ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ ብዙሕ ካብ ዝጸዓረሎም፡ ግን ከኣ  ክሳብ ሕጂ ካብ ዘይተዓወተሎም፡ ቀጻልን ዝተኣማምንን ምትእኽኻብ ክፈጥር ዘይምብቅዑ እዩ። ምትእኽኻብ ተራ ናይ ትካላት፡ ሰባት፡ ውድባት ወይ ማሕበራት ብኣካል ብሓደ ምዃን ጥራይ ማለት  ዘይኮነ፡ በበይኑ ዝጸንሐ ሓሳባትን ግብርን  ናብ ሓደ ከተምጽእ ምኽኣል እዩ። እቶም ዝእከቡ ኣካላት ብዙሓት ድዮም ውሑዳት ኣይኮነን እቲ ቀንዲ ቁምነገር። እቲ ዝያዳ ዘገድስ ናይቲ ናብ ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ሒዘምዎ ዝመጹ ናይ ኣተሓሳስባ ኣገዳስነትን ብስለትን እዩ።

ውዳበታትን ሓሳባትን ምእካብ ኣገዳስን መሰረታውን ዝኸውን፡ ኣብ ከምዚ ኤርትራዊ ናይ ለውጢ ሓይልታት መሰረታዊ ለውጢ ንምምጻእ ንቃለሰሉ ዘለና ፖለቲካዊ ህሞት ጥራይ ኣይኮነን። ኣብ ካልእ ዓውድታትን ጽፍሕታትን ዝዝውተር፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ፡ ቁጠባውን ማሕበራውን ንጥፈታትን’ውን ፍቱን መሳለጢ እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ዝተበተነ ዓቕምን ኣተሓሳስባን ስለ ዘየደምዕ። ካብዚ ነቒሎም እዮም ከኣ ወለድና ንኣገዳስነት ዓቕምኻ ምጥርናፍ ንክገልጹ “ኣጻብዕ ምስ ዝሓብራ፡ ኣርቃይ የጸንብዓ”  ዝበሉ። ክእከብ ዝግበኦ ሓይሊ ውዳቤበታትን ኣተሓሳስባኡን ምስ ዘይእከብ  ኣየድምዕን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንድሕሪት ዝጐትትን ዘረሓሕቕን እውን ይኸውን።

ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡ ሕብረት ኢውሮጳ፡ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኢጋድን ካለኦት ኣብ ዓለምና ዘለዉ ዞባውን ከባብያውን ኣካላትን መሰረታዊ ምኽንያት መቆሚኦም፡  ዋላ ዝተፈላለዩ መልከዓትን ስፍሓትን ይሃልዎም ፋሕ ዝበለ ዓቕምን ኣተሓሳስባን ኣብ ሓደ ኣምጺእካ ኣድማዒ ዓቕሚ ንምፍጣር ዝተደኮኑ እዮም። ኣብ መንጎ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራትን፡ ካለኦት ደረጃታትን ዝግበር ዝምድናን ምድግጋፍን እውን ካብዚ ዝተፈልየ ዕላማ የብሉን። እቲ ሰብን ሓሳብን ኣኪብካ  ዝፍጠር ዓቕሚ ብነገራዊ ውጽኢት ጥራይ ዝልካዕ ዘይኮነ፡ ጉዳይ ሰላም፡ ምርግጋእን ተኸኣኢልካ  ምንባርን  እውን፡ ካልእ ገጽ ናይቲ ኣድላይነቱ እዩ። እቲ ከነረጋግጾ ንቃለሰሉ ዘለና፡ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራን ናይ ካለኦት ናይ ለውጢ ዓቕምን ኣተሓሳስባን፡ መወሃሃዲ መድረኻት ምፍጣር ብቐሊሉን ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜን ዝፍጠሩ ከምዘይኮኑ ንሓልፎ ዘለና መስርሕ እዩ። ማዕረቲ ሃገርና እትጠልቦ ህጹጽነት ለውጢ  ከምዘየለና ድማ እምነትና እዩ።

