Below is a Google Translate version of an article that appeared in the Italian newspaper, Republica 

Premier Conte will go to Ethiopia and Eritrea in October

The Prime Minister will be in Addis Ababa in the first half of October, most probably the 11th, for a bilateral agreement with the new premier Abiy Ahmed, which will be followed by a visit to Eritrea where he will meet President Isaias Afewerki.

ROME – After Canada and the United States, Giuseppe Conte will fly to Africa. In fact, the Prime Minister will be in Addis Ababa in the first half of October, most likely on the 11th, for a bilateral agreement with the new premier Abiy Ahmed, followed by a visit to Eritrea where he will meet President Isaias Afewerki.

The news of the premier’s institutional visit takes place five days after the historic, new course of peace between the two African countries, started on July 8th with the signed declaration of the two leaders for the stop to the state of war that lasted 20 years and sealed on 17 September in Jeddah in Saudi Arabia in the presence of the Saudi King Salman, who mediated the peace process together with the Arab Emirates, the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, and the President of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamated. A choice that places Italy at the center of an exceptional event that will bring with it positive consequences throughout the continent and overseas.

Conte’s mission wants to be a support to this rapprochement in a zone of the nerve-cropping Africa for Italy, considering our common historical past that bind us in a bond also affective. The president of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, went to Addis Ababa in 2016.

We must not forget that Ethiopia is for us the second beneficiary of international cooperation on the continent. The peace between the two countries and the presence that Italy wants to confirm with this Count’s visit could favor positive developments on the issue of migration flows, of which Eritrea is one of the major countries of origin.

ኣብ ሓሙሽተ መዓልታት ጥራይ ዳርጋ 4,000 ካብ ኤርትራ ዑቕባ ክሓቱ ዶብ ሰጊሮም ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝኣተዉ ኤርትራውያን ተመዝጊቦም ምህላዎም ማርቲን ፕላውት ዝተባህለ ጋዜጣኛ ኣብ ናይ ዕለት 26 መስከረም 2018 ዘውጽኦ ዜና ኣስፊሩ ኣሎ።

ብመንጽር ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኩነታት ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣብ ወርሒ 5,000 ኤርትራውያን ናብ ኤርትራ ከም ዝኣትዉ ዝሕብር ጸብጻብዩ ነይርዎም። እዚ ሓድሽ ኩነታት እንተቐጺሉ ግና ቁጽሪ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ናይ ዝኣትዉ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ወርሒ 20, 000 ክበጽሕ እዩ።

ንኣብነት ዝኣክል ካብ 21 መስከረም ክሳብ 25 መስከረም 2018 ኣብ ወግዓዊ መእተዊ ዝተመዝገቡ ኤርትራውያን ከምዚ ዝስዕብ እዩ: ክብል ጠቂሱ ኣሎ

ዓርቢ 21 መስከረ         526

ቀዳም 22 መስከረም    550

ሰንበት 23 መስከረም    223

ሰኑይ 24 መስከረም   1,839

ሰሉስ 24 መስከረም     575

ድምር                     3,713

እዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ናይ ዝተመዝገቡ ዝርዝር እዩ፡ ካለኦት 1,500 ከኣ ኣብ ዶብ ንክምዝገቡ ዝጽበዩ ኣለዉ። ኢትዮጵያውያን ሰብ መዚ ብዓለምለኻዊ ትካል ንስደተኛታትን ብላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራትን እንዳተሓገዙ፥ ኩነታት ንምምሕያሽ ኣብ እንዳባጉናን ካለኦት መደበራት ስደተኛታትን ዝከኣሎም ይጽዕሩ ኣለዉ።

Wednesday, 26 September 2018 18:40

Eritreans fleeing to Ethiopia in rising numbers

Written by

In just five days nearly 4,000 Eritreans were registered by the Ethiopian authorities after they crossed the border, seeking asylum.

To put these figures in context: the UNHCR has previously said that up to 5,000 Eritreans were crossing into Ethiopia monthly. If these numbers continue to flow out of Eritrea the figure could reach 20,000 a month.

The numbers of people who have been registered at official Ethiopian entry points for the period Friday 21st September until yesterday, Tuesday 25th, are as follows:

Friday 21st: 526

Saturday 22nd: 550

Sunday 23rd: 223

Monday 24th: 1839

Tuesday 25th: 575

Total: 3,713

This is just the number that have been registered: another 1,500 are waiting at the border to come to official reception centres.

The Ethiopian authorities, supported by the IOM and the UNHCR, are doing all they can to improve the facilities at the Endabaguna camp and other refugee camps in the area.

Wednesday, 26 September 2018 18:35

An Open Letter to the Ethiopian Parliament

Written by

Dear members of the parliament of the Ethiopian People

First, allow me to convey my warm greetings to your respected parliament and my wish for the successful accomplishment of its mission to the people of Ethiopia. I am writing this letter in the capacity of a simple Eritrean to bring to your attention a mixed feeling and my views, which I believe is shared by many Eritreans, i.e. a positive hope but also a concern and worry on the ongoing peace process.

The war between Eritrea and Ethiopia

Dear members of parliament,

From my personal experience, I would like to remind you that for the last almost 60 years except those 7 years after the independence of Eritrea, i.e.  From 1991 to 1998, as Eritreans we have been in a continual threat and fighting with Ethiopia. As a consequence, there is a feeling of bitterness, suspicion and negative feelings of victimization. I myself am and has been part of this experience throughout my entire life.

Small as we are, we have paid a very huge price in our 30 years of armed struggle and this was again followed by the “Badme War”, which erupted in 1998 under the current leaders of Eritrea, but also by your parliament’s acknowledgment and decision.

