http://ascenteq.com/project/epdp

ካብ ከተማ ኣል ፋሸር ሃዲሞም ፡ታዊላ ኣብ ዝበሃል ቦታ ካብ ዝርከቡ ተመዛበልቲ

ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ተወርዋሪ ፍሉይ ሓይሊ ሱዳን  ኣብ ዳርፎር ከተማ ኢልፋሸር ንምቁጽጻር  ኣብ ዘካየዶ መጥቃዕቲ፡ ብውሕዱ 1,850 ሰላማውያን  ሰባት ከም ዝተቐትሉ ጠቒሱ፡ በቲ ኩነታት ኣዝዩ ከም ዝተሻቐለ ገሊጹ፡ ነዚ ዓብይ ዘስካሕክሕ ሰብኣዊ ጥሕሰት ኣምሪሩ ኮኒንዎ።።

ወሃቢ ቃል ዋና ጸሓፊ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣንቶኒዮ ጉተረዝ፡ ስተፈን ዱጃሪክ ኣብ ዝሃቦ ሓጺር ሓበሬታ፡ ተሪር መተሓሳሰቢ ናይቲ ዋና ጸሓፊ ብጉዳይ እቶም ንልዕሊ 18 ኣዋርሕ በቲ ዕጡቕ ተወርዋሪ ሓይሊ ጀሆ ተታሒዞም ዝጸንሑ ኣማኢት ኣሸሓት ሱዳናውያን ኣቃሊሑ።

እቲ ዋና ጸሓፊ ኣብቲ ናይ ኩነኔ መልእኽቱ፡ ኣብቲ ቦታ ክፍጸም ንዝጸንሐ፡ ጨካን መጥቃዕቲ፡ ኣብ ሲቪል ሰባትን ሲቪላዊ ትሕተ-ቅርጻን ዝተወስደ፡ ከምኡ’ውን ጾታን ዓሌትን ማእከል ዝገበረ ጨካን ጨፍጫፍ ንዘጠቓለለ ሰብኣዊ ጥሕሰት ብትሪ ኮኒንዎ። ምስዚ ብተወሳኺ ኮሚሽን ሰብኣዊ መሰል ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣብ ሰሜን ዳርፎር 1,850 ሲቪል ሰባት ምሟቶም እኳ እንተመዝገበ፡ ካብዚኣቶም እቶም 1,350 ኣብ ከተማ ኣል ፋሸር ዝተቐተሉ እዮም። ኣተሓሒዙ ከኣ እቲ ዝተጠቕሰ ናይ ግዳያት ኣሃዝ፡ ምስቲ ዝተኻየደ ከቢድ  ጨፍጫፍ ካብቲ ዝግመት ንታሕቲ  ምዃኑ’ውን እቲ ኮሚሽን ገሊጹ።

ድሕሪዚ ጸብጻብ ዋና ጸሓፊ ኣንቶኒዮ ጉተረዝ ደጊሙ፡ እቲ ኩነታት ካብቲ ዝረአ ዘሎ ናብ ዝገደደ ከይድይብ፡ ሕጂ’ውን ጅሆ ተታሒዙ ዘሎ ህዝቢ መሕለፊ ኣፍደገ ክረክብን ብዘይገደብ ረዲአት ክቐርበሉን  ጸዊዑ። ዓለም ለኸ ውድብ ተመዛበልቲ (IOM)፡ ብወገኑ፡ ብሰንኪ ውግእ ሰሜን ዳርፎር ብዘይካቶም ዝሞቱ፡ 2,500 ሰባት ካብ ከተማ ባራ፡ 1,000 ድማ ካብ ከተማ ዙራይባ ተመዛቢሎ ኣለዉ።

እዚ ናይ ዳርፎር ብሓፈሻን ናይ ከተማ ኣል ፋሸር ድማ ብፍላይ ህልቂት ኣብ ልዕሊ ሲቪል ሰባት ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ብዓለም ደረጃ ዘሰንብድን ዘስካሕክሕን ተረኽቦ ኮይኑሎ።