መስርሕ ሓድነት  ናይ ኩሎም እቶም ሰብን ሓሳብን ዘዋጽኡ ወገናት ሓላፍነታዊ ኣበርክቶን ተወፋይነትን ዝሓትት እዩ። ምኽንያቱ ውዳበን ሓሳብን  ምእካብ ናይ ብዙሓት በበይኑ ድሌታት ናብ ሓደ  ሓባራዊ ድሌት ምምጻእ ስለ ዝኾነ። ኣብቲ መስርሕ ንሓደ ኣካል ካብቶም ተወሃሃድቲ ምሉእ ብምሉእ ኣሕጒስካ ነቲ ካልእ ከኣ ብኽንድኡ ደረጃ ካብቲ ሕብረት ከምዘይጥቀም ካብ ምግባሩ ጥንቃቐን ውሕልነትን ዝሓትት እዩ። እቲ ዝምስረት ሕብረት ቀጻልነት ምእንቲ ክህልዎ፡ ቀጻሊ ሓለዋን ምክትታልን የድልዮ። ምኽንያቱ በብግዜኡ ዝጸልዉዎ ሓደስቲ ምዕባለታት ስለ ዝፍጠሩ፡ ነዞም ምዕባለታት እናተኸታተልካ ብምሕዳስ ምስ ግዜ ምጉዓዝ ኣድላይ ስለ ዝኸውን። ቅድም ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ህያው ምዃኑ፡ ቀጺሉ ከኣ እቲ መስርሕ ብግቡእ ምቕጻሉን ዘይምቕጻሉን ብቕዓትን ሓልዮትን ፖለቲካዊ መራሕቲ ዝፍተነሉ እዩ። እቲ እምነ-መሰረት ናይ ሓቢርካ ምቅላስ ምንባር ደሓር ግና ብሰንኪ ተኸናኺንካ ዘይምሓዙ ንድሕሪት ናይ ምምላሱ ሓደጋ ኤርትራዊ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኣብ ናይ ገዛእ ርእስና ተመኩሮ ዝረኣናዮ ግና ክሳብ ሕጂ ክንድቲ ክብደቱ ክንመሃረሉ ዘይከኣልና እዩ።

ናብቲ ኣገዳስን መሰረታውን ጭብጥና፡ መስርሕ ምምጻእ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ናብ ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ነተኩር። እተን ብሓባር ዘስርሐን መድረኽ ንምፍጣር ኣብ ቃልሲ ዝርከባ ዘለዋ ሰልፍታትናን ውድባትናን ናይ ኩለን ሃምን ቀልብን መጻኢ ህዝብን ሃገርን ኤርትራ፡ እዚ ሎሚ ዘሎ ገሃነብ ምምሕዳር ተወጊዱ ብራህዋ ዝትከኣሉ ኩነታት ምፍጣር ዝመሰረቱ እዩ። ናብዚ ዕግበት ዘምጸአን ከኣ እቲ ኣብ ቅድሚአን ዘሎ ኣብ ኤርትራ ለውጢ ናይ ምምጻእ መሰረታዊ ዕላማ በበይንኻ ኮይንካ ክረጋገጽ ከምዘይክእል ዘለወን ዕግበት እዩ። እሞ እዚ ብኸመይ ይረጋገጽ ኣብ ዝብል ዝርዝር ግና ዘሰማምዕ ኮነ ዝፈላሊ ሓሳባት ኣለወን። እቲ ዘሰማምዐን ካብቲ ዝፈላልየን ከም ዝበዝሕን ከም ዝሕይልን ግና ኣብ ብዙሕ መድረኻ ዝተገልጸን ንሳተን እውን ዘይክሕደኦን እዩ። ልኡላውነት ኤርትራ ምዕቃብ፡ ህግደፍን ኣተሓሳስባኡን ምውጋድ፡ ብመሰጋገሪ መድረኽ ኣቢልካ፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መጻኢ ዕድላቱ ዝውስነሉ ሕገ-መንግስቲ ዘጽድቐሉን ብዲሞክራስያዊ ምርጫ ንዓኡ ዝምእዘዝ መንግስቲ ምምስራትን ዝኣመሰሉን ካብቶም ሰልፍታትናን ውድባትናን ዝሰማምዕሎም ጉዳያት እዮም። እቲ ካልእ ኣገዳሲ ጉዳይ፡ ዳርጋ ኩሉ እቲ ዝፈላልየን ኣብዚ ህግደፍ  ንምውጋድ ዝካየድ መስርሕ ቀዳማይ ምዕራፍ ዝትግበር ዘይኮነ፡ ኣብቲ ኤርትራ ብመንን በየናይ ኣተሓሳስባን ትምራሕ ዝብል፡ ካብ መድረኽ ምስግጋር ዝጅምር ካለኣይ ምዕራፍ ምዃኑ እዩ። እዚ ምዕራፍዚ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት የዋጽእ ዝብለኦ ሓሳብ ዘቕርባሉ ኮይኑ፡ ብቐንዱ፡ ጉዳያት ብህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝውስነሉ እዩ።

