quarter of the world’s population will be living in Africa. In Berlin and Brussels, Africa has been described as the “sleeping giant of the global economy.” And they are unwilling to leave this potential mass market to China and India. Asia’s trade with Africa has already spent years growing in importance.

For some time, the EU has been negotiating with African countries about possible new trade agreements, known as Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). They aim to allow the market to open up and offer an outlet for European products in Africa. Supporters are hoping for markets to open up on both sides and increase efficiency through competition and low prices for consumers.

But these discussions are causing displeasure in Africa. Critics of the EPAs fear that unrestricted trade with Europe will further weaken their economy. They are also concerned that high-quality European products might suppress the sale of African goods in their home countries. This would only serve to further increase the imbalance in trade between Europe and Africa.

Imbalanced food imports

The irregular trade balance also has to do with the massive export subsidies for European goods, says Kappel. But subsidy reduction is not an issue for the EU or the German government — despite it being the main point of criticism raised by most development economists.

Agricultural subsidies are not only an issue in Europe. According to the OECD, North America, Europe, Japan and China subsidize their agriculture with over 1 billion dollars (867 million euros) daily. But farmers and agricultural companies in Europe still pocket most state subsidies, says Kappel. “Their surpluses are made cheaper in African markets and compete with African producers, who end up destroyed.”

In the meantime, most African countries have become importers of food: 80 percent of food consumption in Africa is derived from food imports. Many experts agree that this issue needs to be urgently addressed. But Müller appears to be pretending that the problem does not exist.

“He proposed that African governments could subsidize their farmers as well, but no African country can compete with the EU’s subsidies,” says Kappel.

Hidden trade barriers

According to experts, another major obstacle African exporters face when it comes to accessing the European market is found in the health, safety and technical standards which are expected to be met by all African exporters.

Elmar Brok, a member of the European Parliament belonging to Germany’s Christian Democrats (CDU) party, considers these standards to be “non-tariff trade barriers,” and a form of hidden protectionist measures that cannot be achieved through taxes and subsidies alone. “We actually have very high health and consumer protection standards, but we are of course not prepared to lower our health standards,” he told Germany’s national broadcaster ARD shortly before Müller’s trip to Africa.

According to Brok, Müller still believes it is necessary to help Africans meet the necessary requirements. Kappel agrees: “German-African chambers of commerce should be set up — those that deal with the marketing of African products in the European market — so that African companies get a chance to enter the European market, not only with their raw materials and agricultural products but also with their manufactured goods.” However, such a plan is unlikely to materialize any time soon, as Müller has yet to voice any proposals addressing the matter.

Independent monetary policies remain a taboo issue

According to Kappel, the lack of independent monetary policies is another taboo topic, targeted at the needs of African economies. Falsely overvalued African currencies, tied to the US dollar or the euro, raised the price of African export products and prevented foreign investments in Africa.

As a result, the CFA franc regions in West and Central Africa — a relic of the French colonial era — became an attempt to maintain a sense of colonialism through currency.

“By overvaluing the CFA franc, we are hindering industrialization in other African countries,” says Kappel. “Companies there could never be competitive in the global market.”

A group of people from sub-Saharan countries climb over a fence between Morocco and Spain’s North African enclave of Melilla

The issue of migration remains relevant

Beginning on Thursday, Müller’s one-week trip will take him to Eritrea, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Ghana. During talks with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Ghana’s President Nana Akufo-Addo, they will examine the reform partnerships of both countries, as well as new investment opportunities. Young Ghanaians will hopefully be presented with future prospects and the issue of migration should be dealt with through new job opportunities.

So, will Müller’s trip help spark important incentives for better trade relations with Africa? Kappel is skeptical. So many issues are yet to be discussed. But the development economist admits that “rhetorically, you can come through if you talk about fair trading conditions.

Source=http://raimoq.com/germany-minister-gerd-muller-arrives-eritrea/

Written by

Amanda Poole, Jennifer Riggan

The sudden outbreak of peace in the Horn of Africa means an open border and new vulnerability. Researchers Jennifer Riggan and Amanda Poole capture the concerns of Eritrean refugees.

Long-separated families meet at Asmara International Airport on July 21, 2018, during the first week after Ethiopian airlines resumed flights to Asmara, Eritrea MAHEDER HAILESELASSIE TADESE/AFP/Getty Images

In July this year, Ethiopia and Eritrea shocked the world, thrilled their people and upended politics as usual in the Horn of Africa by signing an agreement of peace and friendship that ended 20 years of conflict.

Change has happened remarkably fast since then. Phone lines and flights that hadn’t operated for two decades reconnected the two countries, which share a 567-mile (912km) border. Families separated by war reunited in ecstatic celebration. The Eritrean embassy in Addis Ababa reopened and everyone expects land travel across the contentious border to resume soon.

