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Tuesday, 18 February 2020 08:51

ቃል ቤት ጽሕፈት ፍራንክፈርት ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ዝኽሪ ምጅማር ብረታዊ ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ትግራይ

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ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ኣካየድቲ ማሕበር ተጋሩ ኣብ ጀርመን፤

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ኣሰናዳእቲ በዓልን መላእ ኣባላት ማሕበር ተጋሩን፤

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን ዕዱማት ኣጋይሽን ተሳተፍቲ ናይዚ በዓል ብሓፈሻን፤

ኣቐዲመ ኣብዚ ክቡር በዓል፡ መበል 45 ዓመት ምጅማር ብረታዊ ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ትግራይ፡ ንኽንሳተፍ ንዝገበርኩምልና ዕድመ ብምጥቃስ፡ ብስም መሪሕነትን ኣባላትን ሰዲህኤ ልባዊ ምስጋና አቕርብ። ቀጺለ ከኣ በዓልኩም ብዓወት ክድምደም ዘለና ሰናይ ትምኒት ክገልጽ እፈቱ።

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸርኩምን፡

ሎሚ መበል 45 ዓመት ዝኽሪ ምጅማር ብረታዊ ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ክንዝክር እንከለና፣ ሓርነትን፡ ዲሞክራስያን፡ ራህዋን ብልጽግናን ዕብየትን ህዝቢ ትግራይ ንምርግጋጽ፡ ብ11 ለካቲት 1975 ኣብ ደደቢት ንዝተወልዓት ሽግ ቃልሲ ኢና ንዝክር ዘለና። ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኣብዛ መዓልቲ’ዚኣ ነዚ ናይ ተስፋን ጽንዓትን ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ከበግስ ከሎ፣ ነቲ ኣብ እንግድዕኡ ተጻዒኑ ሸሸ ዝብል ዝነበረ ናይ ጥፍኣትን ጭቆናን መስፍናዊ ኮነ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓታት ስዒሩ መስል ርእሰ ውሳኔኡ ንምርግጋጽ ዝነበሮ ባግህን ድልየትን ዘንጸባርቕ እዩ። ብረት ምዕጣቕ፡ ናብ ውግእ ምእታውን ኣብ በረኻ ምስፋርን ዝመረጾ፡ ታሪኻዊ ተደላይነት ዘምጽኦ ወድዓዊ ጠለብ ብምዃኑ እምበር ወኒ ወግእ ስለዝነበሮ ኣይኮንን።

ዕላማ 11 ለካቲት እምበኣር፡ ንምልኪ ብስርዓተ ዲሞክራስን መሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔን፡ ንድኽነት ብዕብየትን ልምዓትን፡ ንድንቁርና ብፍልጠትን ትምህርትን፡ ንሕማምን ሽግርን ጥዑይ ሕብረተሰብ ብምህናጽ ዕላማኡ ገይሩ ዝተበገሰ ቃልሲ ብምዃኑ ኢና ንዝክሮን ነኽብሮን ዘለና። እንቋዕ ናብ ዓወ ት በጽሐ፡ ኣንቋዕ ድማ ነዚ ታሪኻዊ ዝኽሪ ከንብዕል ኣብቅዓና።

እዚ ንቕዱስ ረብሓ ሓፋሽ ትግራይ ዘማዕደወ ዕላማታት ብቀሊሉ ክረጋገጽ ከምዘይከኣል ዝተፈልጠ እዩ። ህዝቢ ትግራይ ግን ነዚ ንምዕዋት ኣብ ጉዕዞ ቃልሱ፡ ሓደ ድሕሪ ሓደ እንዳኣሰለፈ፡ ደቁን ንብረቱን ሃብቱን ገቢሩ እዩ። ምስ ሰውራኡ ብሓደ ተጠማሚሩ ብበረኻን ብዓድን ተደጋጊፉ ዘይስገር ንዝመስል ዝነበረ ዓቕሚ ሓያላት ኣብ ምግጣም ብሉጻት ዜጋታቱ ኣደዳ መስዋኣትን ስንክልናን ገይሩ። ዓድታቱ ብሓውን ናይ ነፈርቲ ጋዛትን ባዲሙ፡ ብጅምላ ኣብ ኣብያተ ማእሰርቲ ተሓይሩን ተገፊዑን እዩ። በደልን ግፍዕን ገዛእቲ ሓይልታት ጸብጺብካ ዝውዳእ ከምዘይኮነ ርዱእ ወሲድና ግን፡ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ብመስዋእቲ ኮነ ስንክልና ደቁ፡ ወይስ በቲ ኣብ ርእሲኡ ዝወርድ ዝነበረ ጭቆና ከይሰንበደ፡ ሰውራኡን ነብሱን ገጥ ኣቢሉ ብጽንዓትን ተወፋይነት ስለዝመከተ ክዕወት ክኢሉ።

ህዝቢ ትግራይ ኣብ ርእስቲ ናይ ባዕሉ ሓያልነት፡ ምስ ናይ ቃልሲ መሓዝኡ ዝዀነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘጥረዮ ዝምድናን ምትሕብባርን እውን ብቀሊል ዝግመት ኣይኰነን።  ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህዝቢ ትግራይን ልዕሊቲ ካልእ ክህልዎ ዝኽእል ተመሳሳልነት፡ ንመግዛእታዊ ሕቶ ኤርትራ ንመጀመርታ ግዜ ዝኣመነ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሓይሊ መሪሕ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ወያኔ እዩ። ንመሰል ርእሰ ውሳኔ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ብልቢ ኣሚኑ ዝደገፈን ዝተቐበለን ድማ ሰውራ ኤርትራ እዩ። ነዚ ዝተጠቕሰ ዕላማታት ንምዕዋት ዝተኻየደ ቃልሲ ድማ’ዩ፡ ከም ክልተ ህዝቢ ንዝምድናታቶም ዝያዳ ኣገዳሲ ክገብሮ ዝጸንሐን ዝገብሮ ዘሎን።

ዝኸበርክንን ዝኸበርኩምን ተሳተፍቲ በዓል፡

ንሕና ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ እቲ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ምዕባሌታት ንከታተል ኣሎና። ህዝቢ ትግራይን መሪሕ ውድቡ ህወሓትን፡ ንናጽነትን ልዑላውነትን ኤርትራ ስለ ዝፈለጡ ጥራይ ዘኸፈልዎ ከቢድ ዋጋ ንፈልጥ ኢና። ኤርትራ ኣህጉራዊ ተፈላጥነት ዘለዋ ልዑላዊት ሃገር ክትከውን ዘካየድዎ ቃልሲ እውን ንርዳእ ኢና። ሕጂ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ነቲ ብቃልሲ ህዝብታት ዝተረጋገጸ ልዑላውነት ኤርትራ፡ ንድሕሪት ከመልሱ፡ ንኤርትራ ከም ብሓድሽ ከጐብጡን ዝመጣጠሩ ከም ዘለዉ እውን ንዕዕዘብ ኣሎና። ታሪኽ ነድሕሪት ክምለስ ኣይኰነን። ግናኸ፡ እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ፡ ህልም ዝበለ ምልካዊ ስርዓት፡ ንልዑላውነት ኤርትራ ብዝህድድ መንገዲ ኣብ ዘይቅዱስ ሽርከነታት ይኣቱ ኣሎ። እቲ ሓደጋታት ከንጸላልወና ድማ ግድን ከይኑ። ኣብዚ መስርሕ’ዚ እቶም ክጥቅዑ ዝድለዩ ዘለዉ ሓይልታት፡ ብኤርትራ ሸነኽ እቶም ንልዑላውነት ኣባ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ዘየእትዉ ክዀኑ ከለዉ፡ ብኢትዮጵያ ሸነኽ ድማ እቶም ንናጽነት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከከላኸሉን ክምክቱን ዝጸንሑ ፖሊቲካዊ ሓይልታት። ብሓጺሩ ደምበ ክልል መንግስቲ ትግራይን ደምበ ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ኤርትራውያንን እዮም። ኣብ ክሊ ከምዚ ዝበለ ኩነታት ምድኻም ህዝብን ውድባትን ትግራይ ምድኻም ሃገራዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ እውን ምኻኑ ኢና እንኣምን። በዚ መሰረት፡ ከም ሰልፊ ኣብ ደምበ ደልይቲ ፍትሒ፡ ብምሉእ ሓይልናን፡ ብኩሉ እቲ እንውንኖ ዓቕምን ምስ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ጠጠው ክንብል ኢና። ህዝቢ ትግራይን ውድባቱን ከይተዳኸመ ክቕጽልን ክዓብን ናትና ረብሓ እውን እዩሞ ዝለዓለ ምትሕብባር ክህልወና ንብህግ።

ክቡራትን ክቡራንን፡

ሓድሽ መድረኽ ይገሃድ ኣሎ፡ ብሓድሽ ተረድኦን ብዘሳርሕ መደባትን ክንጐዝ ድማ የድሊ። ኣብ ታሪኽና ኣሉታ ኣይነበረን ማለት ኣይኰነን። እወ ኣብ ኣኽሳሪ ውግኣት ተኣትዩ፡ ብሚእቲ ሽሕ ዝቆጸር መንእሰይ ኢትዮጵያን ኤርትራን ጠፊኡ፡ መዕቀኒ ዘይርከቦ ንብረት በሪሱ፡ ህዝብታትና፡ ብፍላይ ኣብቲ ቦታ ውግኣት ዝነብር፡ ሓሪሱ ደቁ ከየዐንግል መሬቱ መዕንደሪ ወታሃደራት ኮይኑ ቀታሊ እሸኽ ተዘሪእዎ ነይሩ እዩ። ግን ኣብዚ ዝኽሪ ተቈሪንና ኣብ ምስትንታን ክንነብር የብልናን። ዝሓለፈ ሓለፈ፡ ኣይትድገመኒ ብዝተረፈ፡ ከምዝበሃል፡ ባወንታዊ ዕዮ ክንፍውሶ የድልየና እዩሞ፡ ንኣስተምህሮ ኣብነታት እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ብሕጋዊ መዕለቢታት ስለዝተደምደመ፡ ናይዚ እሱራት ክንከውን ኣይግባኣናን እዩ።

እቲ ሓቂ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዘዳውብ መሬት ኤርትራ፡ ዝበዝሐን ዝነውሐን ክፋሉ ምስ ክልል ትግራይ እዩ። እዚ ዶባትና ዚ ንሃዋሩ ከማኡ ኢሉ ዝነብር እዩ። ብድሌት ወይ ብምርጫ ሰባት ክቕይየር ዘይክእል ነባሪ ሃለዋት እዩ። ምርጫና ደኣ እንታይ እዩ እንተ ኢልና፡ ንዓይነትን ባህርን ዝምድና ህዝብታትና ዝምልከት ጥራይ እዩ ዝኸውን። እቲ ምርጫ እምበኣር ሰላምን ሕውነትን ዝዓዘዞ፡ ናይ ክልቲኡ ረብሓታት ዝከላኸል፡ ናይ ክልቲኡ ህላዌን ቀጻልነትን ውሑስ ዝገብር ተረዳኦን ኣምነት ብዕምቈት ምውናን እዩ። ምልካዊ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ነዚ ሓቂ’ዚ ስሒትዎ ኣሎ፡ ኮታ እቲ ቀንዲ ባእሱ ምስ ክልል ትግራይ ይገብሮ ኣሎ። ንወድዓዊ ሓቅታት ዝርዳእ ኣኣምሮ ከም ዘይብሉን፡ ነቲ ሓቂ ዓፊኑ ክቕጽል ከም ዝደልን በሪሁ እዩ። ይኹን’ምበር እቲ ንዕኡ መሪር ዝኰነ ካልእ ተወሳኺ ሓቂ፡ ከምዚሉ ንነዊሕ ከቐጽሎ ዝኽእል ትንፋስ እውን ዘይብሉ ምዃን እዩ። ዝምድና ህዝብታትና ናብ ንቡር ክምለስ ግድነት እዩ።

በዚ መሰረት ወዓል ሕደር ከይበልና፡ ዝምድናታትና ኣደልዲልና፡ ብምትሕብባር ናብ ዝሓየለ ብርኪ ክንሰግርን፡ ከም ሰዲህኤ ተራና ክንዓምምን ምዃንና ነዚ በዓል’ዚ ምኽንያት ብምግባር ቃልና ነሐድስ።

ዝኽሪ ብረታዊ ተጋድሎ ህዝቢ ትግራይ ንዘልኣለም ይንበር!

ዝምድና ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ህዝቢ ትግራይን ይደልድል!

የቐንየለይ!

ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ

ጽሕፈት ፍራንክፎርት፡ ጀርመን

15 ለካቲት 2020

Tuesday, 18 February 2020 08:39

ኮንፈረንስ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ- መደረ ተጋዳሊት ኣስገደት ምሕረትኣብ ካብ ካሊፎርኒያ

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ዋሺንግቶን ዲሲ ለካቲት 8, 2020

መእተዊ

እዚ ጽሑፍ’ዚ ኣብ ኮንፈረንስ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ለካቲት 8 ዝቐረበ እዩ። ብምኽንያት ሕጽረት ግዜ፡ ሓሳበይ ኣስፊሐ ክገልጽ ኣይከኣልኩን። ሕጂ ኣብ EPDP TV ከምኡ’ዉን ኣብ harnnet,org ክቕርቦ ከለኹ ናይ ግዜ ገደብ ስለዘይብለይ ገለ ነጥብታት ብሓደ ምሉእ ሓሳባት ጥራሕ ኣቕሪበዮ ዝነበርኩ ኣስፍሕ ኣቢለዮ ኣለኹ።

ዝኸበርክን ኣሓት ኣዳለውቲ ኮንፈረንስ፡

ዝኸበርክን ኣሓት ተሳተፍቲ፡

ዝኸበርኩም ዕዱማት ብሓበራ፡

እንቋዕ ናብቲ ኩሉ ግዜ ንሓልሞን ንብህጎን ዝነበርና ጉዕዞ ምጥርናፍ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ዝጅምር ኮንፈረንስ ኣብቀዓና እናበልኩ ሰላምታይ አቕርብ።

ኣስዒበ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዲሲን ከባቢኣን ኣብ’ዚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብነድሪ ይኣክል ንምልኪ፡ ይኣክል ንምብትታን ዝብለሉ ዘሎ እዋን ከም ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ክንዉደብን ኣብ ሓርነታዊ ቅልስና ዝለዓለ ተራ ክክንጻወትን ተበግሶ ወሲድክን ሎሚ ከምንጋባእ ዝገበርክን ምስጋና ይብጻሕክን። ሓሳበይ ክገልጽ ዕድል ዝሃብክናኒ ድማ ብልቢ አመስግን።

ተዋሂቡኒ ዘሎ ኣርእስቲ “ዉደባ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ስለምንታይ የድሊ” ዝብል ኮይኑ ተፈቒዱለይ ዘሎ ግዜ ግን 10 ደቓይቕ ጥራሕ እዩ። እሞ ከምቲ ዝደልዮ ጌረ ክገልጾ ኣይክእልን ምዃነይ ይርዳኣኒ እዩ። ብዝተኻእለ መጠን ግን እቶም ክንሓስበሎም ዘሎና ነጥብታት ጸሚቐ ከቕርብ ክፍትን እየ።

ነስወከፍና ብፍላይ ከኣ ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ኣሕዋትና “ኣነ ንፍትሒ እቃለስ ኣለኹ እየ ዝብል እሞ ኣብ ገዛይ ከ ምስ በዓልቲ ቤተይን ደቀይን ፍትሒ የተግብር ዶ ኣለኹ” ኢልኩም ነብስኹም እንተሓቲትኩም ሕጉስቲ እየ።

ሕቶና ሕቶ መሰል ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ናይ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቶ እዩ። ስለዝኾነ ድማ ኣብ ዶባት ሃገርና ዝድረት ኣይኮነን። ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ዝሃሎና ንሃሉ ወጽዓና ሓደ እዩ። ስለዚ’ዩ ኸኣ ቃልስና ኣህጉራዊ ዝኸውን። ጸገምና ተባዕታዊ ትምክሕቲ እዩ። ጠንቂ ትምክሕቲ ድማ ድንቁርናን ድሑር ባህልታትን እዩ።

ፍርቂ ሕብረተሰብ ክነስና ተባዕታዊ ትምክሕቲን ድንቁርናን ከም ድኹማት፡ ዘይበላሕቲ፡ ማዕረ ወዲ ተባዕታይ ክነፍሪ ዘይንኽእል ጌሩ ይርእየና። ኣደ ዓንዲ ስድራቤት ክነሳ ኣብቲ ባህሪ ዘሰከማ ሓላፍነት ማለት ኣብ ምፍራይን ምዕባይን ቆልዑት ጥራሕ ትድረት።ብዘይካዚ ግዳይ ናይ ዘቤታዊ (Domestic Violence)፡ ኣካላዊ (Physical Violence)፡ ስነኣእሙራዊ (Psychological Violence) ከምኡውን ጾታዊ (Sexual Violence) ዓመጻት ትኸውን።

ወጽዓ ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ክኣቱን ባህሊ ኮይኑ ክሰርጽን ወሎዶታት ዝወሰደ እዩ።ሕብረተሰባት ዓለም ነቒሑ ማዕርነት ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ክረጋገጽ’ውን ከምኡ ናይ ወሎዶታት ቃልሲ ክሓትትት’ዩ። ኣምበኣር ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ካብ’ዚ ባህሊ ኮይኑ ዘሳቕየና ዘሎ ጭቆና ክንላቐቕ ተወዲብና ክንቃለስ የድልየና። ከም ዜጋታት ኣብ ቁጠባውን ፖለቲካውን ሕብረተሰብኣውን ንጥፈታት ሃገርና ተራና ክንጻወት ዉዱብ ቃልሲ የድልየና። ንመሰልና ንበይንና ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ንቃለስ ማለት ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ዝኾነ ሕብረተሰብ ፍትሒ በቶም ንፍትሒ ዝቃለሱ ሓይልታት እዩ ዝረጋገጽ። እኳ ድኣ ገለ ካባና ኣንጻር ጥቕመን ደው ክብላ ይኽእላ እየን። ንሪኦ ዶ ኣየለናን። ወላዲት ወላድ መኻን ኮይና ብመላኺ ስርዓት ህግዲፍ ደቃ ተመንዚዓ፡ ዝተረፉ ድማ ጭቆና መሪሩዎም ኣብ ፈቐድኡ ንስደትን ዉርደትን ተሳጢሖም ኣብ ዝሃለዉሉ ግዜ ገለ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ “ንሕና ንሱ፡ ንሱ ንሕና” እናበላ ንመላኺ ከምልኻ ንርኢ ኣሎና። እዚ ተርእዮ’ዚ ኣንጻር ጥቕሙ ደው ዝብል ጭቁን ክህሉ ከምዝኽእል’ዩ ዝምህረና።

ብመሰረቱ መሰል ፍርቂ ኣካሉ ዝጓዕጸጸ ሕብረተሰብ ፍትሓዊ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን። ፍርቂ ሰብኣዊ ዓቕምታቱ ዘይጥቀም ሕብረተሰብ ብቑጠባ ክምዕብል ኣይክእልን።

ምዕባለ ሓደ ሕብረተሰብ ብሃለዋት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ እዩ ዝምዘን። ማዕረ ዕድል ኣብ ትምህርቲ፡ ማዕረ ዕድል ኣብ ስራሕ፡ መሰላት ኣደ ኣብ ግዜ ጥንሲን ሕርስን፡ ካብ እትወልዶም ክንደይ ይዓብዩ (Child Mortality) መዐቀኒ ምዕባለ ናይ ሓደ ሕብረተሰብ እዩ።

ቅርጻ ሕብረተሰብ ካብ ሰድራቤት እዩ ዝጅምር። ኣቦኣ ንኣዲኣ ክሃርማ እናረኣየት ትዓቢ ህጻን ብሰብኣያ ዓመጽ ክወርዳ ንቡር ይመስላ። ኣቦኡ ንኣዲኡ ክሃርማ እናረኣየ ዝዓቢ ህጻን ንሰበይቱ ክሃርም ነውሪ ኣይመስሎን። መሰል ኣደ ዘይሕሉ ስድራቤታት ጥዕና ዘለዎ ሕብረተሰብ ክሃንጽ ኣይክእልን። ብሓጺሩ ብነንሕድሕዱ ዘይከባበር ስድራቤታት ዝቖመ ህዝቢ፡ ዲሞክራሲ ተኺሉ ክጠጥዕ ኣይክእልን። ዝለ’ዚ እምበኣር ፍትሒን ዲሞክራሲን ኣብ ስድራቤት እዩ ዝጅምር። መሰሎምን መሰል ኣዲኦምን ተሓልዩ ዝዓብዩ ቆልዑ፡ ኣብ ደገ መሰሎም ክገሃስ ኣይፈቕዱን እዮም። ኩሉ ደላይ ፍትሒ ንጨቆንቲ ስርዓታት ምንቃፍ ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ ፍትሒን ዲሞክራሲን ኣብ ስድራቤቱን መዓልታዊ ሂወቱን ከተግብር ይግባእ። ሽዑ እዩ ሓድነትን ጥርናፈን ናይ ዉጹዓት ህዝቢ ዝረጋገጽ። ሽዑ እዩ ሰላምን ፍትሒን ክሰፍን ባይታ ዝጥጥሕ።

ከም ኤርትራኣውያን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ናብ ፍሉይ ኩነታትና ክምለስ። ኤርትራዊት ጓል ኣንስተይቲ ኣብ ብረታዊ ተጋድሎና ዘበርከተቶ ዘደንቕ ግደ ንኹሉ ብሩህ እዩ። ኣብ ገጠራት እንተ ግዒታ እንተ ሰንኪታ ተጋዳልቲ ዝዓንገለት፡ ደም ዉጉኣት ዝሓጸበት፡ ኣብ ከተማታት ውሽጣዊ ስርሒታት ክዕወት ዝገበረት፡ ኣብ ስደት ከዲማ ሰውራ ዝዓንገለት፡ ብዓቢኡ ኣብ ጎድኒ ኣሕዋታ ተሰሊፋ ብረት ዓጢቓ ዝተሰወአትን ዝሰንከለትን፡ ዉላዳ ንሃገር ዝወፈየት ታሪኻ ነባሪ ሓወልቲ እዩ። ድሕሪ እዚ ኹሉ መስዋእቲን ተወፋይነትን ግን ተጠሊማ እያ። ክንደይ ካብተን ሃገር ዘውሓሳ ጀጋኑ እየን ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ዝማስና ዘለዋ? ክንደይ ንእስነተን ንሃገር ዝወፈያ እየን ኣብ ክንዲ ተኸቢረን ዝዓርፋ ዝስደዳ ዘለዋ? ዋላ እታ ስውእቲ ሓድጊ ክትገድፍ ዕድል ዝረኸበት ደቃ ኣበይ ኣለዉ? ክንደይ ደቂ ስዉኣት እዮም ኣብ ፈቐዶ ስደት ንዉርደትን ሕስረትን ተሳጢሖም ዘለዉ? ክንደይ ዉልዶ መንእሰያት እዮም ኣብ ባሕሪ ዝጥሕሉ ዘለዉ? ክንደይ መንእሰያት ደቅና እዮም ከም ኣቕሓ ዝሽየጡ ዘለዉ። ክንደይ መንእሰያት ደቅና እየን ንሓደጋ ተሳጢሐን ክሳብ ነብሰን ኣብ ምሻጥ ወዲቐን ዘለዋ? ክንደይ መንእሰያት ደቅና እዮም ድሕሪ’ቲ ኹሉ መሪር ተመኩሮ ኣብ ምዕቡላት ሃገራት ምስበጽሑ ነፍሰ ቅትለት ዝፍጽሙ ዘለዉ? ክንደይ ኤርትራውያን እዮም ኣብ ፈቐድኡ ብጭንቀት ዝመጸ ናይ ሓንጎል ሕማማት ዝሳቐዩ ዘለዉ። ወሪዱና ዘሎ መከራ ጸብጺብካ ዝውዳእ ኣይኮነን።

እሞ ህሉዊ ሃለዋትና እዚ ካብ ኮነ፡ ጸገምና ክንፈትሕ፡ ኣብ ሃገርና ሰላምን ቅሳነትን ነጊሱ ስደትን ዉርደትን ክብቅዕ እንታይ ንገብር ኣሎና?