ኣይኮነንዶ ኣብ መንጎ ፖለቲካዊ ሰልፍታትን ውድባትን፤ ኣብ መንጎ ተራ ሰባት እውን ፍልልይ ኣሎ። ናይ ፍልልዮም መሰረት፡ ዕድመ፡ ጾታ፡ ሃይማኖት፡ ፖለቲካዊ እምነት፡ ዝነብርሉ ከባብን ካልእን ክኸውን ይኽእል። ምስዚ ኩሉ ፍልልያቶም ግና ኣሳንዮም፡ ሓዳር ክምስርቱ፡ ክነግዱ፡ ክመሃሩ፡ ኮታ ኣብ ብዙሕ መዳያት ሓቢሮም ከድምዑ ልሙድ እዩ። ነዚ ዝበቕዑ ከኣ እቲ ዝነበሮም ፍልልይ ስለ ዘወግድዎ ዘይኮነ፡ ካብ ነቲ ዝፈላልዮም፡ ነቲ ዘሰማምዖም ቀዳምነት ስለ ዝሰርዕዎ ጥራይ እዩ።  ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ከባቢታትን ግዝያትን ዘጋጠሙ ፖለቲካዊ ፍልልያት እውን ብኸምዚ መልክዕ እዮም ክውገኑ ጸኒሖምን ንመጻኢ ዝቕጽሉን። እዚ ዘርእዮ ድማ ናይቶም ተዋሳእቲ ናይ ምክእኣልን ሕድገታትን ብቕዓት እዩ። ካብዚ ነቒሉ ናብ ደንበ ተቓውሞና “እዚ ናይ ምጽውዋር መስርሕ ስለምንታይ ደኣ ኣብዚ ነካይዶ ዘለና ቃልሲ ዘይነዘውትሮ?” ዝብል ሕቶ እንተ ቀሪቡ መልስና እንታይ ከም ዝኸውን ፍሉጥ ኣይኮነን። ቅድም ድኽመትካን ሕጽረትካን ምቕባል፡ ደሓር ብኣኡ ተበራቢርካ  ምቕጻል’ዩ፡ ዝብል መልሲ ብቑዕ እዩ።

ዝኾነ መስርሕ በቲ ኣብ ከባቢኡ ብዘሎ   ምዕባለ ዝጽለው እዩ። ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ንምምጻእ ንገብሮ ዘለና ቃልሲ’ውን ከም መስርሕ ርሑቕ ከይከድና፡ በዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ ሱዳን፡ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሶማልያን ካለኦትን እናሓደረ ዝገድድ ዘሎ ተርእዮታት ይጽሎ እዩ። እቲ ጽልዋታት ናቱ መንገዲ ስለ ዘለዎ ጠጠው እነብሎ ኣይኮነን። ነቲ ከኸትሎ ዝኽእል ሓደገኛት ሳዕቤን ብኸመይ ሓቢርና ንቕረበሉ ግና፡ ንዓና ዝምልከትን ግድን ክንሰርሓሉ ዝግበኣናን እዩ። ናይ ሓባር መድረኽ ክንፈጥር እንተበቒዕና ከኣ  ዘድልየና መሳርሒ ምውናና ዘመልክት እዩ።

Thursday, 21 April 2022 23:58

Dimtsi Harnnet Kassel 21.04.2022

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Thursday, 21 April 2022 09:21

Britain’s Gambit With Rwanda on Refugees

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By Nosmot Gbadamosi

 

Britain on Thursday unveiled a plan to send asylum-seekers to Rwanda in a deal that will almost certainly face legal challenges. In return for an upfront payment of 120 million pounds (about $157 million) the Rwandan government will take responsibility for asylum-seekers, excluding children, who seek refuge in the United Kingdom via irregular migration routes.