ኣባላት ልኡኽ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኮንፈረንስ ማዕርነት ጾታ ኣብ ሉዘርን፡ ስዊዘርላንድ

 ብኣደ-መንበር ምትእስሳር ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ (ሰዲህኤ)፡ ወ/ሮ ኣስገደት መሕረተኣብ ዝተመርሐ ልኡኽ፡ ካብ 24 ክሳብ 26 ጥቅምቲ 2025 ኣብ ከተማ ሉዘርን፡ ስዊዘርላንድ፡ ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ዓውደ-መጽናዕቲ ማዕርነት ጾታ ናይ ዓለም ገስጋሲ  ሓይልታት (Progressive Alliance) ንጡፍ ተሳትፎ ገይሩ። ከምኡ’ውን እቲ ልኡኽ፡ ብድሕሪ-ቐትሪ ናይ 25 ጥቅምቲ ኣብ ጥቓ ሉዘርን ኣብ ዝተኻየደ እሞ ዓቢ ተሳትፎ ጉባኤኛ ዝነበሮ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ሶሻሊስት ስዊዘርላንድ ክሳተፍ ክኢሉ።

ከም ዝዝከር፡ ሰዲህኤ ካብቶም ብ2013 ኣብ ከተማ ላይፕዚግ፡ ጀርመን፡ ንProgressive Alliance/ምሕዝነት ገስገስቲ ካብ ዝመስረቱ ሰልፍታት ነይሩ። ቀጺሉ ከኣ ላዕለዎት ልኡኻት ሰዲህኤ ከም ኣብ ቱኒዝያ፡ ብራስለስ፡ ሮተርዳም፡ በርሊን፡ ስቶክሆልምን ካልኦት ከተማታት ምዕራብ ኤውሮጳን ኣብ ዝተኻየዱ ጉባኤታቱ ኮነ ኣብ ጉባኤታት ኣባላት ውድባቱ ክሳተፍ ጸሊሑ እዩ።

ኣብዚ ሕጂ ብሰልፊ ሶሻሊስት ስዊዘርላንድ (SP) ዝተኣንገደ ዓውደ-መጽናዕቲ ማዕርነት ጾታ፡ ኣስታት 100 መራሕቲ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ካብ 48 ሃገራት ዝተሳተፈኦ እዩ ነይሩ። ኣፍሪቃ ብሸውዓተ ኣባላት ሰልፍታት ተወኪላ ነይራ። ንሳተን ከኣ ካብ ካሜሩን፡ ኤርትራ/ሰዲህኤ፡ ጋና፡ ናይጀርያ፡ ኢስዋቲኒ (ናይ ቀደም ስዋዚላንድ)፡ ሞሮኮን ምዕራባዊ ሳህራን ነበራ። ቀንዲ ዛዕባ ናይቲ ዓውደ-መጽናዕቲ "ምስፋሕ ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ መሪሕነትን፡ ናይ ዓለምና ጸጥታን ሰላምን” ዝብል ነይሩ።                                                                                ኣባላት ልኡኽ ሰዲህኤ ኣብ ኮንፈረንስ ማዕርነት ጾታ ኣብ ሉዘርን፡ ስዊዘርላንድ