Dear members of parliament,

These last 20 years were even worst, than those 30 years of war of independence in terms of human and material lose. Only in those two years, i.e. between years 1998 to 2000, we lost 1/3 of what we has lost in those 30 years of our struggle for independence. Hence this war have shredded many Eritrean lives and this also true for Ethiopians.
In my humble understanding the reason for this huge lose and fierceness of the war is twofold:

1)     The handling of the problem by the leaders of the two countries, which your parliament played a role.

2)     Our peoples exaggerated nationalism and fear of losing the hard won independence

When the war erupted, the reason which was given to our people was that Ethiopia started a war to thwart our independence and occupy our territory, hence the war was conducted in the name of Eritrean sovereignty. This triggered rage in the hearts of the Eritrean people, because of our past experience and fear of losing the hard won independence. Many Eritreans were saying let it cost what it costs and many also followed Ato. Isias’s saying, if Ethiopia occupies our land again, this time “Badme”, it is tantamount that the sun will never rise again.

So our peoples understanding, when the war erupted first, was a renewed threat to our independence. The propaganda from the people in power was that, Ethiopia is invading our territory and endangering our sovereignty and that was the reason for all that huge sacrifice and that big lose for both parts, Ethiopia & Eritrea.

This being from the Eritrean side, from Ethiopia, it was your parliament which was in charge and decided to conduct the war the way it happened, hence you know it better, but we all agree t was a big lose to both people and countries.

Even worse, the two year were followed by the “no war no peace “situation with a devastating consequence especially for Eritrea.

About Similarities between people

Eritrea, a product of Italian colony got its borders defined by the Italians, in a same way as all African colonies got their borders defined by the Europeans. It borders, with Sudan, Djibouti and Ethiopia and the Sea.  The sea, the Red sea, always bring us both blessing and curse. Blessing because of the civilization, trade with outside world, prosperity that we got through the sea. Curse because of the wars and unrest by all the invaders who come across the sea and the continual push that we get from you, our brothers from the south. Therefore the sea has always created on us a feeling of obligation to protect it, protect what is ours. Hence, this feeling and obligation to own and protect the Red Sea is a very important issue of identity to us, Eritreans. However, the sea is to benefit all of us and be used by all of us, be it Eritreans, Ethiopians and others.
After all these years again, due to the change in Ethiopia, we started to see the glimpse of peace and when the peace process started we became hopeful. However, we are fearing again, because of what we are hearing, the utterance from both the leaders of Eritrea and Ethiopia, which made us very busy in deciphering these statements. For example, from Ato Isaias, who said: “Who he/ she thinks these two people of Eritrea and Ethiopia are different is one who does not know the truth” and then Dr. Abby, said “we had never talked about the border and borders are meaningless” wait a minute … what? What do they mean? Where are these guys heading to? , was the general question by many Eritreans, all over the world.
As Eritreans, we were dumb folded and confused when he heard such utterances because our expectation was simple and straightforward, which was to demarcate the border either way and to start business as usual between two neighboring countries and people.




But to answer to Ato Isaias, that if we Eritreans and Ethiopians are the same people?
The answer is yes and no. It depends in what context you raise and ask the question? Yes because we are people in the same area, region and besides that Eritrea was part of Ethiopia after the federation, the annexation until independence. Because of this, we have many similarities, in terms of look, culture the way we dress, eat handle our issues and many more. Especially the highland part of Eritrea is the same people like the Tigrians and Amhara of Ethiopia. But, likewise, the Hidareb are the same people with the Harendewa in Sudan, and Eritrean Afars are the same like the Afars in Djubuti.

For those who know the world, everywhere you go, you will/ can find same people but in different countries and states. For example, The Germans, in the city of Aachen have the same look, culture, beliefs, set of life like their Belgians neighbors and the Duchess from Holland. The Swedish and the Norwegians are the same people and the similarity becomes more along the border area. The Zambians looks the same and have the same culture like the Malawians and the Zimbabweans. This is just to name a few that people of the same look and identity can and live in different countries and states. Hence, I failed to understand Ato Isaias, when he brought this political rhetoric, since he is a politicians and too much of that, his utterance was not accepted by Eritreans but brought suspicion and skepticism instead.

As Dr. Abbeys’ speech about the border issue, I have already explained before the significance of the demarcation to Eritreans and the meaning of settling this issue. That the peace process starts from starting and handling the border issue seriously and with care. This is politics and politics is about managing sensitivities; and issues like this need to be well articulated and defined. We have still wounds years from way back, from the era of federation and annexation of Eritrea. We are very sensitive to words like: we are the same, Assab, ports etc… For us, when someone utters these words we need to understand clearly what he/she means and what he/ she wants. It triggers our feelings of past experience and the price we paid and it takes us to a defensive position of our interest.  Every home or family have paid one, two and even more of its family members. These have made us to value genuine peace associated or connected with the real expectations of the people; we want our borders to get demarcated, and live in peace and harmony with our brothers/ neighbors. For us clarity is important, we are victims of conspiracies and wars, we are wounded people who are very paranoid to such words, who are associated with our independence and sovereignty. Now, please understand us we want be free as people and don’t want to live in suspicion. Hence, I would say the least, things have to be clear and agreements to be well defined and articulated, if not we will always be suspicious and this will and can be an impediment to the ongoing peace process, which we don’t want to happen again.

 

Peace & the People

The peace that we want to achieve should be, peace between the two countries and between our two people, Eritrea and Ethiopia. Furthermore, we want this peace to be genuine and transparent, which mean a process that avoids conspiracies and eliminate any suspicions. We need a sustainable peace, where trust is fostered and all political actors are relatively happy. Unfortunately, that is not the case with the on-going peace process, hence, our dissatisfaction. There are many factors which are missing and these are issues of representation and issues of transparency which need to be addressed seriously for a genuine and sustainable peace.