Refugee organizations and some British civil servants immediately criticized the plan as “cruel” and “callous.” As recently as last year, the British government raised concerns at the United Nations over Rwanda’s human rights record, calling for “independent investigations into allegations of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and torture.”

The deal being proposed by British Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s government has in some ways already been attempted and failed. The Israeli government offshored several thousands of asylum-seekers to Rwanda between 2014 and 2017, and it abandoned the scheme when it emerged that almost all ended up in the hands of people smugglers and were subjected to slavery when traveling back to Europe. It is clear that sending asylum-seekers to Rwanda will not reduce the role of traffickers, who will continue to prey on persecuted people who have no legal routes into the U.K. to claim asylum.

Rwanda’s opposition leaders have denounced Britain’s shamelessness as the country struggles to host over 127,000 refugees—of whom 90 percent live in camps. “How could a richer, bigger country be unable to host refugees and think they could just dump them in Rwanda because they have money. It is unacceptable,” Frank Habineza, president of the Democratic Green Party and member of Parliament, told the East African.

In the past few months, Britain’s Home Secretary Priti Patel had attempted to close a similar deal with democratic countries like Ghana and Kenya, but both rejected it in the face of heavy criticism from their citizens. Patel and Johnson then found a more willing (if less palatable) partner in Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who has no such qualms about domestic opposition.

As journalist Michela Wrong, who has been covering Rwanda since the genocide, argues in her book Do Not Disturb, Kagame is an authoritarian governing permanently, because “every election in Rwanda is rigged.” (In 2017, Kagame managed to win 99 percent of the vote.)

Kagame, who seized power in the wake of the 1994 genocide, has been lauded by many leaders abroad, even as he rules with an iron fist at home. Former U.S. President Bill Clinton called Kagame “one of the greatest leaders of our time,” while Britain’s former Prime Minister Tony Blair declared him a “visionary leader.”

On the exterior, Rwanda appears a seemingly robust economy with rapid growth and improvements in health and education under a progressive Parliament in which roughly 60 percent of lawmakers are women. It ranked 38th on ease of doing business in a World Bank survey of 190 nations in 2020.

But as Kavitha Surana wrote in Foreign Policy in 2017, “there is a sort of Pleasantville quality to the country.” Behind the veneer is a regime critics describe as a brutal dictatorship.

Kagame’s political opponents have raised concerns over the killings and disappearances of opposition members at home and abroad. In Belgium, an exiled Rwandan politician was found floating in a canal in 2005, and in 2011 London’s metropolitan police warned a number of defectors they faced an “imminent threat” of assassination by Rwandan government agents. In 2021, a Rwandan ex-army officer was gunned down in Mozambique. The U.S. State Department recently cited politically motivated forced disappearances by the Rwandan military intelligence in its country report. 

In 2021, Paul Rusesabagina—who was immortalized in the 2004 film Hotel Rwanda—was imprisoned on terrorism charges after calling for “any means possible to bring about change” in a widely circulated video in 2018. “Rwanda is a country that has never known democracy. Kagame has exhibited many characteristics of the classic African strongman since taking power. He was elected with 95% of the vote and there is nobody in the world that can call results like that a free election and keep a straight face,” Rusesabagina wrote in a 2006 memoir.

Despite such accusations, British support for Kagame appears unwavering. As two of Rwanda’s highest-profile opposition leaders put it when French President Emmanuel Macron visited Kigali in May last year, “there are good dictators and bad dictators.”

Rwanda’s Western backers are perhaps not fooled by Kagame’s laundered image but choose to ignore it because of his reputation as an effective leader who is always ready to assist U.S. and European governments. Rwandan troops provide much-needed security services in Mozambique and the Central African Republic. Under a deal funded by the European Union, Rwanda has taken in evacuees from Libya and offered temporary asylum to hundreds from Afghanistan in transit to the United States.