ብላዕለዎት ሓለፍቲ ናይቲ ዘአንገደ ሰልፊ (SP) ድሕሪ ናይ መኽፈቲ ቃላት ምቕራቡ፡ ኣወሃሃዲት ናይ ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ፡ ዝኾነት ፍሊፒናዊት ወ/ሮ ማክሪስ ካብሬሮስ፡  ቃልሲ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ኲለን ሃገራት ክድንፍዕ እናጸውዔት ነቲ ዓውደ-መጽናዕቲ ከፊታቶ። ናይ ስዊዘርላንድ ዴሳዊ ሰልፊ ብሓባራዊ ኣቦ-መንበርነት (co-chairmanship) ናይ ሰብኣይን ሰበይትን ዝምራሕ ምዃኑ ጠቒሳ ከኣ፡ እዚ ንኹሎም ኣባላት ሰልፍታት ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ ጽቡቕ ኣብነት እዩ ብምባል ንኢዳቶ። ከምኡ’ው ናይ መኽፈቲ መደረ ዘስምዓ ክልተ ኣደ-መንበራት (co-chairs) ግብረ-ሓይሊ ማዕርነት ጾታ፡ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ኩሉ መስርሓት ፖለቲካዊ ውሳኔታት ብማዕረ ደረጃ ሰብኡት ክካፈላ ከም ዝግባእ ኣትሪረን ተዛሪበን።

ካብኡ ብምቕጻል፡ ቀንዲ መደረ (kenote speech) ዘስመዐት፡ ወ/ሮ ሲሞኔታ ሶማሩጋ፡ ኣባል ዴሳዊ ሰልፊን ናይ ስዊዘርላንድ ፕረዚደንት-ነበርን ናብ መድረኽ ተዓዲማ። ኣብቲ ንኹለን ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ንመሰለንን ሓቀኛ ሓርነተንን ደው ክብላ ዘተባብዕ መደረኣ፡ ወ/ሮ ሶማሩጋ ንሃገራ ከም ሓንቲ ካብተን "ንስድራ ቤት ብዙሕ ዘይምቹኣት" ሃገራት ዓለም ገሊጻታ። ከምኡ'ውን ዳርጋ ንኹለን ሃገራት ዓለም በቲ “ነውራም ተግባር” ዝበለቶ ፍልልያት ኣብ ኣከፋፍላ ደሞዝ ንደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ነቒፋን ኮኒናን።

ወ/ሮ ማሪያን ሚኮ፡ ምክትል-ኣደ-መንበር ኮሚቴ ንምጥፋእ ምፍልላይ ኣንጻር ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ (UN CEDAW)፡ ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ኣብ ዓለም-ለኸ ሽምግልናታትን ዘቴታትን ካብ 50% ክውሕድ ከምዘይብሉ ኣትሪራ ተጣቢቓ። ወ/ሮ ማርሻ ሎፐዝ፡ ሚኒስተር ጉዳያት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ብራዚል ኣብ መደረኣ፡ "ብዘይ ፍትሒ ማሕበራዊ ሰላም የለን"፡ ከምኡ'ውን "ብዘይ ድምጺ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሓቀኛ ዲሞክራሲ ክህሉ ኣይክእልን እዩ" ኢላ።

እቲ ዓውደ-መጽናዕቲ ሰለስተ ናይ ልዝብ መድረኻት (panel discussions) ምስ ኣስታት 20 ኣቕረብቲ ዝነበሮ እዩ። ካብ ተሳተፍቲ ሕቶታትን ርእይቶታትን እውን ይቕበሉ ነይሮም። ቀንዲ ዛዕባታት ናይቲ ልዝባት 1) ኣብ ከምዚ ናይ ሎሚ ዘይተረጋግአ ዓለም ተሳትፎ ደቂ ኣንስትዮ ምድንፋዕ፡ 2) ኣብ ሶሻል ሚድያ ዝፍጸም ኣብ ጾታ ዝተመርኮሰ ዓመጽ ንምቅላስ ዝተወስዱ ትምህርታት፡ ከምኡ'ውን 3) ሰላም፡ ጸጥታ ከምኡ’ውን ብቕዓታት ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ምድንፋዕ ዓቢ ትኲረት ይግብኦም ኣጀንዳታት እዮም ዝብሉ ነይሮም።ዳርጋ ነፍሲ-ወከፍ ተዛራቢት፡ ንምስፋሕ ቃልሲ ማዕርነት ጾታ ዘዕዝዝ ሃብታም ተመክሮታትን ሓድሽ ሓሳባትን ሒዛ ቀሪባ። ማዕረ-ደረጃኡ ትምህርታውን መተባብዕን ንተሳተፍቲ ዝነበረ ድማ፡ እቲ ኣብ ጉጅለኣዊ ዕላላት ዝተኻየደ ምልውዋጥ ሓሳባትን ንቐጻሊ መራኸቢታት ምልውዋጥ ኣድራሻታትን እዩ ነይሩ። ከምኡ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ምትእስሳር ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ሰዲህኤ ካብ ሕጂ ንደሓር ምስ ኩሉ ምልውዋጥ ርእይቶታት ምስ ደቂ-ኣንስትዮ ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ ክህልዎ እዩ።