Dear members of parliament,

This time of our history we must achieve a genuine and sustainable peace and look forward to enjoy life as happy and trusted neighbors. We can only see and bring about a bright future for the people by closing the past chapter of our history and address the wounds, mistrust, suspicion, conspiracies, rightly. For this, your parliament bears a huge responsibility, as more than any period of the Ethiopian history, I think, this is the first time that a parliament was able to be fully accepted to represent Ethiopia and Ethiopians, the reasons being the following:

Ø  All opposing political parties are allowed to conduct their political activities freely inside the country,

Ø  All opposition armed forces has returned back to Ethiopia freely

Ø  There are no political prisoners

Ø  Full freedom of press, assembly is allowed and people are exercising this right.

Hence, although, in a process, we can say the current parliament represents almost the entire people of Ethiopia and is accepted by almost or all political parties and therefore is more democratic than any previous parliaments.

My wish is for you to continue on this path and progress and sustain it. However, with all the above achievements, on the other side, more than any time in the history of Ethiopia, the possibility for disintegration of Ethiopia has never been close as it is now. This can be seen from the lawlessness in the streets and villages, the killings and lootings, the ethnic clashes and the language of hatred and bitterness used among the people of different ethnic groups. All this is alarming and need a very careful, smart and honest handling and approach. One of this careful and honest handling is your governments approach to the on-going peace process with Eritrea. As you know almost all of your armed opposition groups were in Eritrea, and if the handling of issues continues in the same old way, secretiveness and conspiracies are the business of the day and that the peace process itself is conducted in murky way, the same politics of suspicion and non-inclusiveness will continue to infest inside Ethiopia; and there will never be a real peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia neither will be unity and harmony inside Ethiopia. The democratization process and all that acceptance of your parliament by the Ethiopian people and the various opposition parties can’t last long.
As you also know, conditions inside Eritrea are in the same way as it was before the peace process starts; that political opponents are in dungeons of the regime, the mass arrests are a daily occurrence, that there is no freedom of speech and no freedom of press. There is no representation and no participation of people in the affairs of the country. As you can see all your peace agreements are done with one man and his two messengers, where they don’t have any legitimate representation of parliament or people. And hence a risk, for it might not bring about the genuine and sustainable peace required by the two countries and two peoples.

I honestly don’t need to tell you this because you know how much it cost you to come to this level of parliamentarian representation and acceptance.

The Peace Process & Priorities

The 1998, war which is known as a “Badme” war is a border war. Although now, the regime in Eritrea is saying it was not a border war, for us Eritreans, it will always remain a border war. Because, that is why our people fought for and our martyrs will always be remembered, as fallen to maintain Eritrean sovereignty; no matter what was inside the head of Ato Isaias. Actually, this reminds me of an old saying from Amilcar Cabral, the leader of the PAIGC, a Ginue Bissaua, guerilla leader, when he said, “ We are not fighting for the ideas in once head, we are fighting to gain material benefits, to see our lives go forward and to guarantee the future of our children”, hence, no matter, the ambitions and the ideas of Ato Isaias be, our people fought the Badme war to defend the sovereignty of Eritrea thinking that Ethiopia is invading our territory and for the “no war no peace” years, because the two countries could not implement the Algeria’s agreement.

Therefore peace should start by solving this impasse first, that is, by addressing and demarcating the border and with full cooperation and acceptance of people from both sides of the border or/ and directly implementing the Algeria’s agreement. After demarcating the border the peace process can be pushed to its highest level with full accordance and heartily support of the people of both countries. Genuine and sustainable peace can only be achieved when the people who have interest in the peace are fully involved, represented and respected. Sustainable peace is a result of a WIN-WIN situation of both negotiating parties.

Having said this, I would like to bring to your attention, as much as we are happy with the new developments of peace and see the people in both sides of the border hugging each other and start living a normal life, we are very concerned and worried the way the peace process is conducted and continues. Let me make it clear once more: For us Eritreans, the issue of the border demarcation is crucial and the first step to further genuine cooperation and normalization. We want our relationship with our brothers in Ethiopia to be clear, honest and transparent. We don’t want to be suspicious and don’t like to conduct murky agreements. This is due to our past experiences and history. Hence, overcoming the suspicions and build trust and addressing issues in a clear and transparent manner, which can benefit both parties is very important. However, to the contrary, the current peace process between, the two countries is carried out in a very secretive and non-transparent manner, and can’t be acceptable for the people of Eritrea.

To make things clear when we say demarcation, we don’t mean to put walls
and fences, what we mean is a well-known, borders between the two sovereign countries. Unfortunately, this is not only with you, this is also with others neighbors, including Djibouti, We had problems on the issue with all our neighbors hence is important for us to settle it once and for all. We believe addressing the issue now can prevent other future problems and conflicts for future generations. Once, it is demarcated and we know clearly our borders we are for the idea of free movement of people, capital, and goods: and various kind and levels of agreement can be reached between the countries which can benefit us all and grow our economies and living standards. We know that it is an era of global village and we are for the view that all negotiations must emanate from the interest of both countries and from WIN-Win principle.

As Eritreans, we also connect the peace agreements with you with our internal affairs. Because, after the signing of the peace agreement in Algeria, many Eritreans were arrested including high level government officials and journalist. The accusation is that they have conspired with you, Ethiopia, with a foreign power, hence the accusation was treason. This was later followed by mass arrests through-out the years and mainly in the name of collaboration with enemy, i.e. Ethiopia. These prisoners, still suffering in the dungeons of the regime, your current peace partner, are not only simple citizens but are our heroes and leaders of our armed struggle. As a consequence of this and other handling, you know more than anyone in these world the number of youth, children, women and aged people which are daily fleeing Eritrea, to come to your borders.