Yet, even before the ink dries on the U.K. deal, the Rwandan government is revealing what lies beneath its seemingly benevolent facade. Kigali is much less willing to welcome refugees from neighboring countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi, Uganda, and Tanzania. Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Vincent Biruta said on Thursday during a media conference in Kigali, “We would prefer not to receive people from neighboring countries.”

Ignoring Rwanda’s double standard, Johnson called the plan an “innovative approach” driven by a “shared humanitarian impulse” that will provide “safe and legal routes for asylum.” But, more significantly, he said that the deal would act as a “deterrent” to those illegally crossing the English Channel.

The plan is contingent on the passage of Britain’s Nationality and Borders Bill currently being reviewed by Parliament. In the meantime, Kagame under the Rwandan Constitution, revised in 2015, can serve until 2034 as the head of what has become a de facto single-party state.

Evidence emerges of war crimes by forces allied to Abiy Ahmed’s government

Source: Economist


Apr 13th 2022
ADDIS ABABA

The lucky ones were frogmarched onto buses and driven across the river. The less fortunate were slung into detention camps and left there to rot. Others were murdered in the streets or hacked to death as they cowered in their homes. “We don’t need a single one of them any more,” a militiaman told a foreign researcher last year. “They cannot be trusted.”

Since the start of Ethiopia’s bloody civil war 18 months ago, there have been frequent allegations of ethnic cleansing targeting people from the northern region of Tigray. Antony Blinken, America’s secretary of state, first levelled this charge more than a year ago, infuriating the government of Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister, which strongly denied it. Because the government has imposed a tight blockade of the region, it has been hard to assess the claims of atrocities. But some horrifying hints have emerged, such as the corpses with their hands bound that have washed up on river banks in Sudan.
Now a thorough investigation by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, two pressure groups, leaves little doubt of the enormities committed by government forces and their allies. The joint report, published on April 6th, concludes that authorities from the Amhara region have systematically killed or evicted hundreds of thousands of ethnic Tigrayans from territory seized from Tigray since the start of the war. The campaign, carried out with the connivance of federal authorities, was as methodical as it was brutal. Notices ordering Tigrayans to leave were pinned around towns. Freshly appointed Amhara officials handed out title deeds for plots of stolen land. Identification cards were given to new Amhara arrivals, but denied to Tigrayans, who were prevented from receiving aid and government services. The new authorities even granted permits for shipments of looted sesame, a lucrative cash crop at the heart of the territorial dispute between the two regions.
This matters not only because of the frightful human toll. The contested area, known officially as Western Tigray before the war, is now arguably the biggest obstacle to ending the conflict. “It’s definitely the thorniest issue,” says a senior official of the ruling party. Both sides have long claimed this land. Both are hardening their stances. Just days before the report was published Amhara investigators announced the discovery of mass graves, which they allege contain the remains of Amharas murdered decades ago by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (tplf), the party-cum-militia that runs Tigray.
Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans are starving. A “humanitarian truce” that started on March 24th is already teetering. The government has allowed just one aid convoy to enter Tigray (the first since mid-December) and has been withholding permission for more until the tplf withdraws to Tigray. The tplf wants aid to flow freely before it pulls back entirely, ideally in tandem with the withdrawal of Amhara forces from Western Tigray. Without a breakthrough to ease the blockade, the horror of ethnic cleansing will be matched by an equally grotesque abuse: deliberate, mass starvation.

Source: Al-Monitor

Mariam al-Mahdi

April 7, 2021

CAIRO — The round of negotiations on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam between the Egyptian, Sudanese and Ethiopian ministers of water and irrigation concluded April 6 without agreement in Kinshasa, Congo. No consensus was even reached to continue the diplomatic process to settle the unresolved disputes over the filling and operation of the dam.

Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Ahmed Hafez said in a press statement after the meetings ended, “The meeting has not achieved any progress and will not result in an agreement on relaunching the negotiations. Ethiopia refused the Egyptian and Sudanese proposal to form an international quartet led by the Democratic Republic of Congo as mediator between the three countries.” He also said, “Ethiopia also refused a proposition that Egypt made during the closing session and Sudan supported to resume negotiations under the wing of the Congolese president and with the participation of observers.”