እቲ ብሓያል ተቓላሲት መሰላት ደቂ ኣንስትዮ’ውን ዝኾነት ብወ/ሮ ኣስገደት፡ ዝተመርሐ ኤርትራዊ ልኡኽ፡ ምስ ዓበይቲ ተሳተፍቲ ኮንፈረንስ ዝኾና ከም እኒ ቀንዲ መደረ ዘስመዐት ሶማሩጋ፣ ምስ ምክትል ኣደ-መንበር UN CEDAW፣ ምስ ኣተሓባባሪት Progressive Alliance ወ/ሮ ካብሬሮስን ካልኦት መራሕቲ ምንቅስቓሳት፡ ካእባኢ ዝርርባት ብምክያድ ነቲ ኣጋጣሚ ብጽቡቕ ተጠቒሙሉ፡፡

ተሳትፎ ኣብ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ስዊዘርላንድ

እቲ ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ፍጻመ ናይቲ ዝሓለፈ ቀዳመ-ሰንበት፡ ልኡኻት ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ ኣብቲ ወጻኢ ካብ ከተማ ሉዘርን ዝተኻየደ ስሩዕ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ሶሻሊስት ስዊዘርላንድ ምስታፎም እዩ ነይሩ። ኣብቲ ቦታ ጉባኤ ምስ በጽሑ፡ ናይ እንቋዕ ደሓን መጻእኩም ቃላት ብኣደ-መንበር ዴሳዊ ሰልፊ ስዊዘርላንድን ኣባል ቦርድ ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ ቀሪቡ። ምስ ኩለን ዲሞክራሲያውያንን ኣሓት ሰልፍታት ዘለዎም ጽኑዕ ምትሕግጋዝ ገሊጾም።  ብወገና፡ ኣተሓባባሪት ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ ንዴሳዊ ሰልፊ ስዊስ ዕዙዝ ምስጋና ኣቕሪባ።ተሳተፍቲ ፕሮግረሲቭ ኣላያንስ ኣብ ጉባኤ ሰልፊ ሶሻሊስት ስዊዘርላንድ ዝጸንሑሉ ኣስታት ሰለስተ ሰዓታት፡ እቲ ክትዕ ብዘይ ዝኾነ ጸገም፡ ብኣርባዕተ ቋንቋታት ስዊዘርላንድ – ማለት ጀርመን፡ ፈረንሳ፡ ጥልያን ሮማንሽ - ቀጺሉ። 70% ህዝቢ ስዊስ ብጀርመን፡ 20% ብቋንቋ ፈረንሳ፡ 9% ብጣልያን፡ እቲ 1% ከኣ ብሮማንሽ ዝበሃል ብቋንቋ ዝዛረብ ህዝቢ እዩ።