We thank you for hosting the refugees but you should also remember with whom you are conducting the peace agreements and also how you are conducting it. For a viable and a sustainable peace, it need to be with Eritrea and its people not with one man and two messengers.

Conclusion

At the end, I would like to conclude and point out the following for your attention:

1-     The peace process should start by addressing the main border issues

2-     The border must demarcated ASAP

3-     All economic, social and political agreements should/ can follow after fully the border issue is settled

4-     Any agreement should be in the spirit and principles of Win-Win

5-     Bear in mind that Eritrea does not have a parliament and a legal institution that represents all parts of the population at the moment. Hence, the weight of all agreements should reflect the current situation. In short, there issue of legitimacy.

6-     Bear in mind the agreements might not be accepted at all by the Eritrean opposition organizations, in that case it can and will be null and void at least by those organizations and their followers

7-     Although, may be not your full responsibility, I advise you to ask for a legal representatives to deal with instead one man and two messengers, think issue of sustainability.

8-     All peace processes should be with the involvement, representation of both people and to the common and mutual interest of both countries and people

In my humble opinion, the above points has to be partly or wholly accepted. Addressing those issues is the way forward to achieve a sustainable peace and progress for the two countries and people.

May genuine and sustainable between Eritrea and Ethiopia prevail.

Tedros Fessahaye

26/09/2018

Wednesday, 26 September 2018 13:29

More Eritreans flee after the border was opened

Written by

Swedish Radio's Africa correspondent Samuel Larsson in place at the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

 

"Peace will not contribute to democracy"

 

Published at 06.38; 2018.09.26

 

The peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia has not stopped Eritreans from fleeing the dictatorship in their homeland. Indications are such that the number of people leaving to Ethiopia since the border between the countries was opened is now instead increasing sharply.

 

At the reception center in Indaba Gunna, Ethiopia, a few miles from Eritrea, it is full of Eritreans who have reached the border the latest hours, sought asylum and are now waiting to register and get refugee status.

 

We asked about the quantity, how peace and the open border have influenced the stream of refugees that chooses to leave the dictatorship in Eritrea, but the issue is sensitive and no one except the Ethiopian refugee authority ARRA is able to talk to the media. And there is no information to get.

 

But others in Indaba Gunna tell us what they see. We give a lift to a policeman telling us that today's full reception center is nothing compared to yesterday, there was a long queue out on the street then.

 

A driver at one of the many aid organizations in the area tells over a lunch that the number of asylum seekers here has increased from earlier around 150 a day to 1500 a day now.

 

Indications are that many Eritreans now take the opportunity, fearing that the possibility of an open border will soon be gone again.

 

Diplomatic sources in Addis Ababa state that after peace, the issue of the Eritrean refugees is more controversial than ever before for the Ethiopian government. A rushing refugee stream disturbs the image of harmony in the Horn of Africa, as leaders in both countries now want to create.

 

- He's like Hitler, says a young Eritrean at a cafe in a nearby city, and refers to Eritrea's dictator Isaias Afewerki.

 

The man and his friends are in Ethiopia as tourists, but have an understanding of those in their generation who choose to seek asylum abroad.

 

"Peace will not contribute to democracy in Eritrea. People will continue to flee in ever greater numbers, and Afewerki will be left to God Himself to pick him up, they summarize.

 

Samuel Larsson, Indaba Gunna, Ethiopia

Wednesday, 26 September 2018 00:05

Amnesty condemns 'mass arbitrary arrests' in Ethiopia

Written by

Abiy Ahmed

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Since taking office Ethiopia's Prime minister Abiy Ahmed has freed dozens of jailed dissidents and welcomed back opposition groups

Amnesty International condemned the recent arrests of thousands of people in Ethiopia's capital, saying the detentions "threaten a new era of human rights gains" under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

The rights group was responding to a statement from Ethiopian authorities that police had conducted a wave of arrests in the wake of recent violence that killed dozens in the capital and its Burayu suburb.

"While the Ethiopian authorities have in recent months made a commendable attempt to empty the country's prisons of arbitrary detainees, they must not fill them up again by arbitrarily arresting and detaining more people without charge," said Amnesty's regional director Joan Nyanyuki in a statement late Monday.

"The government must renew its commitment to a new era of respecting and upholding human rights," Nyanyuki added.

The clashes in Addis Ababa and Burayu were between groups from the largest ethnic group the Oromo, who inhabit the land around the capital, and residents of the diverse city, including many ethnic minorities.

Addis Ababa police chief Degfie Bedi said about 1,200 people believed to be involved in the fighting were detained, with charges filed against 107 suspects, state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate reported.

A further 2,000 were arrested at casinos, or at establishments where people smoke shisha or chew the leafy khat narcotic stimulant, Fana said.

Degfie said those suspected of taking part in the violence, but who were not being charged, would be released after receiving "training".

A source involved in the investigation told AFP last week that as many as 65 people had been killed.

Since taking office in April, Abiy, an Oromo, has freed dozens of jailed dissidents and welcomed back opposition groups, including the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), that were formerly labelled terrorist organisations.