He added, “The Ethiopian stance once again proves the lack of Ethiopia’s well-intentioned political willingness to negotiate. It is stalling and procrastinating, and it is clinging to a formal and ineffective negotiation mechanism.”

The round of talks was held in Congo because the country now heads the African Union Commission. The three-day talks between the ministers of water and irrigation of Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia began April 4 after Ethiopia insisted on proceeding with the second stage of filling the dam reservoir during the flood season in July and retaining around 13.5 billion cubic meters of water.

The Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs blamed Sudan and Egypt for the failure of the talks and seeking to “undermine the AU-led process and take the matter out of the African platform,” adding that the scheduled second filling of the dam will proceed as scheduled.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi released statements that directly threatened and warned against any measures that infringe upon Egyptian interests in Nile water.

The talks aimed at determining the approach, process and timing of negotiations, in addition to mechanisms ensuring commitment to them to secure constructive negotiations and overcome the stalemate that has cast a shadow over the talks since the sponsorship of the African Union began in June 2020. The objective was to reach a comprehensive and legally binding agreement on the filling and operation of the dam in a way that would ensure the interests of the three countries and maintain the rights of the two downstream countries, avoiding the creation of risks or damages for Egypt and Sudan when the dam stores water.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry said during the first session of the Kinshasa talks April 4 that the negotiations “are the last chance to reach an agreement on the operation and filling of the dam before the next flood season.”

An Egyptian technical source who participated in the Kinshasa meetings told Al-Monitor, “The Egyptian delegation attended the Kinshasa meetings based on instructions from the political leadership to offer several alternative solutions to the remaining points of contention through serious dialogue and diplomatic means. The Egyptian suggestions were backed by Sudan and observers participating in the meetings.”

The source added on condition of anonymity, “A detailed report about the meetings and their outcomes will be presented, and the situation will be assessed, given the failure to reach an agreement and the Egyptian political leadership’s halt of negotiations. Moving forward, Egypt has several scenarios to deter any attempts to impose a fait accompli and sabotage the Nile water.”

During the talks, Sudanese Foreign Minister Mariam al-Mahdi had warned against unilateral measures that Ethiopia might take in filling the dam reservoir. In statements cited by the Sudan News Agency, she said Ethiopia’s first filling of the dam “unilaterally resulted in a week of thirst, and it negatively affected irrigation and the animal wealth needs. By proceeding with the second filling despite Sudan’s warnings, Ethiopia would be achieving short-term political gains.” She said, “Sudan refuses any unilateral filling of the dam because a conflict over resources would mean an unwanted future for Africa.”

Mohamed Nasreddin Allam, a former Egyptian minister of water resources, told Al-Monitor, “If Ethiopia proceeds with the second filling without Egypt and Sudan’s approval, it would be somewhat declaring war.”

Hani Raslan, an expert at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, told Al-Monitor, “Ethiopia has made its own bed by proceeding with the second filling in any case. Egypt is unlikely to accept that another state controls the fate and lives of 100 million Egyptians. The Ethiopian leadership is responsible for dragging the region into an unjustified conflict.”

Raslan said, “There were many opportunities to reach consensual solutions to cooperate in the eastern Nile and achieve the interests of all parties by generating electricity to Ethiopia and not harming the water supplies of Egypt and Sudan, thus avoiding a conflict that would be costly for all. However, Ethiopia has dealt with the GERD issue as a zero-sum game, without caring about peaceful coexistence with its neighbors.” The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is also known by its initials, GERD.

He said any decision to launch a military attack on the dam could strengthen Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration “amid the conflicts and divisions inside Ethiopia, particularly with the nearing elections.”

With the failure of the negotiations, international law expert Musaed Abdel Aty told Al-Monitor, “Egypt and Sudan have a legal commitment to return to the Security Council, under Article 7, and brief it by giving a unified speech that includes a legal and technical narration of what happened during the negotiation rounds under African Union auspices. Their briefing must describe the current situation in the region and Ethiopia’s clear and direct threats to peace and security, and it must urge the council to fulfill its role and issue a decision to stop the second filling until a satisfactory agreement that guarantees the interests and rights of the downstream countries is reached.”