እወ ልክዕ’ዩ ብኹሉ ኩርናዓት ዓለም ከም ህዝቢ ይኣክል ንብል ኣሎና። ይኣክል ንምልኪ፡ ይኣክል ንምፍንጫል፡ ይኣክል ንምንጽጻግ፡ ይኣክል ንትምክሕቲ፡ ንጠርነፍ ሓደ ኰና ንፍትሒ ሓቢርና ንቃለስ ንብል ኣሎና። እዚ ክቕጽል ኣለዎ። ብፍላይ ንሕና ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ባህሪ ዝሃበና ጸጋታት ተጠቒምና ኣብ ምጥርናፍ ህዝብና ዓቢ ግደ ክንጻወት ኣለና። ሓብሓብቲ፡ ጸወርቲ፡ ፈቃራት ኢና። ግን ይኣክል መድረኻዊ ጭርሖ እምበር ህዝባዊ ዉደባ ኣይኮነን። ድሕሪ ዉድቀት መላኺ ስርዓት ሃገርና፡ ኣብ ምንቅስቓስ ይኣክል ዘሎ ህዝብና ነናብ ፖለቲካዊ ዝምባሌኡ ክኸይድ እዩ። ምስ ህዝብና ይኣክል እናበልና ተወዲብና ናይ ዝኾነ ይኹን ፖለቲካዊ ሓይሊ መሳርሒ ከይኮና ንመሰልና ባዕልና ክንቃለስ ይግባእ። ሕጂ እንምስርቶ ጥርናፈ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኪኖ ዉድቀት ህግዲፍ ዝቕጽል እዩ። ኣብ ጎድኒ ኣሕዋትና ልዑላውነት ሃገርና ኣብ ሓደጋ ኣትዩሉ ኣብ ዘሎ እዋን ምእንቲ ፍትሒ ደው ክንብል ኢና። ለበዋ ስዉኣት ነኽብሮ ኢና። ልዑላውነት ሃገርና ኣብ ዋጋ ዕዳጋ ኣያቱን’ዩ። ፍሉይ ጉዳይ ግን ኣሎና። ንሕና እቲ ጭቁን ዝጭቁነና ኢና። ንዕቐትን ትምክሕትን ብኣሕዋትና፡ ብሰብኡትና፡ ብደቅና፡ ብኣኮናን ሓውቦናን ብሓፈሻ ብወዲ ተባዕታይ እዩ ዝወርደና። ብቐደሙስ ዘይሓዉና ኣበይ ረኺቡና። ትምክሕትን ጽቕጠትን እንከላይ በቶም ንፍትሒ ዝቃለሱ ኣሕዋትና እዩ ዝወርደና። ስለ’ዚ ንመሰልናን ማዕርነትናን ነብስና ወዲብና ብኣእጋርና ድው ኢልና ንቃለስ። ንኽእል ኢና። እወ ንኽእል። ከመይ ዘይንኽእል?

ዓላማና ክንዐውት ኣተሓሳስባናን ቋንቋናን ክቕየር ኣለዎ። ሰላም ናቱ ቋንቋ ኣለዎ። ዉግእ ናቱ ቋንቋ ኣለዎ። ናይ ሰላም ቋንቋ እና ተጠቐመ ዝተኻየደ ዉግእ የሎን። ብመንጽሩ ድማ ናይ ዉግእ ቋንቋ እና ተጠቐመ ዝተተኽለ ሰላም የሎን። ክንመሃረሉ እንኽእል ተመኩሮ ሕብረተሰባት ዓለም ብዙሕ እዩ ዘሎ። ርሑቕ ከይከድና ኣብ ሩዋንዳ ካብ ሚያዝያ ክሳብ ሓምለ 1994 ዝተፈጸመ ዘስኻሕክሕ ህልቂት ብናይ ዉግእ ቋንቋ እዩ ጀሚሩ። ሁቱን ቱትሲን (ክልተ ኣሕዋት ዓሌታት ሩዋንዳ) ብፋስ ክፈላለጹ ከለዉ ረድዮ ሩዋንዳ ብዝዘርገሖ ናይ ጽልእን ቂምን ቋንቋ እዩ ተበጊሱ። ፋሕ ኢልና ዘሎና ክንጥርንነፍን እቶም ንመላኺ ዘገልግሉ ዘለዉ ተረዲኡዎም ክጽንበሩናን ቋንቋና ዓዳሚ፡ ሓቛፊ፡ ኣሳታፊ ብሓጺሩ ናይ ፍትሒን ሰላምን ይኹን። ናይ ምፍንጫልን ቆዮቛን ቋንቋ ኔው ንበሎ። ፍትሒን ዲሞክራሲን ብናይ ቂምን ምንዕዓቕን ምንጽጻግን ቋንቋ ኣይህነጽን እዩ። ይኣክል ንብሎ ዘሎና ንኹሉ እቲ ድሑር ዝኾነ ኣተሓሳስባን ባህልን ትምክሕትን ይኹን። መሰል ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ክኽበርን ፍትሒ ክነግስን ናይ ተባዕታዊ ትምክሕቲ ቋንቋ ብምውጋድ ንጀምር። ንኽእል ኢና! እወ ንኽእል። ከመይ ዘይንኽእል?

ኣብ ሕብረተሰብና ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዘቋናጽብ ኣዘራርባ ልሙድ እዩ። ንዝሓመቐ ሰብኣይ ሰበይቲ ኢሉ ይጽውዕ። ሕጂሞ ኸኣ ንመላኺ ሰርዓት ሃገርና ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ክዳን ሰብይቲ ዝኸድን ስእልታት ኣብ መራኸቢ ብዙሃን ዝዘውር ኣሎ። ሰብኣይ እንተሓመቐ ሰበይቲ ድዩ ዝኸውን? ጨካን፡ ተንኮለኛ፡ መቃልስቱ ዝኣስርን ዝቐትልን፡ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ህዝና ዝገሃሰን ስለዝኾነ ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ፡ እታ ኣደ፡ ፈቃር፡ ጽዋር፡ ሓብሓቢት ደቃ ይኸውን ማለት ድዩ? ንሕና ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኸ ሰብኡት ኔሮም ዝሓመቑ ዲና? ብኣንጻሩ ኸኣ ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ እንተ ነፊዓ ሰብኣይ ድያ ትቕየር? ዝነፍዐት “ሰብኣይ እያ” ትበሃል። እዚ ኣበሃህላታት እዚ ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ ሕማቕን ድኽምቲን እያ ካብ ዝብል ድሑር ኣተሓሳስባ ዝብገስ እዩ። ክነወግዶ ኣሎና። ብቛንቛና ንጀምር።

ሕብረተሰብና ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ንጥፈታት ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ ኣይርእይን’ዩ። ስለዝኾነ ኸኣ ኩለን ዉድባት ሓይልታት ተቓዉሞ ሕጂ ቁሩብ ይመሓየሽ እኳ እንተሃለወ ብደቂ-ተብዕትዮ ተዓብሊሉ ጸኒሑን ኣሎን። ዉሑዳት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ናይ ምምራሕ ደረጃ ክበጽሓ ንርኢ ኣሎና። ኣወንታዊ ምዕብልና እዩ። ንኣብነት ኣነ ኣብ ዘለኹሉ ሰልፊ፡ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ኤርትራ ሾመንተ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ማእከላይ ባይቶ ሓንቲ ድማ ኣብ ፈጻሚት ሽማግለ ኣለና። ኣብ ካልኦት ዉድባት’ውን ሓደ ሓደ ኣለዋ እየን። ግን ካብኡ ንላዕሊ ክንከይድ ኣሎና።

ጓል-ኣንስተይቲ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ቓልሲ ክትሳተፍ ድሑር ባህልና ዘይንቡር ይወስዶ። በዚ ምኽንያት’ዚ እዩ ዋላ’ዉን ኣብ ደምበ ፍትሒ ዝተፈልየ ርእይቶ ንዘለዋ ኣብ ክንዲ ንሓሳባ ምግጣም ጸርፍታት ብዛዕባ መልክዓን ስርሓታን ዝወርዳ። ኣገልገልቲ መላኺ ኤርትራ ዝኾኑ ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ሓንኳላት፡ ሸውራራት ክበሃሉ ሰሚዕና ኣይንፈልጥን። ንሕና ግን ብመልክዕና ንምዘን። ብቐንዱ ኸ ንመሰልና ክንቃለስ ጽቡቓት ክንከዉን ቅድመኩነት ድዩ? ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ንጽቡቓት ጥራሕ ድዩ ዝግባእ። እወ ልክዕ ከም ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ጽቡቓት፡ ክፉኣት፡ ሓጸርቲ፡ ነዋሕቲ፡ ቆርጫጫት፡ ዛውያታት፡ ሓንኳላትን ዘይ ሓንኳላትን ኢና። መሰልና ኸኣ ብቓልስና ክነረጋግጽ ኢና። ንኽእል ኢና።

ንሕና ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ’ዉን ኩሉ ጸገማትና ን ደቂ-ተባዕትዮ ክነሰክሞም የብልናን። ድሕረት ካብ ነብስና ክንድምስስ ክንቃለስ ይግባእ። ድኹማትን ጎደሎን ከምዘይኮና ብተግባር ነርኢ። ኣብ ናይ ምምራሕ ደረጃ ክንበጽሕ ክንሳተፍን ተመኩሮ ክንድልብን ይግባእ። ብመሰረቱ መሰል ብቓልሲ ዝረጋገጽ ኣምበር ህያብ ዝወሃብ ኣይኮነን። ስለዚ ንለዓል፡ ንቃለስ፡ ተፈጥሮኣዊ ጸጋታትና ተጠቒምና ኣብ ሓርነታዊ ቃልስና ኣድማዒ ተራ ንጻወት። ነብስና ወዲብና ንመሰልና ንቃለስ። ንኽእል ኢና። ከመይ ዘይንኽእል?

ጽን ኢልኩም ዝሰማዕኩምኒ የቐንየለይ።

ብዘይተሳትፎ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ዝትከል ዲሞክራሲ የሎን!

ምልኪ ይፍረስ!

ፍትሒ ይንገስ!

ኣስገደት ምሕረትኣብ ካብ ካሊፎርኒያ

2-8-2020

Monday, 17 February 2020 08:16

ካብ ምስምማዕ፡ ናብ ግብራዊ ድማዕ

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ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ደንበ “ንመጻኢ እንታይ ይሕሰብን ይበሃልን ኣሎ” ዝብል ሕቶ እንተ ኣቕሪብካ እቲ ቅድሚት ዝስራዕ እዋናዊ መልሲ “ንዝፈላልዩና ኣመሓዲርና፡ ነቲ ዘሰማመዓና ኣበሪኽና፡ ንምዕቃብ ልኡላውነት ኤርትራን ክብሪ ህዝባን፡ ንማዕረ ተሳትፎ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ምኽባር ሰብኣውን ዲሞክራስያውን መሰላትን፡ ብሓባር ክንምርሽ ድሉዋት ኣለና” ዝብል ምዃኑ ኣብ ኩሉ መድረኻት ክቃላሕ ንሰምዖን ንዕዘቦን ዘለና እዩ።

ከም ውጽኢት ናይቲ ከነካይዶ ዝጸናሕና ብዘገምታዊውነቱ እንነቕፎ ብውረድ ደይብ ዝተሰነየ፡ ናይ ቃልሲ ጉዕዞና ኣብዚ ምብጻሕና ሓደ ስጉምቲ ንቕድሚት ምዃኑ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። ብኣንጻሩ ዘለናዮ ኩነታት በዚ ዓጊብና እንዛነየሉ ዘይኮነ፡ ካብ ተመኩሮና ተማሂርና፡ ኣብቲ ወሳኒ ሸቶ ንምብጻሑ ቅልጡፍን ወሳንን ቃልሲ ይጽበየና ከም ዘሎ ወርትግ ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግበኣናን። ነዚ ዘለናዮ ህዱእ ናይ ምርድዳእ ኩነታት ከም ሓደ ተስፋ ዝህብ ኣውንታዊ ስጉምቲ ወሲድካ፡ ናብቲ ቀጻሊ ዕማም ሮማዕ ኢልካ ትጐዓዘሉ ዘይኮነ፡ ሓደ ድሕሪ ሓደ ናይ ጣማጣማ ስጉምትታት ምውሳድ ዝጠልብ እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብፍላይ ኣብ ቀዳመ-ሰንበት ለይትን መዓልት ክበሃል ብዝኽእል ኣብ ኩሉ ኤርትራውያን ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት ዘለዉዎ ኩርነዓት ዓለም፡ ብዙሓት ኣኼባታት ይካየዱ ኣለዉ። እዞም ኣኼባታት ብብዝሒ ተሳተፍቲ እናሓደሩ ዝስስኑ ጥራይ ዘይኮኑ ናይቲ ዝዝረበሉ ዛዕባታት ብስለትን ናይቶም ተሳተፍቲ ሓልዮትን ሓላፍነትን እውን እንዳሓደረ ይዓቢ ከም ዘሎ ምዕዛብ ይከኣል። እቲ ኣብቲ በበዓይነቱ ርክባትን ኣስተምህሮታትን ዝዝረበሉ ዛዕባታት ናይ መልክዕን ኣቀራርባን እንተዘይኮይኑ፡ ብትሕዝቶ ዘይፈላለ፡ ኣብ ጉዳይ ህዝብን ሃገርን ሓቢርካ ምቅላስ ዝማእከሉ እዩ። ኣብ መወዳእታ ናይዞም ርክባት ዝወጹ፡ መግለጽታት፡ ኣዋጃትን ጋዜጣዊ ዋዕላታትን ከኣ ቅሩብነትን ድሉዉነትን ተሳተፍቲ ነቲ ዘይተርፍ ለውጢ ዘንጸባርቑ እዮም። ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኣብ ዋሽንግተን ዝተኻየደ ርክብ ኤርትራውያን ደቂ ኣንስትዮን ኣብቲ ጋዜጣዊ መግለጺኡ ዘስፈሮ መልእኽትን ከኣ ነዚ ከም ኣብነት ዝጠቀስ እዩ። ኣብዚ ምስትውዓል ዘድልዮ ጉዳይ ኣብ ሓደ ጉዳይ መርገጺ ክንሕዝን ነዚ መርገጺ ክንእውጅን እንከለና፡ ናይቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝተኼደ መንገዲ መሊሱ ዘረጉድ ምዃኑን ዘይምዃኑን ምስትብሃል እዩ። ከምኡ እንተዘይኮይኑ እቲ ምምልላእ ክረጋገጽ ኣይክእልን እዩ። ምኽኝያቱ እዚ ዘለናዮ እዋን፡ እንተሃላለዀሉ ዘይኮነ እንመላለኣሉን እንደጋገፈሉን እዩ።