“ዓለምለኸ ፕሮጀክት ፍትሒ (WJP)” ዝተባህለ ኣህጉራዊ ትካል፡ ኣብ ዘውጸኦ ናይ 2025 ጸብጻብ መስርሕ ፍትሒ ኢትዮጵያ ብቕልጡፍ የንቆልቁል ከም ዘሎ ብ28 ጥቅምቲ 2025 ሓቢሩ። በቲ ጸብጻብ መሰረት ብደረጃ ዓለም ኣብ ዝተዋህበ ደረጃ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ 143 ሃገራት ኣብ መበል 142 ሰፊራ’ላ። እቲ ምንቁልቋል ብፍላይ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ 5 ዓመታ ክረአ ዝጸንሐ ኮይኑ፡ ካብ ናይ 2024 ድማ ብ2.4 ሚእታዊት ከም ዝነከየ ተገሊጹ።

እቲ ኣህጉራዊ ትካል ከም ዝገለጾ፡ እቲ ምንቁልቋል ፍትሒ ኣሻቓሊ ኮይኑ፡ ኣብ 2025 ኢትዮጵያ ንእትርከበን  65% ካብ ሃገራት ዓለም ከም ዝጸለወ ጠቒሱ። ብኣንጻርዚ ዲክታተርያዊ ምምሕዳራት ይስዕርሩ ከም ዘለዉ እውን ኣብቲ ጸብጻብ ሰፊሩ። ከም መርኣያ ናይዚ ተሓታትነት እንዳደኸመ ክኸይድ እንከሎ፡ ነጻነት መስርሕ ፍትሒ ከኣ ብደረጃ ዓለም ይብሕጎግ ከም ዘሎ እቲ ጸብጻብ ብተወሳኺ ኣጠንቂቑ።

ብዘይካ’ዚ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ 34 ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ትሕቲ ሰሃራ፡ መበል 30 ክትስራዕ እንከላ፡ ሩዋንዳ ካብ ዓለም ኣብ መበል 39 ክትሰፍር እንከላ፡ ናሚብያን ማውርሸን ከኣ ጽቡቕ ኣፈጻጽማ ምስ ዘለወን ላዕለዎት ተሰሪዐን ኣለዋ። እቲ ጸብጻብ ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ መዳይ ፍትሒ ናብዚ ደረጃ ምውራድ ኣካል ሓፈሻዊ ውድቀት ምዃኑ ጠቒሱ፡ ኣብ 2022 ካብ 140 ሃገራት ኣብ መበል 123 ምንባራ ገሊጹ እዚ ለውጢ ኣብታ ሃገር ናይ ምኽባር ስርዓትን ጸጥታን ምድኻም ከም ዘርኢ ኣገንዚቡ።

ኣብዚ ናይ 2025 ጸብጻብ ናይቲ ትካል፡ ኣብ ዝለዓለ ደረጃ ዝሰፈረን ሃገራት ብዝምልከት፡ ደንማርክ፡ ኖርወይ፡ ፊንላንድ፡ ሽወደንን ኒው ዘይላንድን ቅድሚት ተዘርዚረን ኣለዋ። ብኻልእ መልክዕ ከኣ ንኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ዓለም ዝተሓተ እቶት ኣለወን ካብ ዝበሃላ 16 ሃገራት  ኣብ መበል 13 ኣስፊርዋ።

Treaties and agreements that enable the world to move forward peacefully and cooperatively are those centered on national sovereignty, common existence, and mutual benefits. Some of these treaties apply to all nations, while others are bilateral or trilateral, governing specific countries. Bilateral agreements also have the potential to become part of international agreements. Therefore, these agreements and treaties protect our world from becoming a haven for the powerful and the violent. International and regional organizations are the ones that implement these treaties and agreements and prevent their violation. The United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, and IGAD are among the main ones.