Source=https://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/afp/article-6204993/Amnesty-condemns-mass-arbitrary-arrests-Ethiopia.html

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ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ብሰንኪ ህግደፍ ዝተፈጥረ ጸገማት ብዙሕ መልክዕ ዘለዎ እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብዚ ጸገምዚ ንምውጻእ ኣብ ክንዲ ኣንጻርቲ ናይዚ ጸገማት ጠንቂ ዝኾነ ሓይሊ ንምውጋድ ዝቃለስ፥ ካብቲ ጸገምን ቃልስን ምርሓቕ ስለ ዝመረጸ፣ እቲ ናይቲ ጸገም ጠንቂ ጉጅለ መመሊሱ ክሻድንን ጸገም ኣብ ልዕሊ ጸገም ክድርዕን ዕድል ይረክብ ኣሎ።

ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ኣዝዩ ኣዛራቢ ዘሎ ናይቲ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ትግራይ ተዓጽዩ ዝጸንሐ ዶብ ብወገን ዛላንበሳን ራማን ምኽፋቱ እዩ። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ስለምንታይ በዚ ዝረአ ዘሎ ደረጃ ንክኽፈት ደልዩ ዝተፈልጠ የለን። ክሳብ መዓስ ከምዚ ኢሉ ከም ዝቕጽልን ናይቶም በዚ ኣገባብ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝኣትዉ ድሮ ኣደዳ ዝተፈላለየ ማሕበራዊ ጸገማት ምዃን ጀሚሮም ዘለዉ ኤርትራውያን መጻኢ ዕድልን ሕጋውነትንከ ከመይ ክኸውን እዩ ዝፍለጥ የለን። እቶም ጌና ካብ ህግደፍ ዘይቀበጹ ወገናት ብዛዕባዚ መብርሂ ንክህብ ይጽበይዎ እዮም። እንተኾነ ብተግባር ዝረአ ዘሎ ኩነታት ከም ዝሕብሮ፣ ህግደፍ እቲ ህዝቢ ብስምዒት፣ መውደቒኡ ከይፈለጠ ክፈልስ እሞ እታ ሃገር ጥራያ ክትተርፍ ድሌቱ ምዃኑ ካብዚ ዝዓቢ ምስክርነት የለን።

እዚ ሕጂ ዝረአ ዘሎ ውዑይ ፍልሰትን ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ስደትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህግደፍ ዘለዎ ጽልኢ ዘመልክት ምዃኑ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ህዝቢ ንህግደፍ ዝጸልኣሉ ምኽንያት እውን ኣይኮነንዶ ንዓና ኤርትራውያን ንሕብረተሰብ ዓለም እውን ፍሉጥ እዩ። ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ህግደፍ ምስ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት የርእዮ ብዘሎ ምቅርራብ ክሽፍኖ ንዝደሊ ኤርትራዊ ውሽጣዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሃለዋት ብምቅላዕ፣ ላዕለዎት ኮሚሽነራት ስደተኛታትን ሰብኣዊ መሰልን ሕቡራት ሃገራት ዘውጽእዎ ንህግደፍ “ጌና ብዙሕ ይተርፈካ ኣሎ” ዝሕመረቱ መልእኽቲ ከኣ ናይዚ ኣብነት እዩ።

ምናልባት ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብዛዕባዚ ቀጥዒ ብዘየብሉ ካብ ኤርትራ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየደ ዘሎ ፍልሰት መንግስታዊ ሓላፍነት ተሰሚዕዎ ክዛረብን መፍትሒ ከቕርብን ዝጽበ ወገን እንተልዩ ይጋገ ኣሎ ኢና እንብል። ምኽንያቱ ህግደፍ ህዝቢ ዓዲ ገዲፉ ሃጽ ኢሉ ክጠፍኣሉ እሞ ውሑዳት ሒዙ በይኑ ክብሕታ ሕልሙ ስለ ዝኾነ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጥዒምዎስ ዝያዳ ጥዑም ስለ ዝደለየ እዩ ሃገር ዝገድፍ ዘሎ ዝብል እምነት የብልናን። ናይቲ ዝወስዶ ዘሎ ስጉምቲ ጠንቂ፣ ማእሰርቲ፣ ግዱድ ውትህድርና፣ ስእነት ስራሕ ኮታ ብሓፈሻ ብኩራት ልዕልና ሕግን ኣብ ሃገሩ ናይ ምንባር ውሕስነት ምስኣንን ምዃኑ ብሩህ እዩ። እንተኾነ ከምቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ እውን እንብሎ እቲ ክኸውን ዝግበኦ ቀጻልን መሰረታውን መፍትሒ ንምምጻእ፣ ካብቲ ጸገም ምህዳም ዘይኮነ ነቲ ጠንቁ ምውጋድ እዩ። እዚ ጠንቂ ናይቲ ጸገም ዝኾነ ጸላኢ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጉጅለ ክሳብ ዘሎ ወትሩ ክንስደድ፣ ድሕሪ ዝተወሰነ ግዜ ከኣ ሃገርና ሰባ ገዲፍዋ ክትባድም ምዃና ዘጠራጥር ኣይኮነን። ድሕሪኡ ዝመጽእ ድማ ናይታ ብኽንደይ መስዋእቲ ዝመጸት ሃገር ዳግማይ ኣብ ሓደጋ ምእታው እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ህዝብን ሃገርን ሓደ ብዘይካቲ ሓደ ህልውና ስለ ዘየብሎም።