ናይ ክሳብ ሕጂ ትዕዝብትታትናን መጽናዕትታትናን ምስዚ ናይ ቀረባ ግዜ ቃለ-መጠይቕ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣዛሚድና ክንመምዮ እንከለና፡ ኣብ ድሮ ናይቲ ዘይተርፍ ለውጢ ኢና ዘለና። እቲ ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ብኹሉ መለክዒ ተረቲዑ ክነሱ፡ ኢሳያስ ግና ናብ ግዳም እንዳማዕደወ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝብና ዝፈጥሮ ዘሎ ብደዐን ጭቆናን ምዝያዱ፡ ከም ናይ ኣጋ ወጋሕታ ድቕድቕ ጸልማት ክምሰል ዝኽእል እዩ። እዚ በጺሕናዮ ዘለና ኣብ ናይ ሓባር ጉዳይና ናይ ምስምማዕ ኣንፈት፡ ብትብዓትን ብሓላፍነትን እንተሒዝናዮ፡ ከድምዕ ዝኽእል ኩነታት፡ ኢሳያስ ፈትዩ ዝተኾበልና ዘይኮነ፡ ውጽኢት ቃልሲ ናይቲ ደላይ ሰላም፡ ልምዓትን ዲሞክራስን ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ውዱብ ናይ ለውጢ ኣካላቱን እዩ። እቲ መንገዲ ሎሚ ሒዝናዮ ኣለና፡ ምእንቲ ከነድምዕ ከኣ በቲ መንገዲ ንቕድሚት ብናህሪ ክንስጉም ይግበኣና።

ጉዳይ ኢሳያስ፡ ብዛዕባ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርናን ህዝባን ከነልዕል እንከላና ምጥቃሱኳ ዘይተርፍ እንተኾነ፡ ደጊም ናቱ ሃተፍተፍ ወሲኽካ ክንድቲ ዝኣኽሎ ተቓሊዑ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ከም ዓብይ ጉዳይ ንሻቐለሉን ካብ ግዜና ብዙሕ ንስለዓሉን ኣይኮነን። ዕንጸይቱ ከም ዝወደአ መጋርያ ሓዊ እንዳሓደረ ዝቕህም ዘሎ እዩ። ናይዚ ቀረባ ግዜ ዓዘፍዘፉ ከኣ ናይዚ ምልክት እዩ። ሎሚ ኢሳያስ፡ ጸረ-ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ፡ ጸረ-ክብርን መሰልን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ጉዳዩ ዘየድመዐ ኣብ ጉዳይ ካለኦት ኢድ ኣእትዩ ሓዊ ምእጓድ ዝመረጸ፡ ብዘይ ህውከትን ዕግርግርን ክነብር ዘይክእል፡ ብድምሩ ከኣ ብኣሉታ ዝተላዕጠጠ፡ ሃሰስ ኢልካ ቅንጣብ ኣውንታ ዘይትረኽበሉ ኣዕናዊ ምዃኑ ኣብ ቅድሚ ኤርትራውያን ናይ ሓባር ተረድኦ ዝተታሕዘሉ እዩ።

ኢሳያስን ኣተሓሳስባኡን ክሳብ ክንድዚ ኣብ ዕዳጋ ወሪዱ ዓዳይ ምስኣኑ፡ ዓወትና ዘቀላጥፍ እምበር፡ ባዕሉ ዓወትና ከም ዘይኮነ ንስሕቶ ኣይኮነን። ዓወትና ዝረጋገጽ ካብዚ ዓዳጋይ ዝሰኣነ ጨቋኒ ኣካይዳ ዲክታተር ዝበረኸን ኣርሒቑ ዝጥምትን ኣተሓሳስባ ተዓጢቕና ኣብ ተግባር ክንበልጽ እንተበቒዕና ኢና ተዓዊትና እንብል። እቲ ኣብ ንመጻኢ እንታይ ክግበር ከም ዝግበኦ ምስምማዕና፡ ሓደ ኮይኑ ነዚ ብግብሪ ትካላውን ሓባራውን መልክዕ ኣትሒዝና ከነውሕሶ ክንበቅዕ ይግበኣና። እሞ ከኣ ንጽባሕ ከይበልና ሎሚ ከነመዝግቦ ንብቃዕ። ናብዚ ንምብጻሕ እቲ መተካእታ ዘየብሉ መንገዲ ብመትከል “እንካን ሃባን” ዝምራሕ ዘይስልኪ ዘተን ዘተን ጥራይ እዩ። እነካይዶ ዘተ ነቲ እንእምሞ መዋጸኦ ሓሳብ ዘህብትም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ሓያል መተግበሪ ዓቕሚ እውን ዝፈጥረልና እዩ። ዘተታትና ግልጽነትን ሓላፍነትን ዘለዎ፡ ዘይተደላይ ግዜ ዘየባኽን ክኸውን ይግበኦ።

Monday, 17 February 2020 08:09

Shadow report to the CEDAW Committee

Written by

February 16, 2020 Reports, UN Ocha, Uncategorized

Source: Network of Eritrean Women and Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights.

Submission to the 75th Session of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)

Screenshot 2020-02-16 at 08.26.03

                               Submitted 13 January 2020 

Joint Submission by the Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR)  And The Network of Eritrean Women (NEW)

Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR)

Report compiled by: N. Kidan

Approved by Executive Committee: 10 January 2020

Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Website: http://www.emdhr.net.za

Contents

  1. Executive Summary…………………………………………………………………………………………………..3
  2. Constitutional, legislative and institutional framework……………………………………………..4
  3. National service & gender-based violence against women………………………………………..6
  4. Women’s Human Rights Defenders & Freedom of Association………………………………….9
  5. Human Trafficking……………………………………………………………………………………………………..10
  6. Education…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..11
  7. Conclusions & Questions for GoSE………………………………………………………………………….….12

References and Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………14

1.   Executive Summary

  • The Eritrean Movement for Democracy and Human Rights (EMDHR) is an    independent civil society organization (CSO), dedicated to advocating for democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Eritrea and the protection of refugee rights.  Founded in 2003 in the Republic of South Africa, the programmes of the EMDHR are primarily aimed at those within the country who are severely constrained by a lack of civil liberties, in addition to supporting Eritrean CSOs in the diaspora develop their organisational capacity.
  • The Network of Eritrean Women (NEW) is an independent, diaspora-based, non-profit organisation set up to support Eritrean women. NEW aims to help facilitate and provide the tools for Eritrean women to assert their human rights and pursue personal empowerment, development and social change. NEW provides cultural and linguistic specialist advice, information, advocacy, workshops and wellbeing drop-ins targeted to support Eritrean women.
  • In this shadow report, we provide a high-level critique of the Government of Eritrea’s (GoSE) sixth periodic report, submitted under article 18 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In the absence of an operational constitution, democratic institutions, transparency and accountability, the rule of law cannot be said to exist in Eritrea and any consideration of the protection of women’s rights must be viewed within this wider context. This literature review focuses on: i. Absence of rule of law; ii. Indefinite National Service and its impact on girls/women; iii. Curtailment of women’s right to freedom of association; iv. Human trafficking; v. Barriers to girls accessing education.
  • Eritrea formally gained its independence in 1993 following a protracted 30-year war with Ethiopia. In the years which immediately followed, there was a period of relative political openness. In 1994, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) transformed itself into the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the current ruling party. A Transitional National Assembly (legislature) was formed and a number of independent media and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) emerged. The Constitution was ratified in 1997, and to many, it appeared that Eritrea was on an upward trajectory towards constitutional governance.
  • These nascent democratic institutions were extinguished following the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia, and the human rights situation in the country substantially deteriorated. The PFDJ refused to implement the ratified constitution, disbanded the transitional legislature in 2002, brutally cracked down on dissent, condemned Eritrean youth to indefinite military/national service, tantamount to slavery and consolidated the position of Isaias Afewerki as head of a totalitarian, one-party state.
  • In the 18 months since Isaias Afewerki and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed the joint declaration during the Eritrea-Ethiopia peace summit in Addis in July 2018, no steps have been taken to institutionalize the agreement and the Eritrean people are yet to reap the dividends of ‘peace’. The GoSE have made no announcements regarding implementing the constitution or phased demobilization of Eritreans trapped in indefinite military/national service. Thousands of Eritreans, including women and underage girls remain incarcerated in Eritrea’s vast prison network having not received due process. The political space remains firmly shut for independent CSOs, media, associations and trade bodies.

2.   Constitutional, legislative and institutional framework

 

  • In 1994, a Constitutional Commission was established to draft Eritrea’s constitution (Selassie, 1998). The draft constitution laid out the organization of state apparatus, separation of powers, citizen’s rights and provisions for a multi-party system and national elections. The Constitution was ratified in May 1997 (Dirar and Tesfagabir, 2011) but subsequently shelved in 1998 following the outbreak of war with Ethiopia.
  • Post-independence, a Transitional National Assembly was formed to serve as the country’s legislative body until nationwide elections would be held to elect all 150 members of the Assembly. Assembly elections scheduled for December 2001 were postponed indefinitely, and to date, there is no sitting legislative body. Legislative powers have been completely subsumed by the GoSE who exercise legislative, judicial and executive functions, contrary to the constitutional principle of the separation of powers.
  • Laws are issued by Executive Order, implemented/enforced in a wholly arbitrary manner, and the judiciary lacks independence. Although low-level community courts exist, citizens are unable to file a complaint for human rights violations, and as such, there is no mechanism for Eritrean citizens to hold the GoSE to account. The Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (COI) have stated: “In the absence of a constitution, an independent judiciary, a national assembly, and other democratic institutions, the Commission has found no progress in establishing the rule of law” (HRC, 2016).
  • Following the Eritrea-Ethiopia Summit in July 2018, the GoSE has taken no steps or provided any updates regarding implementing the constitution, despite assurances from Presidential Adviser Yemane Gebreab in 2016 that a Committee had been established to ‘consider’ drafting a new constitution (HRC, 2016). Eritrea remains in violation of Article 25 of the ICCPR and Article 13 of the ACHPR.