A country has a process through which its sovereignty becomes acceptable to the international community. Eritrea also had a process through which it reached its current state, which some parties, due to the repressive PFDJ administration, wish to call a "country without sovereignty." However, although the path it has traveled has been challenging, the process by which Eritrea became sovereign was not only a successful domestic struggle but is also strengthened by various internationally recognized treaties and agreements. Among the treaties that have laid a solid foundation for Eritrean sovereign nationhood over the past 136 years, we can mention the following as examples:

1. Treaty of Wuchale, May 2, 1889: Signed by King Menelik II, recognizing Italy as the ruler of Eritrea.
2. July 10, 1896, Addis Ababa: An agreement reached between Menelik and Italy, in which Ethiopia acknowledged Eritrea's existence under Italian rule.
3. July 10, 1900, Addis Ababa: Signed between Italy and Ethiopia, agreeing to recognize Mereb, Belesa, and Munna as their border in the central zone connecting Eritrea and Ethiopia.
4. March 15, 1902: The treaty signed to clarify the eastern border zone connecting Eritrea and Ethiopia.
5. May 10, 1908: A treaty signed by the Emperor of Ethiopia with the then-ruling British government of Sudan to clarify the Eritrean-Sudanese border in the western part connecting Eritrea and Ethiopia.
6. August 16, 1928: Ethiopia recognized Italian rule in Eritrea and signed an agreement to live peacefully with it.
7. September 15, 1952: An agreement was signed for Eritrea and Ethiopia to be federated as two nations.
8. 1964, Addis Ababa: The Organization of African Unity reached an agreement to accept and continue the existing colonial borders of nations.
9. May 28, 1991: After the fall of the Derg regime, a provisional transitional protocol agreement was reached in London among the EPLF, TPLF, and the United States.
10. May 28, 1993: Following the results of the Eritrean referendum, Eritrea was registered as the 182nd sovereign state at the United Nations.
11. December 12, 2000, Algiers: Signed by President Isaias Afwerki and Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to end the 1998-2000 war and establish an independent border commission.
12. May 13, 2002: The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission officially announced its binding and final decision, which both countries had accepted in principle.

These agreements are not merely honored and implemented by the governments that signed them, only to be broken when the signatories pass away. Instead, they are binding on successive governments that come to power during the process of governmental power transition. This is because they are agreements reached not in the name of system officials but in the name of the nations and peoples that endure. Accordingly, the agreements signed between Eritrea and Ethiopia since the colonial era are not subject to change with shifts in regimes but must be respected and implemented without alteration. Governments should understand that such internationally recognized treaties concerning Eritrea and Ethiopia are not to be honored solely for one's narrow interests but are binding to avoid violating the interests and dignity of others.

The agreements signed between Eritrea and Ethiopia over the past 136 years have complemented each other and brought the history and sovereignty of Eritrea to its current state; they have not contradicted each other. However, history tells us that in the process, they were temporarily obstructed due to the interests and interpretations of powerful nations. At a crucial stage when Eritrea was supposed to be independent, it was forced to federate with Ethiopia against the will of its people. John Foster Dulles, then US Secretary of State, said, "From the standpoint of justice, the opinion of the Eritrean people should have been considered; however, taking into account the strategic interests of the United States in the Red Sea, as well as international security and stability, Eritrea must be linked with our ally Ethiopia." This was an example of coercion and big power hegemony.

In the escalating tension between Eritrea and Ethiopia, which threatens to erupt into war, one frequently cited argument is, "Ethiopia needs access to the sea." Indeed, it is undeniable that Ethiopia needs access to a port for import and export. However, claiming to "build a naval base" in a sea that is not yours is simply unacceptable because it violates international laws.

The issue of port access for a landlocked country has a legally supported process for implementation. Since Ethiopia is surrounded by neighboring countries with sea access, it has a wide range of options on how to become a port user. This is not something that is starting today; both Ethiopia and other landlocked countries have been working on this and continue to do so.

Without going far, we can refer to the recent situation of Uganda's use of the Kenyan port of Mombasa. What we observe today, jumping from "utilization to ownership" and attempting to seize and end Eritrea's sovereignty, is not consistent with Ethiopia's claim of being a "founding member of the United Nations and the African Union, as well as a signatory to various international and regional agreements and charters." Therefore, the people of Ethiopia should reflect on this matter rather than blindly following some wild claims uttered for political ends.