ስደት ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብዚ ንርከበሉ ዘለና ዝተሓላለኸ መዋእል ካብ ቀደም እውን ዝነበረ እዩ። እንተኾነ ስደት መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ከም ዘየምጽእ ከኣ ካባና ኤርትራውያን ንላዕሊ ዝፈልጦ የለን። ስደት ዘይውሑስን ዘይተሓስበሉን ክኸውን እንከሎ ሳዕቤኑ ክሳብ ክንደይ ሓደገኛ ምዃኑ ንሕና ተዘክሮ ላፓዱዛ እንፈልጥ ኣይንዝንገዖን ኢና። እቲ ዘሕዝንን ኣብ ትዕዝብቲ ዘውድቐናን ከኣ ካብዚ ናይ ገዛእ ርእስና ተመኩሮ ክንመሃር ዘይምኽኣልና እዩ። ምናልባት በዚ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝረአ ዘሎ ፍልሰት ኣቢልና ንህግደፍ ነሕርቖ ወይ ንቐጽዖ ዘለና ከይመስለና። እቲ ኩነታት ብኣንጻሩ እዩ። ህግደፍ ህዝቢ ክጠፍኣሉ እሞ ኣብ ጽምዋ ክነብር እዩ ዝደሊ። ስለዚ “ኪድን ኣይትበሎ፡ ከም ዝኸይድን ግበሮ” ዝብል እኩይ ሜላ እዩ ዝኽተል ዘሎ። ክንቀጽዖ እንተኮይና ብውሽጥን ብወጻእን ቀርቂርና ተቓሊስና ከነወግዶ እንከለና ጥራይ እዩ። እዚ ኩነታት ነቶም ዝስደዱ ዘለዉ፣ ህጻናት፣ ኣባጽሕን ብዕድመ ዝደፍኡን ብፍላይ ከኣ ምስ ብዙሓት ደቀን ይስደዳ ንዘለዋ ኣደታት ጥራይ ዝምልከት ኣይኮነን። መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዓዲ ይሃሉ ኣብ ወጻኢ ተገዲሱ ክሓስበሉን መፍትሒ ክረኽበሉን ዝግባእ’ዩ። ኣብዚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዘሎ መደበር ስደተኛታት መጻኢ ዕድሉ እንታይ ምዃኑ ዘይተፈልጠሉ ግዜ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ኣደዳ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኢትዮጵያ ናይ ዝንቀሳቐሱ ዘይሕጋውያን ኣሰጋገርቲ ይኾኑ ኣለዉ። ቀደም ካብ ኤርትራ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ከነሰጋግረኩም “ክንድዚ ክፈሉ” እዩ ዝበሃል ነይሩ። ሎሚ ድማ እዞም ኣብ ከምዚ ተዋፊሮም ዝነበሩ ወገናት ካብ ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ናብ ዘለዉ መደበር ስደተኛታት ከነመዝግበኩም “ክንድዚ ብር/ናቕፋ ክፈሉ” ዝብል ካልእ መልክዕ ሒዞም ይቀላቐሉ ኣለዉ’ሞ ምጥንቃቕ ዘድልዮ እዩ።

እዚ ቀጥዒ ዘየብሉ ዋሕዚ ኤርትራውያን፣ መልእኽቱ ናብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፣ ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ እውን እቲ ኣብዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባን ኣዋሳን ምዉቕ ኣቀባብላ ዝገበረሉ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ክሳብ ክንደይ ዕዮ ገዝኡ ዘይሰርሐ በሰሮን ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝተጸልአን መራሒ ምዃኑ ንክርዳእ ዘኽእሎ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ስደት፣ ህዝቢ መንግስቱ ክጸልእ እንከሎ ካብ ዝወስዶም ስጉምትታት ሓደ ብምዃኑ። እዚ ኩነታት መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ እውን ነዚ እንዳፈለጠ ዝኣተዎ ምዃኑ’ኳ ፍሉጥ እንተኾነ ክሳብ ክንደይ ብህዝቡ ምስ ዝተጸልአ መራሒ ይመሓዘው ምህላዉ ዘዘኻኽሮ ተረኽቦ እዩ። ዘይሩ ዘይሩ ግና ቀንዲ በዓል ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እዩ እሞ፡ እዚ ዝረአ ዘሎ ፍልሰት ንኤርትራ ናብ ሰብ ኣልቦ ክመርሓ ምዃኑ ክርዳእን ካብዚ ንምድሓን መንገዲ ክጸርግን ምዝኽኻር መልእኽትና እዩ።

ኣቦ-መንበር ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ) ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ብ23 መስከረም 2018 ኣብ መድረኽ (paltalk) ዘተ መንእሰያት ሰዲህኤ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ፡ ኣብዚ ኣኼባኡ “ገምጋም ኣብ ዝምድና ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን እማመ ሓባራዊ ስራሕ ሰዲህኤን” ብዝምልከት ሰፊሕ መብርሂ ሂቡ፡

ኣብቲ መብርሂኡ ብሓፈሻ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ንነዊሕ ዓመታት ዝጸንሐ ወጥሪ ሃዲኡ ህዝቢ ክልቴን ሃገራት ክራኸብ ምኽኣሉ ከምዝድግፎ ኣስፊሑ ገሊጹ። እንተኾነ እቲ ብዲክታተር ኢሳይያስ ዝቕለስ ኤርትራዊ ወገን ኣብቲ መስርሕ ምሕዳስ ዝምድና ዝኽተሎ ዘሎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይፈልጦ፣ ዘይመትከላውን ዘይግሉጽን ኣገባብ ተቓውሞ ከም ዘለዎ ብኣብነታት ብምስናይ ገሊጹ። ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ነቲ ናይ ህዝብና ጽምኣት ሰላምን ሕሱም ተነጽሎን ተበሊጹ ህግደፍ ይወስዶም ናይ ዘሎ ስጉምትታትን ውሽጦም ዘይፍለጥ ስምምዓትን፣ መስርሕ ምርግጋጽ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘደናጉዩ ጥራይ ዘይኮኑ፣ ንኤርትራዊ ልኡላውነት ዝህድዱ ምልክታት ይረኣዩ ምህላዎም እውን ጠቒሱ።

ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ እዚ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ መስርሕ ንድሌትን ህልዊ ኩነታትን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝጓሰየ ምዃኑ፥ ምስ ዘርዘረ፣ እስትራተጅያዊ ኣቀማምጣ ሃገርና ዘብሃጎም ናይ ግዳም ሓይልታት ዘርእይዎ ዘለዉ ምስ ጉጅለ ኢሳይያስ ናይ ምትዕርራኽ ምልክታት ህዝብና ብጽሞና ክከታተሎ ከም ዝግባእ ኣተንቢሁ። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ መስርሕ ንኩነታት ኤርትራ ከም ዝጸልዎ ዝጠቐሰ ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም፣ ኣተሓሒዙ ኣካይድ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ናይ ህልኽን ቂምን እምበር ንናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ረብሓ ኣብ ግምት ዘእተወን ኣርሒቑ ዝጠመተን ከምዘየለ ገሊጹ።

ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣብቲ ንህጹጽነት ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ ሓይልታት ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ብዝምልከት ዝሃቦ መግለጺ፥ ሰዲህኤ ኣውጺኡ ይሰርሓሉ ብዛዕባ ዘሎ ኣብ ኣርባዕተ ነጥብታት ማለት፥ ምዕቃብ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ፣ ምውጋድ ስርዓት ህግደፍን ናይ ጭቆና ትካላቱን ከምኡ እውን ኣብ ምትካል ብዙሕነታዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ስርዓትን ምውሓስ ኩሉ መሰረታዊ መሰላትን ዘትከለ ናይ ሓቢርካ ምስራሕ እማመ ዝምልከት መብርሂ ሂቡ፥ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብመሰረት እዚ እማመ ምስ ዝተወሰና ውድባት ተጀሚሩ ዘሎ መስርሕ ምቅርራብ ተስፋ ዝህብ ምዃኑ ሓቢሩ፣ ሰዲህኤ ምስቶምቅሩባት ኮይኑ ንመጻኢ’ውን ክደፋሉ ምዃኑ ኣረጋጊጹ። ኣተሓሒዙ ከኣ እቲ እማመ ከከም ደረጃኡ ካብ ብሓባር ምስራሕ ጀሚሩ ክሳብ ፍጹም ምትሕንጻፍ ዝኸይድ ምዃኑ ኣብሪሁ። ኣብዚ ገለጻኡ፣ ሎሚ ኪኖ ምውሓስ ዲሞክራሲ ምዕቃብ ኤርትራን ክብራን እውን ኣብ ቅድሜና ተገቲሩ ዘሎ ብደሆ ምዃኑ ብምጥቃስ ዳግማይ መጸዋዕታ ንሓባራዊ ስራሕ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ኣቕሪቡ፣

ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ድሕሪቲ ሰፊሕ መግለጺኡ፣ ንዝቐረቡ፣ “ንደመር ዝብል ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝቃላሕ ዘሎ ጭረሖ ንመን ይምልከት?፣ ጉዳይ ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ኣበይ ወዲቑ?፣ ሃንደበታዊ ዝምድና ኤርትራ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ፣ ሶማልን ጅቡትን እንታይን መን ዝደረኾን እዩ?፣ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ምስ ጉጅለ ዲክታቶር ኢሳይያስ ዝመሓዘዉ ዘለዉ ወገናት ሕቡእ ኣጀንዳዶ ይህልዎምዶ?፣ ህልዊ ዝምድና ኤርትራዊ ተቓውሞን መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ኣብ ከመይ ደረጃ ይርከብ? ዝብሉ ዝርከብዎም ሕቶታት ግዜ ወሲዱ ብዝርዝር መሊሱ፡

ኣብ መወዳእታ ኣኼባኡ ንምጥቕላል ኣብ ዝሃቦ ቃል ኣቶ መንግስተኣብ ኣስመሮም ኣብ ወሳኒ ናይ ታሪኽ ምዕራፍ ከም ዘለና ጠቒሱ ካብዚ ዘለናዮ ብዓውት ንምውጻእ ንውሱናት ወገናት ዝግደፍ ዘይኮነ ንኹሉ ኤርትራዊ ዝምልከት ሃገር ናይ ምድሓን ዕማም ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ፣ ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሕን ፈታዊ ህዝቡን በብዓቕሙ ክረባረብ ጸዊዑ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንሓቢሪካ ምስራሕ ከተባብዕን ካብዚ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ ምርጫ ንዝርሕቁ ወገናት ከኣ ተጽዕኖኡ ንኽገብርን ከኣ ጸዊዑ።

Ethiopia and Eritrea’s second rapprochement

Ethiopia and Eritrea should not repeat the mistakes of the 1990s, when a period of rapprochement ended in war.

by
Al Jazeera
 
 
Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika with Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki after the signing of a peace agreement on December 12, 2000, in Algiers [AP]
Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika with Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki after the signing of a peace agreement on December 12, 2000, in Algiers [AP]

Ethiopia and Eritrea took one more important step towards normalising their relations on September 17, when Eritrean PresidentIsaias Afwerkiand Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed a peace agreement in the Saudi city of Jeddah, the details of which have not been publicised yet.

A week earlier, during the Orthodox New Year’s celebrations, the leaders of the two countries met on the border town of Zalambessa to re-openthe common border.

The rapprochement that began in June has been marked by a number of symbolic gestures and events, including official state-visits by both leaders. During Isaias Afwerki’s visit to Addis Ababa on July 14, the strongman who is known for his stern image and carefully choreographed speeches, emotionally declared to the Ethiopian prime minister “you are our leader now”.

Abiy then proclaimed to the cheering crowd: “when we become one, Assab will be ours,” in reference to the symbolic Eritrean Red Sea port, which was once part of Ethiopia. This hasn’t been simply a process of rapprochement between two states; it almost seems like a social reunification.

Telephone lines have been opened and commercial flights restarted allowing people to call and see their relatives and friends for the first time in decades. The two countries have also exchanged ambassadors and reopened old trade routes.

The international community has welcomed these developments with enthusiasm. The secretary-generalof the United Nations, Antonio Gutteres, hailed the reconciliation as “illustrative of a new wind of hope blowing across Africa”. Peace between these two nations was long overdue and has already had some positive effecton the Horn of Africa.