But not everyone is excited about peace. On a recent research visit to Ethiopia, where we have been studying Eritrean refugee settlements for the past two years, we discovered that many refugees are afraid of what peace could mean for their safety and their future. Some refugees say that the end of conflict in the region may actually be more dangerous for them than war.

The Eritrean refugee camps in northern Ethiopia are unusual. Instead of being crowded with families who have fled conflict, like the camps along other borders housing refugees from Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia, the camps in the north are filled with young men.

We discovered that many refugees are afraid of what peace could mean for their safety and their future. Some refugees say that the end of conflict in the region may actually be more dangerous for them than war.

Eritrean refugees are concerned for their safety in Ethiopia because the end of the border conflict does not guarantee political change in Eritrea, or peace along the border where the camps are located.

“Our problem is not the border,” a refugee named Kidane told us, repeating a common sentiment. He returned to the Ethiopian camps near the Eritrean border over five years ago after failing to reach Europe. “We came here not because of a border problem, but because of problems with the government.” Of the new peace agreement, he says, “It exposes us. It will harm us. It will not benefit us.”

They have good reason to be concerned. In Sudan, Eritrean refugees are vulnerable to capture and return by the Eritrean military, who operate across the Sudanese-Eritrean border. Refugees in Ethiopia fear that an open border will enable Eritrean operatives to target asylum seekers in the camps. If Ethiopia fails to enhance protections, refugees may choose to migrate onward.

Other Eritrean refugees we spoke to would like to celebrate their country’s newfound peace but fear for their safety in the border region that is becoming increasingly volatile. “Before, I was very comfortable with the ability of Ethiopia to protect refugees,” said one man living in Mai Aini, one of the refugee camps along the northern border. “Now, I am frustrated.”

The acceptance of the peace agreement has angered many local communities, as Ethiopian border towns will be torn apart when land is ceded to Eritrea. Much of the disputed border lies in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, where many of the camps are located. For the past year, contentious domestic politics have pitted the Tigrayans against other ethno-national groups in Ethiopia, and peace is being brokered by regimes in both countries that are antagonistic to the main political party from that region, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Refugees in the camps fear a border that is increasingly both open and volatile.

Eritrean asylum seekers are also concerned about what peace could mean for their asylum claims. Some question whether the prima facie basis for granting Eritreans refugee status in Ethiopia will continue for Eritreans opposed to the regime in Asmara.

“Bef.

In Europe, Eritreans have been at the center of debates about the legitimacy of asylum claims. In the wake of increased migration, European countries have asserted that Eritreans are fleeing poverty rather than human rights problems in their home country, and therefore can be denied asylum and safely returned.

Now, Israel is considering deporting Eritreans if Eritrea ends indefinite national service. But asylum seekers could be in danger unless Eritrea gives amnesty to those who have fled illegally.

Refugees need assurances in order to feel safe. They need assurances that the world understands that Eritrea has not yet changed. Eritrean law requires citizens to undergo 18 months of national military service, but the government used the war as a pretext to make national service permanent for most. The conditions for soldiers in Eritrea’s army are harsh, including physical punishments, forced labor, restrictions on freedom of movement and long periods of time spent away from family.

Some leave as children, before they are conscripted in grade 12 (the last year of secondary school). Others leave after their official service term ends when they realize that, even if officially demobilized, the government can still recall them.

Indefinite national service isn’t the only reason that the 160,000-plus Eritrean refugees currently hosted by Ethiopia have fled their country. President Isaias governs Eritrea with austere control. Movement within the country has required written permission for most of the past 20 years. It is illegal to leave without an exit visa, which is nearly impossible to obtain. The thousands who flee each month risk being shot or imprisoned. Any attempt at protest has been stanched. The constitution has never been implemented, and Eritreans may be arbitrarily arrested and detained in a prison system where torture is routine.

If the government of Eritrea would like Eritrean refugees to come home, they will need assurances that Eritrea is a different kind of place. They will also need stronger assurances that they can stay in Ethiopia and will be protected there, particularly if conflict occurs in Tigray. As one refugee stated, “The political situation is very tense and when it is tense, we feel worried. We don’t know what will happen.”

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Refugees Deeply.

Source=https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2018/08/16/fear-dampens-hope-among-eritrean-refugees-in-ethiopia

On 5th September an exhibition will open in London to give a rare insight into Eritrea – its long war for independence from Ethiopia and the tragedy of its current repression.

The exhibition will be held at Resources for London. It has been organised  by Eritrea Focus, an association of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), human rights organisations, exile and refugee groups and individuals concerned with the abuses of human rights in Eritrea.

Eritrea Exibtion 1

Eritrea exhibition 2

Source=https://eritreahub.org/eritrea-in-the-news-an-exhibition-of-unique-images