 

  • Whilst the GoSE has enacted proclamations in certain areas relating to the CEDAW Convention, in practice, these policies are often not implemented or fail to meet their objectives. Women’s rights are not protected because Eritrea doesn’t have an independent legislature or judiciary to provide checks and balances on the Executive. The COI have noted: “Without any meaningful reform, the Commission remains concerned about the political will of the Government of Eritrea to ensure the rational and effective implementation of any law, old or new.” (HRC, 2015).
  • In June 2019, the GoSE seized and shut down all 22 Catholic-run health clinics in the country, denying healthcare to thousands of vulnerable people in rural areas, including mothers with small children (Catholic Herald, 2019). To justify its decision, the GoSE cited a previously unenforced 1995 proclamation which stipulates that all social institutions (including clinics) must be operated by the State. The move was politically motivated and illustrates how the GoSE enforces the law in an inconsistent and arbitrary manner, with no mechanisms for affected parties to challenge the decision via the courts.
  • In para 18 of the GoSE submission to CEDAW, it states that “discrimination on the grounds of sex is prohibited in all national laws.” In paragraph 23, the submission goes on to list examples of proclamations enacted post-independence which “respect, protect and fulfil the rights of women and abolish gender-based discrimination.”  Nevertheless, the COI found that: “discrimination against women exists in various areas of Eritrean society and that some of the legal reforms which appear gender neutral, such as the new land tenure system, indirectly discriminate against women in practice” (HRC, 2015):
  • The land tenure system (Proclamation No. 58/1994) removed de jure discrimination against women owning land and property and at the surface appears to be gender-neutral; in practice, the system indirectly discriminates against women and girls who face disproportionate difficulties in accessing and owning land/property due to the barrier of citizenship, denial of their legal autonomy and traditional practices.
  • Article 4 of the land tenure proclamation states that “every Eritrean citizen shall have a usufruct right over land”. Those who fail to complete national service obligations or obtain a formal discharge are unable to obtain citizenship and, therefore have no rights to access land. Due to the fear of harassment and sexual violence in military/national service, many young women and girls enter early marriages or motherhood to avoid entering national service (HRW, 2019). Consequently, many fail to undertake or complete national service obligations and are unable to access land, social services or GoSE sanctioned employment, illustrating how discrimination against women intersects with other human rights violations (HRC, 2015).
  • At village level, the distribution of land is in most cases handled by land distribution committees, where traditional attitudes towards women’s land rights can prevent the equitable distribution of land. In Muslim communities, Sharia law takes precedence over domestic laws, limiting women’s inheritance to half of what a man is entitled.

3.   National Service and gender-based violence against women

Military/National Service

 

  • At the end of 2018, UNHCR reported 507,300 Eritrean refugees receiving protection under its mandate worldwide (UNHCR, 2018). Indefinite military/national service is frequently cited by as being the principal push factor driving Eritreans to flee the country. National Service Proclamation No. 82/1995 requires citizens between the ages of 18 and 40 years to participate in an 18-month active national service programme. The active programme is stated to comprise of six months of military training followed by 12 months of active military service and/or development work. In 2002, the national service programme was illegally extended from 18 months to an indefinite period, with many conscripts having served for decades. (HRC, 2015; HRW, 2019a);
  • Proclamation No.11/1991 provided the statutory basis for national service prior to the promulgation of the current National Service Proclamation (No. 82/1995); its provisions exempted married women and single mothers from national service duties. The 1995 National Service Proclamation removed these exemptions for married women and mothers, contributing to the disintegration of families. Whilst the GoSE claims that married women and single mothers are exempt, there is no legal basis for this claim and where they are exempted, this is done in an arbitrary manner and at the discretion of the recruiting officer (HRC, 2015).
  • The GoSE uses the secondary school system as a means to channel students (including underage children) into a life of indefinite service; since 2003, all secondary school students are rounded up to complete their final year (12th grade) at Sawa military camp, a harsh, isolated location near the border with Sudan. Every year, tens of thousands of students are forcibly separated from their families and transported to Sawa, where they undertake 5 months of military training in addition to preparing for their National Secondary Education Certificate Examination (the ‘matricula’). After one year at Sawa and depending on their performance in their exams, some are assigned to civil service positions, while most are placed in military units, where they work as forced laborers on private and public works projects for an indeterminate duration (HRW, 2019a).
  • The COI report documented a number of grave human rights abuses in the GoSE’s military/national service programme, including:
  • It’s indefinite and arbitrary duration which routinely exceeds 18 months;
  • The use of conscripts as forced labour in a wide range of activities, including private enterprises owned by the military and ruling elites’;
  • Rape and torture perpetrated in military camps and other inhumane and degrading conditions (HRC, 2015).
  • There is substantial evidence that rape and other forms of sexual violence is still prevalent in military/national service. Some young women are also forced to perform household chores for military officers in Sawa, Wi’a and other military training camps, with some reporting that they were forced into sexual acts and were subjected to physical and mental punishment if they didn’t comply, in some cases, the women are imprisoned or forced to have abortions (HRC, 2015; HRC, 2016; HRW, 2019a).
  • The COI has observed that “there [was] a complete denial by the State of the extent of violence against women within its borders,” which contributed to silencing Eritrean women and hindering their ability to seek recourse to justice. It concluded that Eritrea failed to protect, prevent, punish, and remedy acts of sexual violence committed against women, thereby facilitating a culture of impunity (HRC, 2015).
  • Eritrea’s military/national service programmes violate Article 565 of Eritrea’s Transitional Penal Code which criminalises enslavement. They also violate Article 8 of the ICCPR, Article 5 of the ACPHR, and the Slavery Convention of 1926. Aspects of the programmes also violate Articles 9, 10, 12, 17 and 22 of the ICCPR, Articles 8, 12, 15 and 18 of the ACHPR, and the 1930 and 1957 conventions on forced labour. The COI concluded that the programme constitutes the crime against humanity of enslavement (HRC, 2015).
  • In paragraph 11 of the GoSE concluding observations on the 5th periodic report, GoSE states that: “In times of peace, National Service members do not have any other obligations once they finish their military training and fulfil their duty of service.” In the 18 months since the declaration of peace was signed with Ethiopia, not a single announcement has been made regarding plans for phased demobilization and limiting national service to 18 months.

Arbitrary detention

  • Eritreans continue to be subject to arbitrary imprisonment without recourse to the courts. The thousands of detainees held in Eritrea’s vast prison network include political dissidents, journalists, members of unregistered religious denominations and other prisoners of conscience. Imprisonment is indefinite, often incommunicado and detainees are subjected to harsh punishment including torture (HRC, 2015). In 2017, The OHCHR Special Rapporteur noted: “The Commission found that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Eritrean officials have committed the crime of torture, against persons under their control. It concluded that the use of torture was, and remains, an integral part of the Government’s repression of the civilian population.” (OHCHR, 2017).
  • Many prisons are located underground or in shipping containers, which can result in extreme temperature fluctuations due to Eritrea’s climate. Prison cells are overcrowded and hygiene conditions are poor, with inadequate sanitary hygiene provision for women.  Women are generally kept in cells separate from men, though reports of sexual assault and rape are still rife e.g. prison guards (HRC, 2015).
  • Eleven former high-level officials have been detained incommunicado since 2001 for calling for the implementation of the Constitution. GoSE has ignored repeated calls by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Human Rights Council (to which Eritrea was elected a member in 2018) to release them or at least bring them to trial.
  • A. A., a U.S. citizen and daughter of former Information Minister A. A. A., has been detained incommunicado for over seven years. Now 22, C. was only 15 years old when she was arrested in December 2012 whilst attempting to cross the border into the Sudan. Her father had defected one month earlier and sought asylum in Australia following irreparable differences with the President. Ciham has never been charged with a crime, has not been brought before a court of law and has been denied access to lawyers and her family. Human Rights Watch (2019b) observed: “By holding C. A. A. incommunicado from the age of 15, the government has effectively disappeared her.”
  • Mother of three daughters, S. D. was arrested in Asmara on the 15th of November 2003 and detained incommunicado in Karchele prison. It is alleged that her arrest was instigated by her husband, B. R., with whom she had been engaged in divorce proceedings. She was arrested just days before she was due to attend court to file for custody of their children. To this day, her whereabouts and the state of her well-being is unknown.  In 2005, it was reported that S. was in poor health following a kidney operation (Amnesty International, 2005).  and S. are just two high-profile examples of how GoSE tramples on the rights of women and the Eritrean citizenry in general.
  • Detention continues to have a discriminatory effect on women. The COI noted that: “The special needs of pregnant and nursing mothers and women with children in detention continue not to be met; in some recent instances leading to miscarriage or an infant becoming seriously ill.” (HRC, 2015).

 

  • The GoSE issued a new criminal code in 2015, but its procedural safeguards, requiring warrants for arrest, access to defence counsel, and the right to habeas corpus petitions, remain largely unimplemented (HRW, 2018).

 

4.   Women Human Rights Defenders & Freedom of Association

  • The aversion of the GoSE to independent Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) goes back to 1996, when it dismantled the Eritrean Women War Veteran’s Association (BANA). Founded in 1994, BANA was created to help recently demobilised women fighters transition into civilian life. By 1996, its almost 1000 members had set up successful cooperatives and the association had raised significant revenue from international donors. When BANA refused to fall under the control of the state sponsored National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW) and later the government’s Demobilisation Agency, it was shut down and its assets seized (Connell, 2010). As of January 2020, the GoSE’s prohibition of independent CSOs persists.
  • Article 19 of the unimplemented Constitution of Eritrea guarantees the right to freedom of association. Furthermore, Article 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Eritrea has acceded, also guarantees the freedom of association.  Despite these commitments, the GoSE has failed to comply with its obligations.
  • In Paras 28-30 of the GoSE submission, it claims that women have the right to “association and assembly in various capacities and diverse interest groups.” The GoSE cites the Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea (Articles 404-482) as the relevant regulatory framework enabling the establishment of independent, non-profit associations, claiming these organisations have their own structure, leadership programme and source of income. In reality, the organisations which GoSE claim to be independent women’s associations in fact fall under the umbrella of the state controlled National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEW).
  • Proclamation No. 145/2004 of 2005 (Non-governmental Organization Proclamation) places onerous restrictions on the scope and operation of NGOs, empowering the authorities to exert control over their activities. Article 2(1) limits the definition of NGO to those engaged in relief and/or rehabilitation work, thereby excluding human rights CSOs and women’s associations. The proclamation states that any NGO wishing to operate inside Eritrea must apply to the Ministry of Labour and Human Welfare, who must inform applicants of the outcome of the application within 30 days. The Ministry has failed to process the application of any NGO not supportive of the actions of the GoSE, effectively banning the operation of any independent CSO inside Eritrea (Civicus, 2019). As a consequence, independent women’s associations, such as the NEW can only operate outside Eritrean borders; this state of affairs poses major challenges for CSOs in holding the GoSE to account.

5.   Human Trafficking

5.1           A large and increasing number of Eritrean women and girls, including unaccompanied children flee the country illegally to avoid national service, not least because they fear being sexually assaulted (HRW, 2018). As a consequence, women increasingly become victims of violence, human trafficking and smuggling (CEDAW, 2015; OHCHR, 2015). At the end of 2018, UNHCR recorded 507,300 Eritrean refugees receiving protection under its mandate – more than 10% of the country’s population – thus maintaining Eritrea’s position as the ninth largest country of origin for refugees (UNHCR, 2018). The true figure is in fact much higher, as these statistics don’t take account of pending asylum cases and those who have not come to the attention of UNHCR.

5.2           De jure restrictions make it notoriously difficult for Eritreans to leave the country legally.  A valid travel document, valid exit visa and a valid international health certificate are required in order to leave legally.  In order to obtain an exit visa, Eritreans must prove that they have completed national service duties or that they have been granted an official exemption from it, in addition to providing authorities with compelling reasons for leaving the country (EASO, 2016).  Since national service is indefinite, very few Eritreans receive the discharge papers required to leave the country legally.  Women under the age of 30 and men under the age of 54 are reportedly the groups most commonly denied exit visas (USSD, 2017).  These strict exit control procedures and limited issuance of passports, compel many Eritreans to leave the country illegally, increasing their vulnerability to trafficking abroad, primarily in Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Libya. When Eritrean girls and women become refugees, many are abused by traffickers, raped and tortured and go on to suffer further human rights abuses (HRW, 2014).

5.3           Despite the introduction of the Eritrean Penal Code of 2015 which criminalized some forms of trafficking in persons, the United States Department of State noted in its ‘Trafficking in Persons Report’ (2018): “The Government of Eritrea does not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so.”  Eritrea is one of 21 countries ranked as Tier 3, meaning they do not meet minimum anti-trafficking standards. The report noted that the government did not share information on its overall anti-trafficking efforts, or report any trafficking investigations, prosecutions, or the identification and protection of any victims. Moreover, the GoSE did not report holding any complicit officials accountable for trafficking crimes despite credible reports of such complicity (Also see: COI, 2015). GoSE has not reported any efforts to address the lack of formal procedures for identifying victims or referring victims to care, nor did the GoSE provide any services to victims (USSD, 2018).