But the two countries have gone through a similar euphoric moment before – in 1993 when Eritrea got its independence from Ethiopia. That rapprochement, however, did not end well.

The secession of Eritrea was supported by the new government of Ethiopia at that time and was celebrated internationally as an ideal separation. Then, five years later, Africa’s deadliest war broke out between the former allies.

What made this conflictextraordinary – even in a global context – was that it took place under conditions of extensive economic interdependence and social integration between the two states.

Today, as the two countries start rebuilding their relations, it is absolutely crucial that they revisit this moment of history and do not repeat its mistakes.

The first rapprochement

The peaceful secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia in 1993 marked the beginning of the first rapprochement between the two nations after the end of the 30-year-long civil war.

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) had both fought against the Ethiopian communist military government, the Derg, and by the early 1990s had taken power in Addis Ababa and Asmara respectively.

There was a common understanding that the Derg had been the sole source of past animosity and a convergence of interests between the two states was uncritically taken for granted.

The emergence of two young and charismatic revolutionaries – Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi and Eritrea’s Isaias Afwerki – was hailed internationally as a landmark moment in which the “next generation” of African leaders was taking over.

Their first diplomatic act after the partition was to sign a cooperation agreement known as the Asmara Pact. The 25-protocol agreement was an ambitious plan to integrate the two nations in all sectors, including defence.

Eritrea’s economy was in practice already integratedinto Ethiopia’s, as around 80 percent of its export products were destined for its neighbour. At the same time Ethiopia relied on Eritrea’s main port as a transportation hub for most of its trade with the world.

After the partition, the Eritreans were allowed to keep almost all the benefits of Ethiopian citizenship, but with a sovereign state of their own. In practice both peoples continued to live as if they were still one state.

On the foreign policy front, they cooperated against Sudan’s attempt to export its Islamist ideology to East Africa and Ethiopia supported Eritrea in its war against Yemen in 1996.

These unusual policies were rooted in an ambiguous approach to Eritrean nationhood by both governments. There was a common understanding that the two nations were really one people, despite the secession.

In his first visit to Ethiopia after the secession in 1993, President Afwerkideclaredthat after economic integration, the two countries could move towards political integration. His Ethiopian counterpart, Zenawi, was also convinced this was inevitable.

Due to these fraternal sentiments and optimistic expectations, important aspects of the relations between the states, including the demarcation of the common border and currency exchange rates, were resolved. They were simply not considered priorities in the first years after independence.

Ethiopians and Eritreans were therefore caught off-guard when a dispute over a relatively unimportant piece of land turned into a full-blown war in 1998.

The war was fought with the same emotional zeal with which cooperation and integration had been pursued only a few years earlier. The two governments were unyielding and fought for two years in a deadly warthat claimed more than 100,000 lives.

During the war and the subsequent decades of hostility, people on both sides saw it as the product of betrayal and deceit, rather than as an outcome of conflicting interests and policies.

Regardless of who is to blame for the conflict, both governments have to take responsibility for not doing enough to resolve differences peacefully.

The second rapprochement

While it is unlikely that history will repeat itself with another major military conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, it is nevertheless important for the two states to establish clear mechanisms for arbitration and communication. After all, in the early 1990s, a war between the two was also deemed extremely unlikely.

The international community and the governments and people of Ethiopia and Eritrea have been desperate for peace, and now that it’s seemingly here, no one seems to be interested in confronting the thorny issues. Indeed, according to local customs it would be inappropriate to revisit the past during reconciliation.

Nostalgia and notions of fraternity have come back with the new rapprochement. While the historical and cultural affinity of the Ethiopian and Eritrean peoples is undeniable, this shouldn’t be the basis for diplomatic relations. This approach has been tried in the past and has failed – with severe consequences.

The basis for the relationship ought to be based on a dispassionate recognition that Ethiopia and Eritrea are two sovereign states with individual interests that will not always overlap. Rights, responsibilities and mechanisms for managing disputes that will inevitably emerge must be clearly formulated.

Ethiopia and Eritrea find themselves in one of the world’s most conflict-prone neighbourhoods. A number of regional and domestic political actors currently feel left out or marginalised by the peace process and have an incentive to sabotage it.

Two months after the peace declaration, the demarcation of the common border, which was the crux of the two-decades-long stalemate, is yet to begin and there already seem to be disagreements on how to proceed. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (part of the EPRDF), which governs the Ethiopian regional state bordering Eritrea, does not seem to agree with the federal government’s approach to demarcation. It keeps repeating publicly that the physical demarcation has to involve the residents of the borderlands.

Eritrea, for its part, is a state that is not governed by a constitution or parliament. The extreme centralisation of the regime around the figure of the president makes it a highly unpredictable partner. In addition, in a deliberate effort to sow resentment and suspicion, Eritrean diplomats keep insulting the TPLF on Twitter, despite the fact that the latter is a constitutive member of the ruling EPRDF.

All of these factors make the process more prone to derailment than it may appear.

In the context of these outstanding issues, the two states has already taken some steps to resume economic relations. Ethiopia has started using Eritrea’s Assab port on the Red Sea and Ethiopian investors have been looking at opportunities in Eritrea.

But the rules that will regulate the resumption of trade have not been made public yet and much like in 1993, these matters are either being deprioritised or handled in an opaque manner.

In this context, it is important to remember that neither fraternal bonds nor economic interdependence have been sufficient for preventing war in the past; on the contrary, they have served as enablers for emotive and reckless policies that culminated in war and a long and bitter rivalry.

It is imperative that the two governments dispassionately formulate their national interests and institutionalise the terms of their relationship as soon as possible, and leave as few issues as possible to fate, trust or fraternity.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.


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