He added, “The Kinshasa talks revealed the Ethiopian recklessness and foiling of any chance at peaceful settlement of the conflict by refusing international mediation. This is a violation of the rules of international law.”

Before the meetings, Sisi had addressed the Congolese president in a letter in which he said Egypt was striving for an agreement to be reached fairly quickly, before the flood season.

Abdel Aty said, “Sisi’s discourse carried several connotations about Egypt’s respect for the African Union’s efforts and quest to solve the dispute through diplomatic and peaceful means.”

Coincidentally with the meetings of the ministers of water and irrigation in Kinshasa, the chief of staff of Egypt’s armed forces, Mohamed Hegazi, was in Sudan attending the end of air maneuvers of the Nile Eagles 2 exercise, in which top Egyptian fighter jets participated, at Merowe air base. The exercise follows the Nile Eagles 1 maneuvers held in November. Hegazi said, “Egypt stands by the Sudanese army. We are in the same boat, and we look forward to a promising and secure future.”

ኣቦመንበር ኮሚሽን ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ሙሳ ፋቂ ማሃማት ኣብ መንጎ ሩሲያን ዩክረይንን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ውግእ ብሰላማዊ መንግዲ ንክፍታሕ መጸዋዕታ ከምዘቕረቡ መርበብ ሓበሬታ “ኣልዓይን” ሓቢራ። እቶም ኣቦመንበር ናይቲ ኮሚሽን ብስልኪ ምስ ሚኒስተር ወጻይ ጉዳይ ሩሲያ ሰርገይ ላብሮቭ ኣብ ዘካየድዎ ዝርርብ፡ ዓለም ለኻዊ ሕግታት ንክኽበር ከም ዝሓተቱ እቲ ዜና ገሊጹ።

ናይ ሩሲያ ወጻኢ ጉዳይ ሚኒስተር ምስ ኣቦመንበር ኮሚሽን ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ብዛዕባ ዘካይድዎ ዝርርብ ብግሎም ኮነ ብደረጃ መንግስቲ ዝበልዎ ከምዘየለ እቲ ዜና ብተወሳኺ ጠቒሱ። በኻልእ ወገን ድማ ኣሜሪካ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ምስ ዩክረይ ክውግናኳ ክትጉስጉስ እንተጸንሐት ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ግና ዝተፈላለዩ መርገጻት እየን ሒዘን።

ንሩሲያን ዩክረይንን ኣብ ዝምልከት ኣብ ዝተኻየደ ሓፈሽእዊ ኣኼባ ውድብ ሕቡራት ሃገራት፡  ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ገሊአን ንሩሲያ ክድግፋ እንከለዋ ገሊአን ከኣ ንዩክረይን ደጊፈን። ኣብዚ ቀረባ መዓልታት ኣብ ኤምባሲ ሩሲያ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ውግእ ሩሲያ ንምስላፍ ብዝብል ብዙሐት ኢትዮጵያውያን ተሰሪዖም ምርኣዮም ኣዛራቢ ኮይኑ ከምዘሎ እቲ ዜና ጠቒሱ።

ኤምባሲ ሩሲያ ነቲ መስርዕ ኣብ ዝምልከት ኣብ ዝሃቦ ርኢቶ ሩሲያ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝኾነይኹን ናይ ወተሃደራዊ ምምልማል መደብ ከም ዘየብላ ገሊጹ። ኤምባሲ ዩክረይን ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ግና ሩሲያ ኣይሰለጣን እምበር ኢትዮጵያውያን ክትምልምል ትፍትን ከም ዘላ ገሊጹ። መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ብዛዕባዚ ተረኽቦ ነጽነዖ ኣለና ካብ ምባል ሓሊፉ ዝበሎ የለን፣

በቲ ኮነ በዚ ሃገራት ኣብ ምድጋፍ ሩሲያን ዩክረይንን ተኸፋፊለን ቀጺለን ኣለዋ። ዩክረይ ኣባል ቃልኪዳን ሰሜን ኣትላንቲ ክትከውን ዝገበረቶ ፈተነ ተኸቲሉ ዝተባርዐ ውግእ ክልቲአን ሃገራት ብዝኸፈአ መልክዑ ቀጺሉ ኣሎ።

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