6.   Education

  • Eritrea faces low enrolment and high dropout rates of girls throughout the education system. Enrolment rates are particularly low among school-aged girls, declining significantly in middle and secondary school. Between 2017 -2018, only 43.8% of children who graduated from middle school entered secondary education. In the same time period, over 50% of secondary school-aged students were not in school, with girls disproportionately affected (HRW, 2019a; MoE, 2018).
  • This state of affairs is aggravated by the policy of forcing high school students to complete their 12th grade at the notorious Sawa military camp. A significant number of Eritrean girls, often at the behest of their families, take the strategic decision to enter into early marriages and/or motherhood – dropping out of the school system before Sawa – as a means of avoiding indefinite national service. GoSE have made no efforts to address this direct consequence of the national service programme which presents a barrier to girls accessing education (HRC, 2016; HRW, 2019a).
  • Students at Sawa face harsh living conditions, military-style discipline, corporal punishment for minor infractions and forced labour, creating an environment unconducive with educational attainment. Students are: “beaten with sticks; made to roll in soil while being beaten; left in the sun for prolonged periods of time with their hands tied; and made to carry heavy water containers and do repeated physical exercises for minor infractions” (HRW, 2019a).  Recent evidence suggests that military officials continue to sexually harass and exploit female students at Sawa, validating the findings of the COI (HRW, 2019a).  All military officials and trainers at Sawa are men, which makes it difficult for girls to seek protection and have their specific welfare needs met.
  • In paragraph 77 of the GoSE submission, it states that: “All the teachers and supervisors (at Sawa Secondary School) are civilian staff of the ministry.” This is patently false; a 2019 report by Human Rights Watch found that national service conscripts make up the vast majority of teachers in secondary schools across the country and are given no choice on becoming a teacher, the subject(s) they teach or where they are located. Their service period is indefinite and they face stiff sanctions, including imprisonment if they attempt to leave their job. This lack of choice and meagre salaries have resulted in a demotivated teaching corps and poor quality instruction (HRW, 2019a). In its 2019 report, Human Rights Watch noted: “Many students experience poor quality of instruction due to an unmotivated or often absent teaching corps—with teachers skipping lessons and many teachers fleeing abroad—resulting in an unconducive learning environment. As a result, students miss lectures and units as there is no one to teach them, or classes are merged. On occasion, students are without any teacher at all for weeks on end” (HRW, 2019a).

7.   Conclusions and Questions for GoSE

The protection of women’s rights and their full participation in society can only be guaranteed by the full implementation of the Constitution, separation of powers, freedom of association (and other fundamental rights) and a shift from a climate of impunity, to one of justice. We propose the following high-level questions for GoSE:

  1. When will the GoSE set a clear roadmap for the full implementation of the ratified 1997 Constitution, reconvening the National Assembly and holding national and regional elections?
  1. When will the GoSE either bring to trial or release all those detained in its prison network without due process? Furthermore, what steps are being taken to guarantee the independence of the judiciary?
  • Does the GoSE intend to remove de jure and de facto restrictions on the operation of independent CSOs in Eritrea, particularly women’s associations?
  1. In relation to point iii, will the GoSE permit international organizations (including the UN Special Rapporteur) and independent CSOs access to the country to verify the human rights situation on the ground? This would include access to Eritrean’s held in detention incommunicado, in order to enable independent verification of their health and welfare? Pregnant women/girls and those with young children are a priority.
  1. When will the Government announce plans for the demobilization of military/national service conscripts, an end to the illegal extension of national service beyond 18 months and the conscription of those under 18 years old?
  1. Will the GoSE commit to ensuring that Grade 12 education does not incorporate compulsory military training? Will GoSE also commit to ensuring Eritrean youth have the option of completing secondary education at other secondary schools, since Sawa military camp poses disproportionate health/safety/welfare risks, particularly to young girls?
  • Will the GoSE commit to enhancing educational opportunities for women, including formal vocational training and creating an environment conducive to self-employment/entrepreneurship?
  • How does the GoSE intend to provide effective channels for women to raise issues of gender-based violence and discriminatory practices, particularly in the context of military personnel?
  1. How does the GoSE intend to strengthen its mechanisms for ensuring that the perpetrators of sexual violence against women, human trafficking and other serious crimes are reported and prosecuted? Furthermore, what steps will GoSE take to protect women and girls from human trafficking and what provision will be put in place for victims?
  1. Will the GoSE commit to reforming its restrictive policies governing the issuance of passports and also commit to ending the exit-visa system, to ensure that Eritrean’s, out of desperation, do not have to resort to clandestine methods of leaving the country, putting them at risk of human trafficking and the torture and sexual violence associated with it.
Monday, 17 February 2020 08:04

National Dialogue for Reconciliation

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What is Dialogue and What are its benefits?

How can we perform dialogue?

Coming and Holding Together!

The Stockholm formula

Dialogue is the platform that encourages diversity of thoughts and opinions but not suppressing them. It leads to mutual understanding of problems and opportunities and search for common understanding. In practicing dialogue, there is an agreement that one person's concepts or beliefs should not take precedence over those of others, and common agreement should not be sought at the cost of the others.

We believe dialogue is the main instrument to discuss the opportunities and problems for democratic transition and to develop strategies to address the issues of common interest.

A dialogue to be effective must be built on certain principles that serve to guide and structure the discussions.

We , in the Eritrean opposition struggling from dictatorship to democracy need dialogue within ourselves and listen each other for a deeper awareness and understanding of what is actually taking place nationally, regionally and globally.

I think the conflict between the various political and civil society organizations is not about the main issues but of personalities and individuals. Our focus has been on personalities instead of issues. The methods of our communication were not based on the ideal theory of dialogue but it was a debate or negotiation. The word dialogue comes from the Greek language meaning dia- through and logus meaning thoughts. Let flow your thoughts freely. Look below the difference between the terms.

Debate                                                 Negotiation                                             Dialogue  

Get victorious                                   compromise                                 Exploring for common good

Blame                                                pressure                                       Listening

Mine best                                         mediation                                 crafting solution together

Twisting                                        suspending                                           inquiring  

The benefits of dialogue

  

  • generate momentum to reinforce the democratic process.
  • enables to assess the pace of the transition.
  • helps us the assess/ evaluate the experience of the past years in the opposition camp.
  • enables us to identify of issues of priority.
  • allows us to evaluate the impact of external democracy assistance.

Dialogue and conflict

Conflict in itself is not necessarily negative. It is unmanaged conflict, where stakeholders attempt to resolve their disputes through unconstitutional or even violent means, that poses the most complex problems

If we all believe in democracy, democracy is all about managing conflict peacefully. In the Eritrean opposition case, dialogue can also act as a mechanism to help prevent, manage and resolve conflict.

- As a mechanism for the prevention of conflict. By bringing various actors together for structured, critical and constructive discussions on the state of the nation, dialogue can result in consensus on the reforms that are needed to avoid confrontation and conflict.

I urge the leaders of all political organizations avoid confrontations and come together round table discussion.

  • As a mechanism for the management of conflict. Dialogue can help put in place democratic institutions and procedures that can structure and set the limits of political conflict. Democratic leaders provide mechanisms for political consultation and joint action that can peacefully manage potential conflicts.
  • As a mechanism for the resolution of conflict. Political dialogue can defuse potential crises by proposing appropriate peaceful solutions. Democratic institutions and procedures provide a framework to sustain peace settlements and prevent the recurrence of conflict.

What should be the guiding principles for the dialogue in national reconciliation between the opposition forces

I  hope all the opposition forces believe in these principles

  • Partnership and cooperation promoting democratization.
  • Disseminating democratic principles in all areas of the cooperation
  • Deepening the dialogue at both national and international level
  • Assessing the democratic struggle
  • Assisting the democratic development

Dialogue framework

  • We in the Eritrean opposition the capacity and will of the dialogue to identify the challenges, analyzing the participants, evaluating available resources.
  • Participants: political society, civil society, national and international experts both at the national and international dialogue promoting the Eritrean peoples aspirations and expectations.
  • Objectives: Analysing the dynamics of the transition, seeking a national consensus on priorities and searching for effective cooperation.
  • Assessing results and monitoring the implementation.

Who can be the actors and their roles at the intra-Eritrean National Dialogue ?

Three key functions to be fulfilled in the dialogue for democratic change at the national level

Analysis function. By providing a comprehensive analysis of the constraints and opportunities for further democratization, the dialogue contributes to diagnosing the flow of events and experiences at the national and regional level.

Dialogue function. By providing a platform for change of experiences and lessons learned and a forum for building consensus on the challenges and opportunities for democratic change, the dialogue contributes in itself to the consolidation of democracy. It should ultimately lead articulation a democratic reform agenda with specific policy recommendations primarily defined by the national participants and thus owned by them.

Brokering function. By providing international institutions and donor agencies involved in and committed to democratization with a reference framework, the dialogue contributes a mechanism to assist the international partners to identify concrete support measures, better target their interventions and co-ordinate their assistance.

The national dialogue for democratic change could be structured around three main groups with specific roles:

The Dialogue Group: Composed of prominent national experts and key players in the process of democratic change in Eritrea .

The dialogue group should be sufficiently representative and have legitimacy and leverage to make the dialogue meaningful and sustainable. The members of the dialogue group should hence be carefully selected, based on their professionalism, reputation and willingness to enter into a genuine dialogue.

The Expert Group. Composed of international experts with undisputed credentials and reputation, the expert group provides the national participants with comparative experiences and lessons learned in other contexts which could be of assistance in the design of democratic change in Eritrea.

The Support Group: Both National and international organizations Composed of representatives of the international community involved in and committed to the democratic process in Eritrea represented as observers of the dialogue. The support group constitutes a structure assisting the democratization process in Eritrea. External partners or facilitators should not dictate but can only support the process of democratic change.

It is of utmost urgency that all the opposition political organizations convene a conference- platform where they can come out with one national political charter and form one leadership.

 The recent joint communiques of the four political organizations –

 

  1. ENCDC
  2. EPDP
  3. Eritrean Unity for Democratic Change
  4. Eritrean Unity For Justice

Is appreciable and hope it will gradually include the remaining organizations

It is a political maturity to create a political space for a national dialogue that would lead us to reconciliation instead of confrontation.

Ending the conflicts in the opposition camp requires more political courage than simply neglecting each other in minor things.

I urge all the political organizations regardless of their affiliations to come to their minds and take responsibility and show political courage.

References and further readings

  1. Lijphart, Arend. 1977. Democracy in plural societies. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
  2. Horowitz, Donald L. 1985, Ethnic Groups in conflict. Berkeley. CA: University of California.
  3. Dialogue for Democratic Development, by IDEA- International Institute Electoral and Assistance
Monday, 17 February 2020 05:19

Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 15.02.2020

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Radio Dimtsi Harnnet Sweden 15.02.2020
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Monday, 17 February 2020 02:08

ናይ ሓዘን መግለጺ

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Saturday, 15 February 2020 11:03

ዕድመ ንዓለም ለኻዊ መዓልቲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮን 8 መጋቢት

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International- Frauentag 2020

ኣብ ዳርምሽታት ንቀዳም ዕለት 07.03.2020  ሰፊሕ ሰሚናር መዲብና ከምዘለና 

ንሕብር።  

Womenspic

 

ዓይነታት ዓመጽ ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ

ብዝምልከት ትንተናን ኣስተምህሮ ሓዘል ክቀርብ ተመዲቡ ይርከብ። ኣብዚ ሰሚናርዚ ኩሉ  ተሳታፋይ ሓሳቡን ርእይቶኡ ክህብ ንሰፊሕ ተሳትፎ  ንዕድምን ነተባብዕ።ድሕሪ ስሚናር ናይ ዕላል ምዝንጋዕ መደብ ክቅጽል ኣዩ።ንኩሉ   ዳርምሽታትን ከባቢኡን ትርከቡን/ባን ብክንሪ ንዕድም።   

 ሰሚናር ዝካየደሉ ኣዳራሽ።

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ሰዓት :ካብ 15፡00 ክሳብ 22:00

Saturday, 15 February 2020 09:22

ስደት መፍትሒ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ምርጫ ዋንኡ’ዩ፡

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ስደት መፍትሒ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ምርጫ ዋንኡ’ዩ፡

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ፡ ሰዲህኤ

“6.3 ንሕሰም ህዝብና ተረዲኦምን ካብ ሰብኣዊ ርህራሄ ተበጊሶምን ዓቕሞም ብዘፍቅዶ መጠን ንኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ዝቕበሉን ዝናብዩን ዘለዉ ህዝብታትን መንግስታትን ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን፡ ብዝገበርዎ ኣቐባብላ ኣድናቖቱ ይገልጽ። ነተን ብዙሕ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ ዝተቐበላ ክልላት ትግራይን ዓፋርን ድማ ፍሉይ ምስጋናኡ የቕርብ። እዚ ሎሚ እዘን ክልተ ክልላት ንህዝብና ኣብ ግዜ ጸገሙ ዘርእይኦ ዘለዋ ሕውነታዊ ኣተሓሕዛ፡ ናይ ጽባሕ ኤርትራ ምስዘን ጐጎረባብታ ንዝህልዋ ጽቡቕ ዝምድና መሰረት ዘንብር ስለዝኾነ፡ ክተባባዕ ዝግብኦ ሰብኣዊ ውርሻ ምዃኑ ጉባኤ ኣረጋጊጹ።” (ካብ ውሳነታት 3ይን ሓድነታውን ጉባአ ሰዲህኤ ዝተወስደ)

ስደት ንኤርትራውያን ነዊሕ ታሪኽን ውረድ ደይብን ዘለዎ ምዃኑ ኣብ ኣእምሮ ነፍሲ ወከፍና ዘሎ እዩ። ስደት ንኤርትራውያን ካልእ መፍትሒ ምስተዓጽወ ዝውሰድ ህይወት ናይ ምድሓን ስጉምቲ እምበር ናይ ባህታ ጉዕዞ ኣይኮነን። ንኤርትራ በብተራ ዝገዝእዋ ሓይልታት፡ “ኤርትራ መሬታ እምበር ህዝባ ኣየድልየናን” ዝብል ጭረሖ ኣምሪሖም፡ ህዝባ ንብራስን ንምብስባስን ዝመረጽዎ ኣጽናቲ ስልቲ እቲ ቀንዲ ጠንቂ ስደት ኤርትራውያን ነይሩ ሕጂ ኣብ ግዝኣት ህግዲፍ እውን ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ከባቢ 1967 ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ከባብታት ዝተወስደ ናይ ብርሰትን ምጽናትን ሓደገኛ ስጉምቲ ቀንዲ ጠንቂ ስደት ምንባሩ ብመጽናዕትታት ዝተሰነደ ዘይርሳዕ ተዘክሮ እዩ። ኤርትራውያን ስደት ንክመርጹ ዘገደዶም ኣስካሕካሒ ስጉምቲ ዝተወስዶም፡ ነቲ ንናጽነት ኤርትራ ዝካየድ ዝነበረ ቃልሲ፡ የዕጥቑ፡ የዕንግሉን ይሕብሩን እዮም ብዝብል፡፡ እቶም ተቓለስቲ ካብ ህዝቦም ነጺልካ ከም ካብ ባሕሪ ዝወጸ ዓሳ ንምስዓሮም ዝዓለመ እዩ ነይሩ።

ኤርትራውያን ግና ብደረጃ ስደተኛ ኣብ ዓዲ ጓና ምንባሮም ከይዓገቶም ነቲ ኣብ ዓዶም ኮይኖም ምእንቲ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ዘካይድዎ ዝነበሩ ቃልሲ ንኹሉ ናይ ስደት መረረት ተጻዊሮም ቀጺለምዎ እዮም። እቲ ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን ከኣ ድሕሪቲ ዋጋ ዝኸፈልሉ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ናብ ዓዶም ብኽብሪ ተመሊሶም ጻማ ቃልሶም ኣይረኸቡን። ሕሉፍ ሓሊፎም ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ሓደስቲ ኣጋይሽ ስደተኛታት ክቕበሉ እውን ተገዲዶም።

ስደት ኤርትራውያን ድሕሪ ናጽነት፡ ኣብ ክንዲ እንዳነከየ ዝኸይድ እንዳገደደ ምኻዱ ካብ ናይ ካለኦት ሃገራት ስደት ፍሉይ ዝገብሮ እዩ። ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ስደት ኤርትራውያን ከምቲ ናይ ቅድም ናብ ሓደ ኣቕጣጫ ዘይኮነ፡ ናብ ብዙሕ ኩርነዓት እዩ። እቲ ቀንዲ ኣቕጣጫታት ከኣ ናብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን ኮይኑ ጸኒሑ። ስደት ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ድሕሪ ውግእ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን 1998-2000 እዩ ብወግዒ ብላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣፍልጦ ረኺቡ። ብቕደም ተኸተል ከኣ፡ ፍቸ፡ ብላቴ፡ ደደሳ፡ ሽመልባ፡ ማይ ዓይኒ፡ ዓዲ ሓርሽ፡ ሕንጻጽ፡ ኣሳይታን በራሕለን ኣብ ዝተባህሉ ከባብታት ኢትዮጵያ መደበራት ተኸፊቶም ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ኣዕቊቦም ኣለዉ።

ናይ ድሕሪ ናጽነት ስደት ኤርትራውያን፡ ብሰንኪ ዘይሕገ-መንግስታውን ዘይዲሞክራስያውን ምምሕዳር ጉጅለ ህግዲፍ ዝተፈጥረ እዩ። እቲ ጉጅለ ነቲ ዋሕዚ ንምዕጋቱ ዝመረጾ መንገዲ፡ ኣብ ኣመራርሓኡ ዘሎ ሕጽረታት ገበናትን ብምትዕርራይን ጠንቂ ስደት ብምውጋድን ዘይኮነ፡ ብሓይሊ ኣብ ዶባት እዩ ክዓግቶ ፈቲኑ። ሕሉፍ ሓሊፉ ከኣ፡ ናይ “ተኲስካ ቅተል” መምርሒ ከተግብር ስለ ዝመረጸ፡ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን መንእሰያት ናይዚ ጸይቂ ፖሊሲኡ ግዳይ ከም ዝኾኑ ኩልና እንፈልጦ እዩ። ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኣብ ከተማ መንደፈራ ኣብ ልዕሊ መንእሰይ ሸዊት ያቆብ ዝተወስደ ጭካነ ከኣ፡ ናይዚ ግፍዓዊ ተግባር ኣብነት እዩ።

ጠንቂ ስደት ኤርትራውያን እቲ ንኤርትራ ዝገዝእ ዘሎ ጉጅለ ዝፍጽሞ ዘሎ፡ ምግሃስ መሰላት፡ መጀመርታኡ እምበር መወዳእታኡ ዘይፍለጥ መጻኢ ዕድል ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ዘጸልመተ ግዱድ ወተሃደራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ብኣኡ ኣጐልቢብካ ዝካየድ ካብ ባርነት ፈሊኻ ዘይርአ ናይ ጉልበት ምዝመዛን ዝርከብዎም ብዙሓት ገበናት እዮም። ከም መራሒ ህግዲፍ ሃገር እናባደመት ብታሕጓስ ኣፍልቡ ዝወቅዕ ዘይኮነ፡ ዋሕዚ ናብ ስደት ክዓግት ንዝደሊ ምምሕዳር እቲ መፍትሒ ጠንቂ ስደት ካብ መሰረቱ ምድራቕ እዩ። ህግዲፍ ግና ብፖሊሲ “ኪድን ኣይትበሎ፡ ከም ዝኸይድን ግበሮ” ስለ ዝምራሕ፡ ከምስል ከጉባዕብዕ እምበር፡ ኣብቲ ጠንቂ ስደት ዋኒነይ ኢሉ ክሰርሕ ባህሪኡ ኣይፈቕደሉን እዩ። እዚ ጉጅለ ቂምን ምፍዳይ ሕነን ቀንዲ መለለይኡ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ነቶም መሰረታዊ መፍትሒ ኮይኑ ዘይኮነስ፡ ከም ግዝያዊ መዕገሲ ስደት ዝመረጹ ኤርትራውያን ደድሕሪኦም እንዳሰዓበ ካብ ምስቓዮም ድሕር ኣይበለን። እቲ በብግዜኡ ኣብ ሱዳን ይኹን ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ገሊኡ ብኢድ ኣዙር ገሊኡ ከኣ ብቐጥታ፡ ከካይዶ ዝጸንሐ ቅትለትን ጭውያን ከኣ ናይቲ ጽዩፍ ተግባሩ ኣብነት እዩ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ከኣ በቲ ምስ መራሒ ኢትዮጵያ ዝፈጠሮ፡ ኢደ-ወነናውን ጻሕታሪ ህውከትን ዘይቅዱስ ዝምድናኡ ኣቢሉ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ’ቶም ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዘለዉ ናይ ላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ኣፍልጦ ዘለዎም ከይተረፈ ተጽዕኖታት ክፈጥር ትንዕምንዕ ይብል ኣሎ። ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ዓለምና እትሰርሓሉ ዘላ ኣህጉራዊ ሕጊ ብምጥሓስ፡ ነቲ ባዕሉ ክስደድ ዝድርኾ ዘሎ ኤርትራዊ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ዘእትዉ ኣፍደገታት ራማ፡ ሑመራን ዛላንበሳን፡ ብላዕለዋይ ኮሚሽን ጉዳይ ስደተኛታት ሕቡራት ሃገራት ብዝተመደቡ ኢትዮጵያውያን ናይ ምምዝጋብ ሰራሕተኛታት ኣቢሉ፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ እዞም ኩነታት ኣገዲድዎም ክስደዱ ዝወሰኑ ኤርትራውያን ዝወስድ ዘሎ ንኢሳያስ ናይ ምሕጓስ ዘይሓላፍነታዊ ወስታታት ኣዝዩ ዘሕዝን እዩ። እዚ ወስታ ኣብ መጻኢ፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ብደረጃ ስደተኛታት ዝተመዝገቡ ሕጋውያን ኤርትራውያን ኣሕሊፍካ ናብ ምሃብ ክምዕብል ከም ዝኽእል ከኣ ኣቓልቦ ዘድልዮ እዩ።

በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ስደት መሰረታዊ መፍትሒ ከምዘይኮነ ጠፊእዎም ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣብ ሃገሮም ዘጋጠሞም ጸገም ንምዕጋስ ከም ግዝያዊ መፍትሒ ብምውሳድ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ንዝኣትዉ ኤርትራውያን ኣብዚ ዛዕባዚ ዝተዋፈሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ሰራሕተኛታት፡ ክሓስብሉ ይግበኦም። ብዓብይኡ ከኣ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ነዚ ኩሉ ዓቕሙ ጸንቂቑ ኣብ ድሮ ዘይተርፍ ውድቀቱ ዝርከብ ዘሎ ዲክታቶር ንከሕጉስ ምስቲ ዘይሓልፍ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘቀያይሞ መንገዲ ከይክተልን ንዓለም ለኻዊ መሰል ስደተኛ ከኽብርን ንጽወዖ። ዶ/ር ኣብይ ኣሕመድ ከኣ ከምቲ “ንውላዱ ፈትዩ፡ ንወዲ ጐረቤት ዝጸልእ፡ ነቲ ውላዱ’ውን ኣይፈትዎን’ዩ” ዝበሃል፡ ነቲ ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ዘርእይዎ ሓልዮት፡ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክነፍግዎ ኣይግበኦምን።

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Saturday, 15 February 2020 00:06

What Eritreans can learn from the Sudanese transition to democracy

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February 14, 2020 News

Source: Assena

Fetsum: The Sudanese Constitutional Charter to Genuine Democracy (extension of part 1)

Fetsum: The Sudanese Constitutional Charter to Genuine Democracy (extension of part 1) Dedication: I dedicate this article to the very promising ERITREA FOCUS for its latest strategy to diffuse the dictator and democratize the nation through

 FEBRUARY 10, 2020 
10:27 pm
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Fetsum: The Sudanese Constitutional Charter to Genuine Democracy (extension of part 1)

Dedication: I dedicate this article to the very promising ERITREA FOCUS for its latest strategy to diffuse the dictator and democratize the nation through genuine transitional phase.

I strongly believe we have to rally behind this group’s strategy which I consider the most significant development as of today considering its brain power and diplomatic essence on the fundamental question of the Eritrean people.

I feel more relaxed now as a result because self- respect is something we should earn through excellence to use it as a foundation for respect from others. In the meantime, I strongly suggest that ERITREA FOCUS give maximum  attention to the Sudanese democratic journey as one of its research materials and good luck!

It seems like many Eritreans are worried about their sovereignty in the relationship between Abiy and Isaias. But this should not stop us from researching more for bright future. In my case, I am not worried as much and I know the situation is at our disposal. We can change it and that is what matters to me. I am not going to waste my time thinking about it for Democracy cannot wait because of fear and we should continue learning to achieve it through knowhow and unity. In so saying, neither does a challenge appear without impact nor can it be confronted without considering its destination. We have a challenge (dictatorship) and its inherent destination (genuine democracy); we cannot overcome the challenge to face the destination empty handed. We need to remove the dictatorship as our main challenge while simultaneously crystallizing the destination through basic knowhow. One does not have to wait for the other and both can be simultaneously executed without destructive interference. I think we have started moving forward in this regard, the latest ERITREA FOCUS’s press release being the witness to this effect.

This article is about the legalized form of the last article and my last effort on the matter. You may find it monotonous in a way but I could not help it.

Introduction: The Sudanese “Draft Constitutional Charter for the 2019 Transitional Period” disclosed on 6 August 2019 was an agreement between the Transitional Military Council and the Forces of Freedom and Change and has 16 Chapters but I will only discuss it partially in this opportunity and enjoy.

Chapter 1: General provisions

  • Repeal and Exemption

[2]      (a.) The Transitional Constitution of Sudan of 2005 and the constitutions of provinces is repealed, while the laws issued thereunder remain in force, unless they are repealed or amended.

Comment: It was not about reformation but total transformation of the system. There was a transitional constitution in 2005 whose CHAPTER II [57] says: “The tenure of office of the President of the Republic shall be five years, commencing from the date of assumption of office, and the same President may be re-elected for one more term only”. But Bashir did not allow it to be implemented until his downfall in 2019. The constitution had then to be amended to accommodate reality while partially repealed as a result. Here, the signatories disqualify the old transitional and provincial constitution keeping the laws conditionally active while open for amendment.

Chapter 2: Transitional period

[6]      (a.) The duration of the transitional period shall be 39 Gregorian months, starting from the signing of this Constitutional Charter.

  • Mandate of the Transitional Period (in compact form)

[7]  During the transitional period, state agencies perform the following duties:

(3-8)  Hold accountable members of the former regime by law, carry out legal reform, rebuild and develop the human rights and justice system, and ensure the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law, Guarantee and promote women’s rights in Sudan in all social, political, and economic fields, and combat all forms of discrimination against women. Establish mechanisms to prepare to draft a permanent constitution for the Republic of Sudan, hold a national, constitutional conference before the end of the transitional period, enact legislation related to the tasks of the transitional period.

Comment: All past transitional governments failed to answer the society’s democratic call except the current one that the world considers genuine and scientific. This transition is real and has the responsibility to legally draft the country’s permanent constitution within its legal time limit. Ours is a lot simpler because the dictator neither ratified nor changed the constitution to serve his interest unlike in the Sudanese experience where the consecutive dictators kept changing it through the years. The 1997 Constitution was produced by our best Lawyers and Social Scientists of the time and quite a few international scholars, and ratified by then people’s Assembly. All we have to do is amending it if necessary through legal procedures and utilizing it forever.

Chapter 3: Transitional period bodies

[9]  The bodies of the transitional government consist of the following: (a) The Sovereignty Council , which is the head of state and symbol of its sovereignty and unity; (b)  The Cabinet, which is the supreme, executive authority of the state; (c) The Legislative Council, which is the authority responsible for legislation and oversight over the executive’s performance.

Chapter 4: Sovereignty Council: Composition of the Sovereignty Council

[10]    (a.) The Sovereignty Council is the head of state, the symbol of its sovereignty and unity, and the Supreme Commander of the armed forces, Rapid Support Forces, and other uniformed forces. It is formed by agreement between the Transitional Military Council and the Forces of Freedom and Change.

(b.) The Sovereignty Council consists of 11 members, of whom five are civilians selected by the Forces of Freedom and Change, and five are selected by the Transitional Military Council. The eleventh member is a civilian, selected by agreement between the Transitional Military Council and the Forces of Freedom and Change.

(c ) Over the first 21 months of the transitional period, the Sovereignty Council is chaired by someone selected by the military members, and in the remaining 18 months of the transitional period, starting from ……. 2021, it is chaired by a civilian member selected by the five civilian members who were selected by the Forces of Freedom and Change.

Comment: Whatever they agreed on in the last few months (see the last article) has now become the country’s law within the transitional phase. The Sovereignty Council serves as the coordinator of the entire process behind the unified support of the people and the intellectual and professional associations of the country.  The situation necessitated a POWER SHARING arrangement between the Army and the people but they collectively decided the Council to be 100% independent of the political parties and to consist 45% (5 individuals) from the Army and 55%  (6 individuals) from the people. Yet, the Civilian side had to have a leverage over the Army by at least 10% more power and they legally assured that privilege in this grassroots based confident ride to democracy .

  • Competencies and Powers of the Sovereignty Council

[11]    (a.) The Sovereignty Council exercises the following competencies and powers:

  • (i) Appoint the Prime Minister selected by theforces of Freedom and Change;
  • (ii) Confirm the Cabinet members appointed by the Prime Minister, from a list of candidates provided by the Forces of Freedom and Change;
  • (iii)  Confirm the heads of regions or governors of provinces, according to the case, after they are appointed by the Prime Minister;
  • (iv)  Confirm the appointment of members of the Transitional Legislative Council after they are selected in accordance with the provisions of Article 23 (3) of this Charter.

Chapter 5: Transitional Cabinet

[14]    (a.) Composition of the Transitional Cabinet: The Cabinet is composed of a Prime Minister and a number of ministers not exceeding 20 from national talent of independent counsel, appointed by the Prime Minister from a list of candidates from the Forces of Freedom and Change, and confirmed by the Sovereignty Council, except for the Ministers of Defense and Interior, who is nominated by the military component of the Sovereignty Council.

(b.)  The Forces of Freedom and Change selects the Prime Minister, and he is appointed by the Sovereignty Council.

Comment: The Sudanese people have decided to go for Prime Minister and the Cabinet as the superior power in the country. This is the EXECUTIVE body of the government. Through the articles, the independent Sovereignty Council (the 11 individuals) appoints a neutral Prime Minister exclusively selected by the FFC “Forces of Freedom and Change” without the involvement of the Transitional Military Council in the government as well discussed in the last article. The Prime Minister then selects his Cabinet.

Chapter 6: Common provisions for constitutional positions

  • Financial Disclosure and Prohibition of Commercial Activities

[18]  (a.) Upon assuming their positions, members of the Sovereignty Council, Cabinet, governors or ministers of provinces or heads of regions and members of the Transitional Legislative Council submit a financial disclosure including their properties and obligations, including those of their spouses and children, in accordance with the law.

(b.) The chairman and members of the Sovereignty Council and ministers, governor and ministries of provinces or heads of regions undertake to not practice any profession or commercial or financial activity while occupying their positions. They do not receive any financial compensation, gifts, or work of any type from any non-government entity, whatever the case may be.

Comment: This is one of the most mandatory procedures in any transitional arrangement as such to avoid corruption during the transition period and that is what we have to do in our situation. They did it in many countries including Liberia and ready to do it in Sudan.

  • Prohibition on Candidacy in Elections

[19] The chairman and members of the Sovereignty Council and ministers, governors of provinces, or heads of regions, are not be entitled to run in the public elections that follow the transitional period.

Comment: All transitional government elements are restricted from running for political office in the upcoming democratic election. This is to further avoid conflict of interest in the system and to have a clean electoral committee for the democratic election ahead. They did it in many countries including Liberia and ready to do it in Sudan.

Chapter 7: Transitional Legislative Council [Assembly]

  • Composition of the Transitional Legislative Council

[23]  (a.)  The Transitional Legislative Council is an independent, legislative authority. The number of members therein shall not exceed 300 members, and it represents all forces participating in change, except for members of the National Congress and political forces that participated in the former regime until its downfall;

(b.)  The participation of women is not be less than 40% of the membership of the Transitional Legislative Council;

Comment: The 40% translates to guaranteed 120 sits at minimum but still offers unlimited opportunity for women in the most important branch of the government. Gender equality was guaranteed to certain extent by that many women in the Assembly but to full extent considering the open ended opportunity in the clause. We need to empower our women as such to have a decent and prosperous society in our country.

(c.)  67% of the members of the Transitional Legislative Council are selected by the Forces of Freedom and Change, and 33% are selected by other forces who did not sign the Freedom and Change Declaration. The appointments take place and the percentages of each force are determined in consultation between the Forces of Freedom and Change and the military members of the Sovereignty Council; 

Comment:  Most of the Sudanese opposition forces had signed the Declaration with the exception of few that I did not find important to research for this discussion. But Sudan has about 20 political parties where few of them signed the document. I am not sure here but part of the 33% of the Legislative Council could have been assigned to the political parties which is normal in a situation as such; a part of it given to the other portion of the society that did not sign the document. In any case, the people at minimum occupy 67% of the sits in the parliament in this situation without other sits in the rest of the council (out of the 33% sits).

Chapter 8: I have avoided many case laws so far but Chapter 8 deals with the formation of the independent Judiciary Council.

Chapter 9:

[47] Equality before the law

People are equal before the law, and have the right to the protection of the law without discrimination between them because of ethnicity, color, gender, language, religious faith, political opinion, racial or ethnic origin, or any other reason.

[55]  Freedom of belief and worship

Every person shall have the right to freedom of religious belief and worship. They shall have the right to profess or express their religion or belief through worship, education, practice, performance of rituals, or celebrations, in accordance with the requirements of the law and public order. No one shall be compelled to convert to a religion they do not believe in or to practices rites or rituals they do not voluntarily accept.

Comment: People have the freedom to worship, educate and learn, practice, perform rituals and celebrations related to their beliefs but “in accordance with the requirements of the law and public order”. The freedom given in [55] is not out of the control of the regime and so cannot be used to politicize them in the country. Believers must respect law and order to enjoy their belief and worship because freedom comes with responsibility directed towards the benefit of a society as a unit (peaceful coexistence, nationalism, territorial integrity and equality, etc.). in my opinion, the clauses manifest the emergence of secular democracy in Sudan; the separation of religion from politics, which I think signifies the end of Sharia and other religious means of politically controlling the people.

[57]  Freedom of assembly and organization

(a.)  The right to peaceful assembly shall be guaranteed, and every person shall have the right to free organization without others, including the right to form political parties, associations, organizations, syndicates and professional unions, or the join the same in order to protect their interests.

(b.)  The law shall regulate the formation and registration of political parties, associations, organizations, syndicates and professional unions, in accordance with what is required by democratic society.

(c.)  No organization shall have the right to work as a political party, unless it has the following:

(i) Open membership for all Sudanese, regardless of religion, ethnic origin or place of birth;

(ii) Democratically elected institutions;

(iii) Transparent and open sources of funding.

[58] The right to political participation

Every citizen has the right to political participation in public affairs, as regulated by law.

Comment: The 22 political parties in the country and new political parties must respect the laws associated with Chapter 9 [57]. The upcoming Independent Election Commission is expected to crystalize the preliminary clauses in here  but they suggest the minimum requirements for political party qualification in the country.

In our case, there were 13 organizations including the liberation movements (Kunama and Afar) listed as members of EDA (Eritrean Democratic Alliance) in 2008. We shall see what happens but it is clear that we cannot accommodate ethnic and religious political parties like many other societies in the classification. The subject in relation to the people vis-à-vis political parties is clear but some kind of agreement has to be reached between the people and our liberation fronts with maximum concern and respect for us to make it together to the end. There is no doubt genuine democracy that empowers our minorities should help the unity built on trust and nationalism.

Chapter 16: Miscellaneous provisions

[70] (b.)  The Transitional Military Council [TMC] shall be dissolved once the constitutional oath is sworn by the members of the Sovereignty Council.

Comment: With this case law, the 5 members of the government from the Army (TMC) are legally conditioned to melt into the people and they did after they took the oath on 17th  August 2019. The African Union Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and representatives from Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, President Kenyata of Kenya, President Salva Kiir (South Sudan), President Idriss Deby Itno (Chad) and President Faustin-Archange Touadéra (Central African Republic), attended the ceremony. The parasite was hibernating in Adi Hallo singing the blues by then when President Kenyatta said “the nation’s structure of government should reflect its heterogeneity to guarantee inclusion for all [and that] a peaceful and united Sudan is in the best interest of the region and the whole of Africa”.

In conclusion, the Sudanese style of democratizing the country is indeed in “the best interest of the region and the whole of Africa”. The situation will greatly influence our region for the better. It will be impossible for Isaias to continue his absolute dictatorship without a good partner to that end. Abiy is just a survivor that deals with him in fear of the Weyanes and may be in dreaming state about our ports but he played a good role in Sudan, meaning that he is potentially part of the democratic environment in the region. Being in the middle of Democracies in Kenya, Somalia (excluding the Alshabab effect), Ethiopia, Djibouti and Sudan should then feel like swimming in the ocean with no land in sight for that paranoid dictator with thick mustache under his nose (symbol of dictatorship in a way (Hitler Sadam, Bashir, etc.). No one can rely on him as a strategic ally in the near future. Even that privilege is becoming very hard for him to sustain. In short, there is no better regional situation for us to change the situation and everything will change if we change the way we do things.

To wrap it up, the nature of transition to democracy is known to many societies on planet earth and we can keep on discussing a nation at a time to that effect. But I believe Liberia’s and Sudan’s experience would be enough to give us the head start towards the basic knowledge of the matter so we can confidently apply it in the very near future. This article completes my thesis on Transitional Government leaving the best of the subject for ERITREA FOCUS to deal with.  Thank you and good luck.

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